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FIFTEENTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART II. 

THE 

MANUSCRIPTS 

OP 

J. ELIOT HODGKIN, ESQ., P.S.A., 

OF 

RICHMOND, SURREY. 



Prctfmtdf to batt Hauiti of ^axlixmmt hn CommaiOr of fter tSULjMui. 



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LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE, 

BY BYRB AND 8POTTI8WOODB. 

PBIITTBRS TO THB QUBBN'S MOST EXOBLLBVT MAJB8TT. 

And to be purchased* either directly or through any Bookseller, flroin 

BTRB AHD 8POTTISWOODB, Bast Hakdiho Strbbt, Fleet Stbbbt, B.O.,and 

82. ABiKeDoir Stbebt, Westmihbteb, S.W.; or 

JOHN MBNZIBS ft Co., 12. Hanov^bb Stbbbt^ EDiBBUBeH.and 

90. West NiiiS Stbbbt, Glasgow ; or 
HODGES, FIGGIS, A Co.. Limited. 104, Gbaftob btrbbt, Dublib. 



[a— 8327.] Pnce 1*. Sd. 



1897. 



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C ONTENTS. 



PAGE 

I. Manuscript Books ----- 2 

II. Lettebs and Documents, 1557 to 1788 - - 23 

III. Papers rblatr^g to Charles I. and the Civil Wars 93 

IV. „ ;, ChAELKS II. IN EXILE - - 107 

V. Letters of Sib Bebnabd (jascoiqne • - 125 

IV. Pepys Papers - - - - - 153 

VII. Danby Papers - - - - 185 

VIII. Ormonde Papers - - - - - .202 

IX. Jacobite Papers - - - • - 218 

X. Miscellanecus Papers - * - - 251 

XI. D'BoN Papers - - , - - 352 



a 8842S. 



THE MANUSCRIPTS 

OF 

J. ELIOT HODGKIN. ESQ., F.S.A., 

OP CHILDWALL, RICHMOND, SURREY. 



This collection of papers belongs to the class usually spoken of as 
" made collections " by connoisseurs of historical archives, in contra- 
distinction to the accumulations of manuscripts that have slowly proceeded 
during successive centuries from the correspondence and business 
transactions of historic families or ancient corporations. Resembling^ 
all other similar collections, in that its multifarious evidences lack the 
particular continuity that contributes so largely to the enjoyment with 
which a student examines the muniments of an ancient family or 
corporate body, Mr. Hodgkin's assemblage of documents is also 
characterised by the piquant and animating diversity that is one of the 
usual and peculiar qualities of ** made collections." In other respect» 
it merits commendation. The proportion of valueless matter i» 
small, and its multifarious treasures have been annotated with much 
learning and literary address by their owner, who knows thoroughly 
the manuscripts in which he delights, and has illustrated most of them 
with explanatory comments. 

With the single exception of a thirteenth century copy of Magna' 
Oharta, which was acquired by Mr. Hodgkin since my inspection of 
his MSS., none of the collector's writings came into existence b^ore the 
fifteenth century. Consisting of (1) a contemporary copy on vellum of 
the Oath of Allegiance and Fealty to Henry VI., taken by Richard;, 
third Duke of York, in St. Paul's Cathedral on March 10th, 1452 (a 
most interesting document) ; (2) a Grant of Arms made in 1470 to 
Thomas Elys, gentleman, by William Hawkeslowe, ** otherwyse called 
Clarenceux King Armes of the South marches of Englande"; (.3) a 
Writ under the Signet and Sign Manual of Henry VII., dated en- 
December 1st, 1496, and addressed to Maieter Simound Stalworth, 
Sub-Dean of Lincoln Cathedral, who was thereby required to lend 
the King 20/. by way of benevolence, toward the further sum of 
40,000/., needful for the vigorous prosecution of the war against the 
King of Scots and the invasion of the kingdom of Scotland; and 
(4) four MS. Books, the writings of the fifteenth century are no 
more than seven. The sixteenth century manuscripts number in all. 
53 ; the seventeenth-century manuscripts, including thirteen books, are 
378 in number ; the writings of the eighteenth century, inclusive of 
the 65 matters touching the Chevalier D'Eon, number 209; whilst 
the collection contains no more than 14 writings penned in the nine- 
teenth century. In dealing with tliese 661 manuscripts or sets of 
a 88428. Wt. . Jt 



2 

manuscripts, I hare divided them into 1 1 groups, and exhibited their 
contents in 11 several calendars, under the following heads : — 

(a.) Books : — MS. Books and Printed Books enriched with MS. 

Notes. 
(6.) Select Letters and Documents, 
(c.) Writings touching Charles Land the Civil War, 
(d,) Writings touching Charles II. in exile, 
(e.) Draft letters of Sir Bernai'd Gascoigne. 
(/.) Pepys Papers. 
(g.) Danby Papers. 
(A.) Ormonde Papers, 
(t.) Jacobite and Pretender Papers, 
ik,) Miscellaneous Writings, 
(i.) D'Eon Papers, &c. 

In thus dividing my notes of, and extracts from, the multifarious 
^documents, I have aimed at making them more attractive to all perusers 
of this report, and have also done my best to preserve the more studious 
searchers of the report from overlooking important entries, which they 
would be more likely to miss in looking through the pages of a single 
lengthy catalogue. 

John Cordy Jeaffreson. 



I. Books ^— -MS. Books and Printed Books enriched 
WITH MS. Notes; 

I'hough they are interesting features of this division of the Hodgkin 
MSS., the four books of the fifteenth century, to wit: (1) the Large 
^ Folio (90 paper leaves) of Sacred, Ecclesiastical, and Secular History, 
written in or about 1475 A.D. ; (2) tlie French Treatise on Althemy 
a quarto of 77 paper leaves; (3) the Quarto Latin History of Alexander 
the Great, containing 59 vellum leaves ; and (4) the Abbreviated Latin 
History of Alexander the Great, a small foHo of twelve vellum leaves 
are of no great moment to serious labourers in historical research. 
— Opening with a fine example of the Aldine Editio Princeps of Herodoti 
Libri Novem (1502), that belonged to Erasmus and was given by him 
to Antonius Clave, and contains gevernl MS. notes by the hand 
of Erasmus, and also MS. notes in the minute and beautiful hand- 
writing of Levittus Ammonius, to whom Antonius Clava bequeathed 
the volume, the sixteenth-century books comprise other printed books, 
that are here rated as manuscripts in consideration of their MS. 
notes by famous persons, to wit: (1) copy of the 1503 Aldine Edition 
8vo. of Euripides Greece, containing a fine example of Philip 
Melancthon's penmanship j (2) copy of the 1514 Aldine Edition 8vo. of 
firgilii Opera ; (3) copy of the rare counterfeit Aldine Edition 
Joviani Po7itaniy 8vo., containing MS. notes by the pen of Philip 
Melancthon, to whom the volume formerly belonged ; (4) copy of the 
1517 Aldine Edition of Homeri Ulyssea, 8vo., a volume containing a 
large number of notes and marginal references by Melancthon's pen, 
that was used by him in his lectures to his pupils at Wittemberg in 
1518, and was given by him to Luther in. 1519; (5) copy of the 1517 
Aldine Edition of Homeri I lias 8vo. containing MS. notes and 
marginal references, that like the already mentioned copy of the Ulyssea 
was used by Melancthon in his lectures to his pupils at Wittemberg, 
and was given by him in 1519 to Luther ; (6) copy of the 1521 Aldine 



EdittOQ of Homeri Ilias^ containing a largo number of notes in 
Melancthon's handwriting; (7) copy of Joan ' Froben's Proverhia 
Salomonis Hehraice et Latine, containing numerous MS. notes by 
Philip Melanctbon ; (8) Biblia Veteris et Novi Testamentiy con- 
taining MS. annotations in the. handwriting of Melancthon, to whom 
the v(5ume belonged ; (9) copy of Philip Melancthon's Loci Proecipui 
Theologict, 8vo., 1556, containing on the inside of the first cover 
a passage from the Greek of Gregory Nazienzen, transcribed by 
Melancthon ; (10) copy of the small 8vo 1558 edition of the same 
work ; and (11) presentation copy of Melancthon's Chranicon Carionis 
Latine Expositum et Anctum ^c, with inscription by Melancthon's 
pen. Of the manuscripts written or begun in the sixteenth century, 
notice may be taken in this summary of (1) Articuli De Germanis 
MilttibusGregariis .... a viro clctrissimo Peiro Pappo, 1570; 
(2) Compendium Articulorum ex Imperaforis- Caroli V. Statutis seu 
Legibus Criminalibus a viro clarissimo Petro Pappoy a stitched 
pamphlet that came into Sir Bernard Grascoigne's possession in the 
seventeenth century; and (3) PauwelU Kempeneere's Commonplace Book^ 
begun in 1572 and carried onwards to 1612. In the ensuing Calendar, my 
lengthy notice of this remarkable MS. is followed by brief notes 
touching (1) a German MS. folio of 255 paper leaves, produced with 
61 coloured illustrations in 1575 A.D., on all known ** Fireworks for 
War and Recreation " ; (2) Tabulce Geographicte Claudii Ptolomei 
. . , . pevGerardum Mercatoremy displaying on the title pagelsaac 
Casaubon's signature, and (3) Flavii Josephi Opera Omniayfol, Frobeny 
BasiletBy 1594, a copy of Froben's Editio Princeps Grasce of the works 
of Josephus, containing a large number of MS. annotations bj 
Jerome Wolf, reformer and scholar (1616-1581), to whom the book 
belonged. 

Opening with (1) A Booke of Offices as well of his Majesties 
Courty as of all other his Courtes of Record whatsoever^ 
1607, A.D. ; (2) Two Satires in verse against George Villiers, 
Duke of Buckingham, written in 1627 by a feeble and nameless 
poetaster, (3) the curious Book of Silk Braidsy of the time of Charles 
the First, (4) Bainbrigge Buckeridge's Folio of Nicholas Buckeridge's 
Papers (1647-1669) described on the initial fly-leaf with these words. — 
**Some writings bebnging to Mr. Nicholas Buckridge, relating 
chiefly to Persian affairs during his stay at Gombroon, called Bender 
or Bender Abassi, and his residence at Ispahaun " ; and (5) a copy of 
Thomas Streete's Astronomia Carolina (1661), displaying on its 
title-page a memorandum of some interest in the handwriting of 
John Flamsteed the astronomer, the books of the seventeenth century 
comprise : (1) Sir £dward Bering's Privy- Seal Docquett-Book 
(1669-1670), written throughout by Sir Edward Daring of Surrenden 
CO. Kent, baronet, whilst he officiated as one of three Commissioners 
of the Privy Seal ; (2) the Commonplace Book of Whitelock Biilstrode ; 
esq., begun in 1680 and carried on to 1693, numerous extracts from 
which are given in the ensuing calendar; (3) the Book of the 
Establishment of H, R, H. the Duke of Yorky containing much 
information respecting the Duke's private establishment and also 
about the Post Office in the time when His Royal Highness was 
Postmaster General ; (4) a volume (1682-1684) of Great Wardrobe 
Accounts', (5) the B-yok of Disbursements (1686-1699) of Mistress 
Winifred Turbervile ; (6) Whitelock Bulstrode's Book of Observanda 
(1687-1692), a companion book to the afore-mentioned Commonplace 
Book of the same member of the Inner Temple ; and (7) the Brief 
Statement of the Incomes and Issues of their Majesties Revenue 

A 2 



(1688-1691). — Of the eighteenth century there are only three books^ 
to wit, (1) large folio bound in vellum of the Accounts Debit and 
Credit from 6th October 17 5S, to 6th October 1759, of His Majesty/* s 
Exchequer; (2) John Bewick's Note-Book, 1795; and (3) Samuel 
Ireland^s pamphlet (1796), Miscellaneous Papers and Legale 
Ittstruments under the Sand and Seal of William Shakespeare. 
W. H. Ireland's Authentic Account of the Shakespearian Manuscripts^ 
vhich closes the list of the books, appeared in an early year of the 
present century. 

Fifteenth century, (ciVc. 1475). Large Folio (90 paper leaves) ia 
two parts, of Sacred, Ecclesiastical and Secular History: Fart I. 
containing (a) Chronicle of Sacred History, with Genealogies, &c., down ' 
to the Christian era, (6) History of the. Roman And Greek Emperors 
down to Micha«l III. (842-867), (c) History of the Emperors of 
Germany down to Frederic III., crowned in 1472, and living when 
the Folio was compiled ; whilst Part II. consbts of an elaborate scheme 
of Sacred History from the Creation to the Christian Era, compiled 
by Joannes de Utino. Profusely embellished with illustrations. 
Pare I. contains 37 large pictures that commemorate, somewhat in 
the style of the Nuremberg Chronicle (a work of a considerably later 
date) the principal incidents of Old Testament history, and 880 
separate coloured portraits of historic personages, each portrait being 
surrounded by a circular border. Part 11. contains no illustrations, 
but vacant spaces on the leaves indicate that the producers of the 
MS. designed to embellish the later as well as the earlier division 
of the work. 

Fifteenth century. French MS. Treatise on Alchemy, quarto of 77 
paper leaves : containing numerous illustrations of alchemical 
processes and a curious emblematical drawing of an incident of jEson's 
story. 

Fifteenth century. Quarto MS. Latin History of Alexander the 
Great on 59 leaves of vellum. 

Fifteenth century. Abbreviated MS. Latin History of Alexander the 
Great on 12 vellum leaves; small Folio. 

1602, Herodoti Libri Novem quibus Musanim Iidita sunt Nomina 

fol with the Aldine Anchor : la fine, after the register, 

Venetiis in domo Aldi mense Septembri MDII. et cum privilcgio 
ut in caBteris. Bought by Mr. J. Eliot Hodgkin of Thomas Kerslake 
some 33 years since, this fine example of the Aldine Editio Princeps, 
whilom in the possession of Erasmus, displays on the verso of the 
last leaf " Sum Erasmi" in the famous scholar's handwriting, followed 
by the words ** Amicus orbi summe " by the pen of one of his admirers ; 
the inscription being followed by this note, in the handwriting of 
Levinus Ammonius. — " Hunc Herodoti historiarujn librum quern 
D. Erasmus Roterodamus dono dederat Antonio ClavcB jurisconsulto 
(de qua donatione extat explanatio Erasmi in Farragine) ; idem 
Antonius Clara m^riens testamento reliquit Levino Amvionio, Anno 
1629, pridie Calendas Junii.*' The passage of a letter from Erasmus 
to Antonius Clava (vide Erasmi, Ep. Lib. V. Ep. 26) runs thus : 
"Nuper videbaris optare Graecum Herodotum, eum ad te donomitto; 
nam facile reperietur alius in hoc itinere." Besides MS. memoranda, 
sotne in ink and some in pencil, by the hand of Erasmus, the book 
contains a large number of marginal notes, in the minute and beautiful 
handwriting of Ammonius. 



1503. — Euripides Graece, 8vo. ; copy of the Aldine Edition of 1503 
{two Yolumes bound into one, in pigskin). Fine copy containing 
on four pages of the fly-leaves a long quotation in Greek from 
Plutarch's Vita Nicus written by Melancthon, a beautiful example of 
his penmanship. 

1514. — ^irgilii Opera, 8vo.; copy of the Aldine Edition of 1514, 
containing numerous notes by Melancthon's pen. 

1514. — Joviani Fontani, 8vo. ; copy of the rare counterfeit Aldine 
Edition. A rare book, most of the copies having been destroyed by the 
Inquisition, this copy contains MS. notes by the pen of Philip 
Melancthon, to whom it formerly belonged. 

1517. — Homeri Ulyseea, 8vo., in pigskin binding; copy of the 

«econd and rarest of the Aldine Editions of the Odyssey, containing a 

• large number of notes and marginal references by Melancthon's pen. 

Used by Melancthon in his lectures to his pupils at Wittemberg in 

1518, this book was given by him to Luther in 1519. 

1517. — ^Homeri Ilias, 8vo. ; copy of the sacond and rarest pf the 
Aldine Editions of Homer's Iliad. A book used by Melancthon in 
his lectures to his pupils at Wittemberg, this volume contains MS. 
notes and marginal references by his pen, and was given by him to 
Luther in 1519. 

1521. — Homeri Ilias, 8vo. ; copy of the Aldine Edition of that year, 
containing a large number ef notes in Melancthon's handwriting, many 
of them being similai* to those which he put into the copy of the Aldine 
Edition of 1517, which he gave to Luther in 1519. 

1530. — Proverbia Salomonis Hebraice et Latine ; Joan Frober, S.A. 
Formerly in the possession of Philip Melancthon, this volume contains 
numerous MS. notes by his pen, and also four astrological calculations 
in his handwriting, to wit: (1) nativity of Charles V.; (2) nativity of 
Frederic, Duke of Saxony ; (3) nativity of Piiilip Melancthon's daughter 
Magdalen, cast by him 2} hours after her birth ; and (4) forecast of 
Charles the Fifth's entry into Augsburg on 1 5th June 1530. 

1535 — ^Biblia Veteris et Novi Teslamenti, juxta vulgatam editionem 
ad Hebraicam veritatem candori pristine restituta cum capitum singu- 
lorum argumentis vocum item Hebraicarum interpretatione. Lex per 
Mosen data est. Gratia et Veritas per Jesum Christum, 8vo. : — Copy of 
the Sacred Scriptures, bound in pigskin, and enriched with MS. annota- 
tions by the pen of Philip Melancthon, to whom it formerly belonged. 

1556. — ^Loci Praecipui Theologici, 8vo., per Philippum Melanctbonem ; 
Lipsise, omnia in officina Valentini Papae Elaborata atque Edits, anno 
MDLVI. Large paper pj-esentation copy from the author, containing 
on the inside of the first cover a quotation in Greek from Gregory 
Nazienzen by Melancthon Is pen, signed Seriptum manu Philippi, 

1558. — Loci Praecipui Theologici, sm. 8vo., per Philippum Melanctbo- 
nem; Viteberg®, excudebat Johannes Crato anno MDLVIII. 
Presentation copy from the author, bound in pigskin and displaying on 
the fly-leaf a quotation from Gregory Nazienzen, in Melancthon's hand- 
Wliting, subscribed Seriptum manu Philippi, 

1558. — ^Chronicon Carionis Latine Expositum et Auctum multis et 
▼eteribus et recentibus Historii?, in narrationibus rerum Grsecarum, 
Germanicarum et Ecclesiasticarum a. Philippo Melanthone, 4to., 
MDLVIII. Presentation copy with inscription by Melancthon. 

1570. — ^Articuli De Germanis Militibus Gregariis. A collection of 
seventy-four articles for the observance of soldiers, with this descriptive 
title on the initial page: — ^*Rom. Cses. Majestatis Maximilian! II. 
^' Epistola Articulorum Militarium in Comitiis Spirensibus anno 1570 



6 

" conscripta edictoque sancita et a Viro Clarissimo Petro Pappo Anno- 
'^ tationibus suis allegata. Articuli De Germanis Militibus Gregariis." 
MS. pamphlet, stitched into a paper wrapper, formerlj in the possession 
of Sir Bernard Gascoigne. — Also, another pamphlet, entitled on its 
initial leaf: — "Compendium Artieulorum ex Imperatoris Caroli V 
" Statutis sen Legibus Criminalibus a viro clarissimo Fetro Pappo in 
" nnnotationibus suis citalorum," at one time in the possession of the 
same Sir Bernard Gascoigne. 

1572-1612. MS. volume 4to of 166 pages, with gilt and gauffred 
edges, covered on all its leaves with minute, in some places witli even 
microscopic writing in Dutch, German, and French, and with 
symbolic designs, some of which may he commended for artistic excel- 
lence. Speaking of these illustrations of a book that has caused 
perplexity to the scholars and experts who examined it, Mr. J. Eliot * 
Hodgkin observes in a descriptive note : ^^ these drawings ai*e sometimesin 
" ink, sometimes in gold, now and then in colours, but all displaying 
** vigorous draughtsmanship, knowledge of the human figure and in many 
" cases a merry turn of satire. Several of them are too naturalistic for 
" modem ideas of decorum, but every fresh design brings with it tho 
^ conviction that it enshrines an esoteric mystery." Research has 
recently discovered that the volume was the notebook, for at least forty 
years, of Pauwells Kempeneere (otherwise written Pauwells Kem- 
pener, Kemepenere, Kempenaer and Kampener) the scholar, mystical 
writer, symbolic draughtsman aud official scribe, who was 
appointed in 1582 by the Duke of Anjou to act as Secretary 
Extraordinary to the Council of Brabant, and is believed to have been 
born on January 23rd, 1552. Little is known of this curious person's 
domestic story, save that he was a son of Pauwels Kempeneere and 
Clara Bruynscels Kempeneere nSe Pieters, that he married Jacqueline 
d'Arbaut, that he subsequently lived at Leydcn, and was the father of 
twelve children. Of the several scholars, to whom this book has been 
submitted by Mr. Hodgkin since it came into his possession something 
more than thirty years since, the late Mr, C. W. King of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, was the one who seemed most likely to be capable of dealing 
with the difficulties of a work that abounded with references to a class 
of subjects, which had engaged much of his studious attention. But 
though it stirred his curiosity, and though he succeeded in solving some 
of its superficial puzzles, the learned Fellow of Trinity College closed his 
examination of its perplexing leaves by speaking of it as a '' sealed book,'* 
although it had yielded him some itemg of information. Writhig of the 
MS. to its present possessor from Trinity College, on 21st December 1864, 
Mr. King observed, " I consider it the greatest curiosity in the way 
'' of a MS. in existence, at least as far as my experience extends. 
• *^ Your kindness in communicating it to me was especially acceptable, 
** us it enables me to confirm from actual inspection the fact, asserted 
" by Nicholai, of tho use of all the Masonic insignia by the Rosicruciaus 
** a century before Wren's time. If my * Gnostics' reach a second 
<^ edition I shall make large use of the extracts I have drawn from its 
" pages." 

1575. German MS. Folio of 255 paper leaves, containing curious 
treatises on all known fireworks for war and recreation and upon the 
various military engines of the period, with sixty-one coloured 
illustrations of the projectiles and engines. These illustrations are . of 
considerable artistic merit : the arrangements of waggons '' in lager " 
for defensive purposes bein^ shown most graphically in some of the 
clever drawings. 



1578. Tabul® Greographicss Claudii Ftolomei . • • . per G^erardum 
. Mercatorem, displaying on the title page the autograph signature of 
^ Isaacus Casaubonus." 

1593. Flavii Josephi Opera Omnia, fol. Froben Basiless MDXCIII. 
Copy of Froben's Editio Princeps Graece of the works of Josephus, 
containing a large number of MS. annotations by Jerome Wolf> 
reformer and scholar (1516-1581)9 to whom the book belonged. 

1607. ^ Booke of Offices as well of his Majesties Courte, as of all 
other his Courtes of Eecord whatsoever, his Majesties Counsell of Yorke 
and of Wales and the Marches, his Townes of Warr Castells Bulwarkes 
and Fortresses, with his Uighnes Howses, Parkes, Forrestes and 
Chases. Collected in anno 1607. A book of fine penmanship in 
parchment wrapper, perfect and in good condition : Setting forth the 
fees of the principal offices, and the names and stiles of the holders of 
the same offices. 

1627. Satires in verse against George Yilliers, Duke of Bucking- 
ham : (1) a set of sixteen scurrilous lines, written at the moment of 
the Duke's departure for the Isle of Bh^ ; (2) a longer and more 
ambitious performance, of 102 verses, entitled '' In Ducem Beducem 
or a Welcome from the Isle of Bee," and written ou the occasion of 
the Duke's return from the disastrous expedition. Satires of excessive 
virulence and bitterness, but of no literary merit. 

Temp, Charles I.^-Book of Silk Braids, 4to, containing twenty- 
five specimens of silk braid, each specimen being accompanied with a 
manuscript note of directions for making it^ and in the end of the volume 
this quaint love-ditty : — 

** Upon a banke of a brooke, as I set fishing 
Ere, nig[h] the osiers that grew on the side, 
I over heard a nimp[h]e and shepard esing 
"No time nor forten their love might devide ; 
To Cupit and Venus thay oufred a vowe 
For to love ever as they loved now. 

*^ ' Ha I ' said the shepard and fisht, ' what a tresher 
Is theare cocsealed betwixt loveers alone I 
Love is a fansy, like fancyes tresher 
If onse discoverd it will quickly be gone^ 
But envi and jelysie, if thay do staye. 
Ho ! thay wiU,' sai he, * sune brede love's decay.* 

" * Come let us leve the world and care behind us,* 
Says the nimp[h]e smiling, and gave him har hand, 
* All alone, all alone wheare none shall find us, 
In sum farr desart to seeke a new land, 
And theare be from envye and jfelisie free. 
And a new world to each [the] other will bee.' " 

1647-1669. — Collection of papers (Persian firmans with translationeF 
into English), trade-bills, lists of prices of Persian goods, directions for 
buying <Mamonds and pearls, and other documents relating to mercantile 
affairs^ tc^other with a Persian translation of portions of the New • 
Testament, formerly belonging to Nicholas Buckeridge (younger brother 
of Bishop Buckeridge), who, in the period pointed to by the above- 
given years, was a London merchant trading between London and 
Persia, and an agent employed by the President and Council of the East 
India Company as a negotiator in the Company's behalf in Persia; the 
miscellaneous writings bemg stitched together, without any regard to 



8 

chronological order, and bound into a folio volame, whose initial fly-leaf 
is inscribed with these words, ** Some writings belonging to Mr. Nicholas 
^^ Buckridge, relating chieflj to Persian affairs during his stay at 
f^ Gombroon, called Bender or Bender Abassi, and his residence at 
*' Ispahaun, collected without any regard had to method or the order 
" in which they were wrote. B.B. 1713." B[ainbrigge] B[uckeridge], 
the writer of this description of the book was the sen or grandson of 
the Anglo-Oriental merchant and adventurer. A book that would 
probably be serviceable to historians of the earlier operations of the East 
India Company. 

1661. — ^Astronomia Carolina. — ^A new Theorie of the Caelestial 
Motions, &c., Ac, Ac* By Thomas Streete, Student in Astronomy 
and Mathematics. 4to. London. Printed for Lodowick Lloyd, and 
to be sold at his shop at the Castle in Cornhill, 1561. — Displaying 
on its title page the MS. memorandum ** John Plamsteed for 7*. 6dl," 
this quai'to volume is interesting for being the book irom which 
Flamsteed the astronomer " calculated eclipses, and wrote the Treatise 
of the -^nation of Days" in 1665, when he was in his twentieth 
year. 

1669, September 22nd, to 1670, December 23rd.— Privy-Seal 
Docquet-Book, written throughout by Sir Edward Bering of Surrenden, 
CO. Kent, baronet, one of the three Commissioners, appointed by Letters 
Patent, dated 22nd Sept., 21 Charles II., to keep the Privy Seal and 
discharge the office of the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal during the 
absence in Ireland of John Lord Roberts, Keeper of the said Seal, 
appointed to proceed to Ireland, and to remain there for some time in 
the execution of the King's affairs. Containing a copy of the aforesaid 
Letters Patent, appointing the said Sir Edward Dering, Sir Thomas 
Strickland of Thornbridge, co. York, knight, and Robert Millward, Esq., 
one of King's Justices of Chester, to bo Commissioners of the Privy 
Seal during pleasure, under the aforesaid circumstances, this book 
displays on its opening fly-leof the following inscription by Sir Edward 
Bering's pen, to wit : ** A Note and Abstract of all the privy -scales 
^' passed since Sir Thoyias Strickland, Robert Millward, esquire, and 
*' myselfe were entrusted with the keeping of it, viz. 22 September 
*' 1669.— Lib. 1 : from Michaelmas 1669 to Christmasse 1670.— Lib. 2 : 
*« from Christmasse 1670 to Christmasse 1671. — Lib. 3 : from 
** Christmasse 1671 to 19th April 1673, when the Scale was delivered 
*' up to his Majesiie." Together with 385 numbered docquets, and 
three additional docquets entered and described on one of the volume's 
<5losing fly-leaves as " Bocquetts forgot to be entered in their proper 
places," the present book — the only one of the three volumes in Mr. J. 
Eliot Hodgkin's possession — preserves some memoranda touching the 
official installment of the Commissioners, and their Arrangements for 
the transaction of busineis, one of the sets of memoranda running 
thtts — 

''^ Memoranda, 22 September, Our Commission beareth date. 
— 4 October : The Privy Seale was delivered to Mr. Justice Millward 
and myselfe by the Lord Arlington at his office in Whitehall. The same 
day we were sworne by the Lord Keeper at Essex House^ taking first 
the oathes of allegeance and supremacie, and then the oath for 
executing the office of Keeper of the Privy Scale. Sir Thomas Strick- 
land came to towne that day, and being swome by the Lord Keeper, 
— 5th October : We met at the office in Whitehall and agreed to meet 
constantly Mondayes and Thursdayes every week for dispatch of the 
buinesse of tjic Privy Seale." • 



9 

The 388 Docqneis comprise the following entries : — 

(a.) 1669, Monday, October llth. — A Pardon to John Sharpe for of 
killing George Whitfield at Tanbridge in Kent, with a non obstante 
13 Rici 2«»*. 

Memorandum. — This John Sharpe was arraigned for this fact at the 
last Lent Assizes at Maidstone, and found guilty of murther. But all 
the Justices of Peace then present at the triall did joine in a peticion to 
his Majestic to extend his merde to him, it seeming a very hard 
judgment, Whitfield being killed by one Browne (since said to be 
Grangier), and Sharpe never touching him, nor having any weapon, 
but being in presence, and lighting Browne back to his fathei*'s house 
where he lay, with a candle and lanthome. 

(b,) 1669, Thursday, October 14th.— A Warrant to his Grace the 
Lord Archbishop of Canterbury to graunt letters of admhiistration to 
Sir George Downing and Sir William Doyly of all goods and chattels, 
rights and credits belonging to the Queen Mother deceased, for the use 
of his Majestie. 

(c.) 1669, Thursday, October 14th.— A Warrant to the Treasury to 
pay to Edward Back well, esq. the summe of 1,000/. with interest from 
the 8th July last being for so much paid by him to the Earle of 
St. Albans for the use of the Queen Mother before her death. 

(d,) 1669, Monday, October 18th. — ^A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay unto the Lord Falconberge his Majesties Ambassadour Extra- 
ordinary to Venice the summe of 1,500/. for his transportacion, equipage, 
and other necessaries, and also 10/. per diem for his entertainment, to 
commence from the day he shall depart and to continue till his returne 
into his Majesties presence inclusive, and to advance the first three 
months, and afterwards to be paid quarterly, and likewise to pay such 
summes of money for intelligence and other private services, as by bills, 
subscribed by him and allowed by one of his Majesties Secretaries of 
State, shall appeare due unto him. The said- summes and payments to 
be without accompt. 

(e.) 1669, October 25th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to pay to 
the Earle of Essex 60/. for his Majesties [ ] which he is pleased to 

bestow upon him : And also 500/. for his mournings, in regard to the 
liveries his Lordship hath made for his Embassy to the King of Den- 
marke [which] cannot be used in that service by reason of the death 
of the Queen e Mother. 

(/.) 1669, October 28tli.--A Warrant to the Treasurer to pay Sir 
Thomas Osborne and Sir Thomas Littleton the summe of 150,000/. for 
the use of his Majesties Navy. 

(g,) 1669, October 28th. — A Warrant to the Treasurer to pay to 
Isaac le Goose, his Majesties jeweller, 6000/., being the price of two 
large dyamonds his Majestie bought of him. 

(A.) 1660, Tuesday, November 2ad. — A Warrant, dormant to the 
Exchequer to pay to l^ir Edward Dering, Sir Thoma? Strickland, and 
Eobert Millward, esq., Commissioners, for keeping his Majesties privy 
scale in the absence of the Lord Roberts, 20^. per diem as have been 
usually allowed to the Keeper of the Privy Seale, and 4/. per diem in 
lieu of 16 dishes of meat allowed to the Keeper of the said Seale, to 
begin from 22 September last, and to continue during his Majesties 
pleasure. 

(i.) 1669, Thursday, November 4th. — A Discharge unto Anne Lady 
Fanshaw, relict and executrix of Sir Richard Fanshaw, in consideration 
of 2,000/. by her paid into the Exchequer, of all the severfdl parcells 
of plate delivered out of his Majestie's Jewell house to the said Sir 
Bichard Fanshaw, for his embassy to Portugall and Spaiue. 



10 

(A.) 1669, November 11th. — A Graunt unto John Seymour, eaq. and 
bis assignes [of] the sole priviledge of severall bookes and school-authors 
for 41 yeares, to begin after the expiracion of two graunts jet in being 
to the Company of Stationers and to Boger Norton. 

(/.) 1669, Thursday, December 2nd. — His Majesties Graunt to 
William Lord Willoughby of Farham to be Captain-Generall and 
Govemour-in-Chlef of all the Barbados and other the Caribee Islands, 
to continue during his Majesties pleasure, with such powers and 
privileges as were graunted iu his former pattent. 

(m.) 1669, Thursday, December 2nd. — ^A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay unto Sir Edward Griffin, Treasurer of the Chamber to his 
Majestic, the summe of 50,000/. upon accompt for wages and other 
expenses of his Majesties household, by warrant under his Majesties 
signe manuaH. 

(«.) 1669, Monday, December 6th.--<-A Wai-raut to the Exchequer to 
pay unto Phillip Earle of Chesterfield and Charles Henry Lord 
Wootton the summe of 0,000/., in consideracion of a surrender of a 
rent of 3,000/. per annum, devised to them by Katherine Countesse of 
Chesterfield, reUet of Daniel O'Neale, which 3,000/. per annum was 
graunted to the said Katharine by his Majestic, in consideracion of the 
surrender of a pattent, made to the said Daniel O'Neale for the sole 
making and repairing of all his Majesties powder for 21 years. 

(o.) 1669, Monday, December 6th. — ^A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to William Ashbumham, esq., cofferer of his Majestie's household, the 
summe of 100,000/. for defraying the expenses of the said household for 
one yeare endinge the last day of September, 1670; and also the 
further summe of 10,000/., for defraying the interest of money to be 
borrowed by him for the said service, upon accompt. 

(p.) 1669, Thursday, December 9th. — ^A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay the Earle of Ancram 1,000/. out of the profits of his Majesties 
part of the tinne formerly cast away before Ostend and now ^remaining 
in the sea and not fished up« 

(q.) 16f4, Monday, January 24th. — ^A Presentation of Ralph 
Davenant, clerke (ad corroborandum titulum) to the rectorie of St. Mary 
Matfellon (sic) alias Whitechappell in the countie of Middlesex. 

(r.) 16|§, Thursday, January 27th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay to William Young and Isaac Staggins, musicians in ordinary to 
his Majestie for the flute and hoboy, in the place of Henry Bassano, 
deceased, who enjoyed both, the wages and fee of 20^. per diem, 
and 16/. 2s, 6d. yearly to each of them during his Majesties pleasure, 
to commence from midsummer 1665. 

(*.) 16f^, Thursday, February 3rd.— A Warrant to the Ex- 
chequer to pay to Isaac le Goose, his Majesties jeweller, 1,450/. for his 
Majesties picture set with diamonds, given the Danish Ambassador, 
and a ring given the Envoy from the Prince of Orange. 

(t,) 16f§, Tuesday, February 15th. — ^A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay the Churchwardens and Overseers of the poor of St. Martin's-in- 
the-Fieldes the summe of 100/., as his Majesties guift for their poor. 

(«.) 16^, Tuesday, February 16th.— A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay to the Treasurer of King Charles his hospitall in Westminster 
the sum of 50/., as also. 50/. per annum to commence from Christmas 
last, and continue during his Majesties pleasure. 

(v.) 16f|, Tuesday, Februarv 15th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay the Churchwardens and Overseers of the poor of St. Mar- 
garet's, Westminster, 50/. as his Blajesties free guift. 

(to.) I6f^, Tuesday, February 15th. — His Majesties Declaracion 
that Sir Algernon May shall enjoy the Office of Keeper of the Becordi 



11 

ia jthe Tower of London, during his Majestie's pleasure, with the fees 
and profits thereof, and the yearly samme of 500/. to be paid out of his 
Majesties Exchequer. 

(or.) 16^^, Monday, February 2l8t.— A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay to John. Werden, esq., his Majesties envoy6 extraordinaire to 
the King of Sweden, 300/. for his equipage, and 4/. per diem for his 
entertainment, to commence from the day of his departure and to 
continue till the day of his retume to his Majesties presence inclusive, 
and farther to pay him such summes of money for intelligence as shall 
be allowed by one of his Majesties Secretaries. 

(y.) 16^, Tuesday, March Ist. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to Sir Stephen Fox 8,000/. without accompt, for his Majesties 
secret service. To be by him issued out according to such directions as 
he shall receive froni his Majestie in -that behalf, 

(z.) 16f§, Thursday, March 3rd. — A WaiTant to the Exchequer, 
to pay to the Duke of Monmouth 9,200/. without accompt, in satisfac- 
tion for what his Majestie oweth him for severall disbursements by him 
made by his Majestie's command, of the summe of 1,700/. to be paid 
at our Lady day 1670; 1,600/. at Michaelmas, 1670; and the other 
6,000/. by even halfe yearly payments in two years, viz., 1,600/. each 
halfe yeare. 

(aa.) 16fS, Monday, Mardi 14th.— A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay unto Edward Backwell, esq., 6,204/. 4;. 5(/., being the interest 
of 190,319/. 9^. lOJ., certified by Mr. Auditor Aldworth. 

(bb,) 16fJ, Thursday, March I7th.— A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay to Phillip Parker, esq., paymaster of his Majesties workes, the 
summe of 10,000/. upon accompt for his Majesties workes done or to 
be done. 

(cc.) 16f^, Monday, March 2l8t. — A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay to the Earle of Suffolke out of his Majesties revenue arising by 
fire-hearths and stoves the sum of 20,000/. in full payment of 50,000/., 
for the purchase of Audley End with the appurtenances. 

(dd.) 1670, Monday, April iSth. — An Incorporacion of Prince 
Bupert, Duke of Albemarle, Earl of Craven, Lord Arlington, Lord 
Ashley, Sir John Kobinson, Sir Robert Vyner, Sir Peter Oollston, Sir 
Edward Hungerford, Sir Paule Neile, Sir John Griffith, Sir Phillip 
Carteret, James Hayes, John Kirkc, Francis Millington, William 
Prettyman, John Fenne, John Portman, into one body politique by the 
name of Governours and Adventurers trading to Hudsons baye ; grant- 
ing them and their successors all the lands and the sole trade 4nto the seas 
and creekes, lying within the entrance of Hudson Sireights. 

(ee.) 1670, Thursday, April 21st. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to Sir R. Southwell, envoy extraordinary to Portugall, severall 
summes of money due to him, amounting in the whole to 3,133/., in full 
satisfaction of his disbursements in that employment, to be received 
without accompt, and to discharge the said Sir Robert Southwell and 
Francis Parry, esq., now his Majesties agent in that Court of severall 
summes, amounting in the whole to ll,260/.» received for his Majesties, 
use in that Court. 

(ff.) 1670, Thursday, April 28th.— A Graunt unto William Polej, 
gentleman, of the office of Chirographer of the Court of Common Please, 
with the fees and profits thereof, to take effect in reversion after the 
d^ecease or other determinacion of the interests of Thomas Sparke and 
William Longuevill to whom the same is graunted successively for, their 
Hves. And to hold the same to the said William Foley during his 
Majesties pleasure. 



12 

{gg,) 1670, Thursdaj, Maj 5th. — A discharge to Sir George 
Stonehouse of the summe of 1,075/., usually paid into the Exchequer in 
respect of the dignity of a baronett. 

(AA.) 1670, Thursday, May 5th. — A Warrant to the Lord Lieutenant 
of Ireland, to pay to William Bucknall 2,800/. out of the 300,000/., 
payable by the Acts of Settlement, with interest at ten per cent, and 4 
per cent, for exchange, if the same be paid in Ireland ; and in default 
of that fond, to be paid out of the Farme of the revenue of Ireland. 

(iL"\ 1670, Thursday, May 5th. — ^A Graunl to Robert Eddowes for 
life, of the office of writing for the Great Seale all presentacions to 
spirituall promocions in his Majesties donacion, except Archbishops and 
Bishops. 

(Jj.) 1670, Thursday, May 12th. — A Warrant tg the Exchequer to 
pay to Richard Lord Arundell of Trerise the summe of 3,000/., ai of 
his Majesties free guift, in respect of his services and losses. 

(Jtk.) 1670, Monday, May 16th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to the Duke of Monmouth 13,200/., as of his Majestie's free gnift. 

(//.) 1670, Monday, May 16th. — A Pencion of 120/. per arinum to 
John Berkley, esq., one of his Majesties pages of honour, during his 
Majesties pleasure. 

{mm,) 1670, Monday, May 16th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay Sir Thomas OsboVn and Sir Thomas Littleton, Treasurers of the 
Navy, 200,000/. upon accompt. 

(wn.) 1670, Monday, May 16th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay the Duke of Bucks, Master of his IVIajesties horse, the summe of 
1,000/. upon accompt for horses, and to discharge him of 1,000/., 
received by a privy seale of 31st December 1669. 

{oo.) 1670, Fryday, June 17th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to the Duke of Yorke 20,000/., in compensacion of the damage he 
hath received by reason of the late Act for raising 310,C00/. by 
imposicion upon wines and other liquors. 

{pp.) 1670, Fryday, June I7th. — ^A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay Sir Dennis Gauden 45,176/. \\s. Zd, without accompt, in satisfac- 
tion of all interest due to him for moneyes, taken up by him to enable 
him to pei*forme his Majesties service. 

iqq,) 1670, Fryday, June 17th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer, to 
pay Charles Lord Buckhurst 1,000/., in consideracion of his equipage 
and chargas, going to compliment the French King at Dunkirk. 

{rr,) 1670, Tuesday, June 21st. — ^A Warrant to the Commissioners 
of the Treasuric to pay out of such money es as shall be paid into the 
Exchequer as part of the Queenes porcion, the summe of 5,000/. to the 
Dutchess of Orleans, as his Majesties fi-ee guift. 

(«.) 1670, Tuesday, June 21st. — A Release to Sir Roger Norwich of 
a judgment of 400/. obtained against him by his Majestic, as heir to 
Sir John Norwich his father, who was securitie for John Eccleston. 

(«.) 1670, Tuesday, June 21st. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to James Hamilton, esq., his Majesties envoys extraordinair to the 
Great Duke of Florence, 3/. per diem for his entertainment, from the 
day of his departure till the day of his return, and 300/. by way of 
advance. 

(ttw.) 1670, Tuesday, June 21st. — ^A WaiTant to the Exchequer to 
pay to Sidney Godolphin, esq., oOO/«, in consideracion of his expence in 
2 journeys for his Majesties service into France and Flanders. 

(«7io.) 1670, Tuesday, June 21st. — A Grauat of the office of Jewel- 
ler to Isaack le Goos with the fee of 100/. per annum, to commence 
from Chrismasse 1666. By warrant from the Lord Chamberlain, but 
the docquett subscribed by the Treasurer. 



18 

(xx.) 1670, Fryday, June 24tb. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to Sir Edward Turner, Knt. (the Speaker of the Bouse of Com- 
mons), 4,000/. without accompt, as of his Majesties free guift and 
bountie. 

(^y.) 1670, Fryday, June 24th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to Sir Edward Griffin, Treasurer of the Chamber, the sum me of 
50,000/., upon accompt for wages and other expenses of his Majesties 
household. 

(zz,) 1670, Fryday, June 24th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay to Baptista May, esq.. Keeper of his Majesties privy purse, 28,000/. 
without accompt, for the use of his Majesties privy purse. 

(aaa.) 1670, Tuesday, June 28th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
ay to William Chiffinch, esq., 5,000/., .without accompt, for his 
' ijesties secret service. 

{bbb.) 1670, Thursday, June 30th.— A Warrant to the Commis- 
sioners of the Treasury to give order to the Farmers of the Customes 
to permitt John Ogilby, esq.^ to import 20,000 reames of royall paper 
custume free, by 4,t'X)0 reames a year for 5 years, for which the said 
farmers are to have allowance upon their accompts. 

(ccc.) 1670, Thursday, June 30th.— A Grauiit to Robert Bird, who 
was very instrumental! in assisting his Majesties happy escape after the 
battle of Worcester, of a pencion of 30/. per annum for his life, to 
commence from Lady day last. 

(ddd.) 1670, Thursday, June 30th.— A Warrant in French to the 
Sheriffes of Somersett and Dorset to pay to John Gary, esq.. Master 
of his Majesties Hart-hounds, and the officers of the said Hart-hounds 
their fees and wages from Michaelmas 1668 to Michaelmas 1669. 
Memorandum : This and the like for the Buck-hounds came to us by 
warrant from the Green Cloth, all other from the Signet, and these, by 
old custome in French. 

(eee.) 1670, Thursday, July 7th,-*A Warrant to the Exchequer to 
pay Sir Robert Yyner the summe of 9,485/. ISs, 5^., for interest of 
money by him advanced to the garrison of Tangier. And also 
6,445/. (sic.) 14*. 2d., for interest of 12,000/. {sic.) by him advanced 
for the Treasurer of the chambe[r.] 

iff/-) 1^7^» Tuesday, July 12th.— A Warrant to the Commissioners 
of the Treasurie, for delivery unto the Envoy^ Extraordinaire of the 
Prince of Portnc^ : ten ton of Spanish and ten of French wine, 
custome free. Provided this to be no president for the future. 

(gffff) 1670, Thursday, July 2l8t. — A Constitucion of John Dryden, 
Master of Arts, to be his Majesties poet Laureat and historiographer- 
generall, with all such priviledges as Sir GeofTry Chaucer, Sir John 
Grower, John Leland, esq., William Camden, esq., Benjamin Johnson, 
esq., James Howell, esq., or Sir William Davenant had or enjoyed, with 
the yearly pencion of 200/. per annum and a pipe of Canary wine, out 
of his Majesties cellars : Habend. during his Majesties pleasure. 

{hhh.) 1670, Thursday, July 21st.— A Grant to Christian Harrell of 
the office of Professor in chymistry and Apothecary-in -ordinary to his 
Majesties household, with the fee of 150/. per annum, and otb^ profits 
as !N icasino Le Fevre possest the same. 

(m.) 1670, Fryday, July 29th.— A Grant to Peter Ricaut, esq., of one 
moietie of all such debts as he shall find out in the hands of any receiver 
or accomptant of his Majesties or the late Queen Mother's revenues, 
from Michaelmas 1640 to our Lady 1659, not alreadie graunted to 
others, nor pardoned by the Act of ludemnitie, and of two 3rds of the 
other moitie of the said summcs to William Lord Widdrington, provided 
the said two drds do not exceed 10,000/. 



14 

(kkk,) 1670, Fryday, July 29th. — A Graunt to Barbara now Countesse 
of Castlemain of the honours of Baroness of Nonsuch, Couniesse of 
Southampton and Dutchesse of Cleveland, with tlie fee of 20/. per annum 
as Countesse and of 40/. per annum as Duchesse, the cemainder of the 
said titles after her death to Charles Palmer her eldest son and the 
heirea males of his body, and for want of such then to George Palmer 
her second son and the heires males of his body, with usual 1 clauses for 
precedence, peerage, <fec. 

(///.) 1670, Thursday, August 4th.— A Graunt to Francis Raynes of 
35 acren of land, 10 negro slaves, and a mare, formerly the estate of 
Henry Edlyn in the Barbados, and forfeited to his Majestie by the con- 
viction and execucion of the said Henry Edlyn, for murther. 

(mmm,) 1670, Thursday, August 4th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay to Isaack Meyrick of London, goldsmith, the summe of 
9,339/. 17<. Id, for interest of several summes already furnished to his 
Majestie, and stated by Auditor Aid worth : And farther that every 
six moneths the interest due to the said Meyrick shall be cast up and 
added to the principall, and he to receive ten per cent, for both. 

(nnn ) 1670, Saturday, August 6th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay to William Ashburnham, esq., Cofferer of the houshold, 100,000/. 
for the charges of the houshold from Michaelmas 1670 to Michaelmas 
1671, and also 10,000/. more for interest of money to be borrowed for 
that service, and other severall summes amounting 11,925/. All to be 
received upon acoompt 

(poo.) 1670, Thursday, August 11th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay to his K. Highaesse 1,000/. per annum during his Majesties 
pleasure, for the maintaining the garrison at New Yorke. 

(PPP') 1670, Thursday, August 11th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay to William Lord Crofls the sum of 1,500/. without accompt, in 
full satisfaction of all arrears of a pencion graunted him during lifo by 
his Majesties letters pattents. 

(qqq,) 1670, Tuesday, August 16th. — An indenture of demise 
between his Majestie and Eobert Spencer, esq., Sir Charles Wheeler, 
John Stroud, and George Mant, esqs., of the duty of 4 and \ per cent, 
due to his Majestie for goods shipt from the Barbados, at 7,000/. per 
annum for 7 yeares to begin from Christmasse next, with several! 
clauses and provisos. 

(rrr.) 1670, August 20th. — A Commission to Sir Barnard de Gooms, 
Dr. Wren, Jonas Moor, Sir Arnold Braems, Sir Henry Palmer, Sir 
Henry Oxinden, Sir Anthony Anchor, or 3 of them, to take accompt 
upon oath of what moneyes have been raised for repair of Dover harbour 
and how expended, and whether misimployed, and what farther sum is 
necessarie. 

(sss,) 1670, August 20th. — ^A Warrant to the Exchequer, to pay to 
William Bucknall 31,313/. 14*, Id. in full of all interest due to them 
the 24th of June last. 

{ttt.) 1670, August 23rd. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to pay 
Edward Backwell, esq., 2,900/. in satisfaction for severall Jewells 
bought b^ him for his Majestie. 

{uuu.) 1670, September 3rd. — An Indenture of demise to John Strode, 
esq., of the 4 and half per cent, in the Islands of Nevis, Antegua, 
Mountserrat, and St. Christophers at 700/. per annum for 7 yeares. 

(tcww,) 1670, September 16th. — A Warrant, to pay to Sir Thomas 
Osborn and Sir Thomas Littleton 200,000/. for the use of the' Navy 
upon accompt. 

(x3cx.) 1670, September 16th. — A Warrant to pay the Duke of 
Bucks 2,000/., and to William Stanly, esq. 300/., the first being 



15 

imployed by his Majestie to the French King, the other to the Duke of 
Orleance. 

{yyy.) 1670, September 16th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to pay 
to Mrs. Gary, one of the Maids of Honour, 2,000/. as his Majesties free 
guift. 

{zzz) 1670, September 16th. — A Pension of 200 pounds per 
annum graunted to Sir Samuel Moreland and Samuel his son during 
their lives ; the said Sir Samuel surrendering his Office of one of the 
Commissioners of Appeals for the Excise. 

{aaaa.) 1670, Septemoer 21st. — ^A Warrant to the Exchequer, to 
pay to Sir John Chicheley his Majesties envoy6 to the Governour of 
Flanders 300/., for his expenses in that journey. 

{bbbb,) 1670, September 24th.— A Warrant to pay Sir William 
Poulteney 400/., for his interest in a house adjoining upon Berkshire 
House. 

{eccc) 1670, September 24th. — A Wan-ant to pay to Isaack le 
Goose 1,130/., in full for 2 diamonds presented by his Majestie to the 
Mai'quis de Bellefond. 

(dddd.) 1670, October 18th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer to pay to 
Sii' Stephen Fox 1,120/. per mensem for 200 recruits added to the 
guards, and 9/. 16*. Oct, per mensem, for pay of Sir Charles Wheeler, 
and what interest the said Sir Stephen Fox shall disburse for money 
advanced for those services,«stated by an auditor and not exceeding 
20,000/. 

(eeee,) 1670, October 19th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer, to pay 
Sir Allen Apsley, for the use of the Duke of York 48,000/. in 2 yeares 
by quarterly payments, in consideracion of the Wine licenses, which 
his Majestie hath taken into his hands from Midsummer 1670. 

Ufff) 1670, Fryday, October 28th.— A Warrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay to Phillip Packer, esq., 20,000/. for extraordinary services of his 
Majesties buildings. 

{9999') 1670, Fryday, October 28th.— A Warrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay to Sir Thomas Osborn and Sir Thomas Littleton, Commissioners 
for executing the office of Treasurer of the Navy, 21,790/. upon accompt 
for building and rigging two 3rd rate friggats at Hull. 

(hhhh.) 1670, Thursday, November 17th.— A Warrant to pay the 
Viscountess Shannon 1,950/., as of his Majesties royall bountie without 
accompt, in satisfaction for 6,000 ounces of white plate formerly directed 
to be delivered to her from his Majesties Jewell-house. 

(mi.) 1670, November 22nd. — A Warrant to the Exchequer, to 
pay to Francis Parry, esq., his Majesties agent in Portugall, 20*. per 
diem for his entertainment there, to commence 1 June 1669, and to 
continue till his returne into his Majesties presence, and to pay the 
arreares thereof, and to pay 100/. by way of advance for his accommo- 
dacion. 

(kkkk,) 1670, Fryday, November 25th. — A Warrant to the Exchequer 
to pay to the Churchwardens of St. Margaret's Westminster 50/., as 
of his Majesties accustomed bountie. 

(////.) 1670, Fryday, November 25th.— A Warrant to the 
Exchequer, to pay to George Wild, esq., 800/., as of his Majesties royal 
bountie, for and in respect of severall services done by him to his 
Majestie, by vertue of a commission to him, to execute the office of 
Lieutenant of tho Tower of London, during the maioraltie of Sir John 
Robinson. 

(mmfntn.) 1670, Monday, December 5th. — A Graunt to Madam 
Henriette de Bordes d'As&igny, one of the Queen's dressers, of 400/., 
to be paid out of the Exchequer, and of 300/. per annum for her life. 



16 

(nnnn,) 1670, Tuesday, December 13tli. — A. Warrant to the 
Exchequer to pay George Wharton, esq., Treasurer of the Ordinance, 
200,000/. upon accompt, one moietie to be imployed for land serrice, the 
other for sea service. 

(oooo,) 1670, Tuesday, December .13th. — A Warrant to the Er- 
cheqner to pay to the Duke of Torke interest for the 20,000/. given to 
his Highnesse by his Majestie for his losse by the imposicions on Wine 
and Vinegar. 

(PPPP) 1670, Fryday, December 23i-d.— A Warrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay for the use of the Duke of Buckingham 3,210/. in full satis* 
faction for his expenses in his journey into France. 

iqqqq-) 1670, Fryday, December 23rd. — AWarrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay the Earle of Bristoli and the Countesse his wife 2^50/., to be paid 
out of the tenths of the clergy in Yorke, Excester, Winchester and 
Lincoln Dioceses. This being arreares of his pension of 3,000/. per 
annum graunted not long since. 

(rrrr.) 1670, Fryday, December 23rd. — A Warrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay to Sir William Armont 500/. as of his Majesties free guift. 

(ssss.) 1670, Fryday, December 23rd.--A Warrant to the Ex- 
chequer to pay to the Churchwardens and Overseers of poor of 
St. Martins-in-the-Fields the summe of 100/. as of his Majesties 
bountie. 

(tm,) 1670, Fryday, December 23rd.— A Warrant to the Exchequer, 
to pay to the Lord Mandeville the summe of 1,500/., as of his Majesties 
free guift and bountie. 

{uuuu.) 1670, April 21st.— A Graunt to the Earls of Bedford and 
his heires and assignes of a market to be held every day in the yeare, 
except Sundayes and Christmass© day, in the Piatzza of Covent Garden, 
for fruits, floures, herbs and rootes. This being one of the three 
" Docquetts," forgott to be entered in their proper places. Another of 
the three misplaced docquetts runs thus, — 

(wwww,) 1670, October 3l8t. — A Pardon to the Mayor, Sheriffe, 
Aldermen, and Commonaltle of the city of Norwich, for making and 
coyning of halfepence and paying the same for currant money to his 
Majesties subjects, contrary to law. 

1671, December 4th to 167^, March 4th. — An Account-Book for 
sewing-silk, buttons, and other trifles of haberdashery, had at the shops 
of Mr. Smyth and Mrs. Balls by Mr. Watts for the use of divers persons 
of highest quality, as well as for individuals of the inferior degrees of 
social distinction, c.^/., His Majesty (for whose use Mr. Watts received 
such goods as sewing-thread, silver-coloured silk thread, fine diaper tape, 
to the value of 7*. OJJ.), the Earl of Cavendish, the Earl Chesterfield, 
the Earl of Bath, the Spanish Ambassador^ Lord Arlington, Lord 
Pallmer, the Earl of Oxford, the Countess of Cleveland's son. Lord 
Southampton, the Duke of Monmouth (for whose use Mr. Watts bought 
at diiferent times 3 yards of thred galloune at 4d,, halt-quarter of 
white silk thread at 2d,, 5 yards of galloune at IJc/., 1 dram of silke at 
1^6?., and 3 yards of ribbin at 1;.), and the Marquis of Blandford. It 
does not appear why Mr. Watts was employed to make these trivial 
purchases for the use of such exalted persons. It may be observed that 
the exalted persons mentioned in the account were of the masculine sex. 
Was Mr. Watts a needleman, who attended assemblies at Whitehall, 
the Mall, and Spring Gardens, and found employment in repairing on 
the spot the disordered ribbons and fillets of his patrons ? 



17 

1680 to 1693.— Common-Place Book of Wliitelock Bulstrole, esq.; 
o^ontaining, together wiih many other memoranda, the following 
matters, to wit,-^ 

(a.) 1670, February 2l8t. — ^A Speech made in the HouiO of Peers 
4)y • the Lord Lucas, February 21st, 1670, uppon occasion of a Bill 
for h» Majesties present supply lately sent up from the Commons, and 
read in the House of Peers the 2nd time. 

(6.) 1080, May 18th. — Note touching a hail-storm: — "Tuesday 
18th May 1680, fell hailstones at ten in the morning for a quarter 
of an hour in London, of five inches in circumference, some weighed 
an ounce and a quarter. They broke downe four of the trees in Cliffords 
Inne Ac." 

(c.) 1678, May 3 1st. — Concise report of "Sir William Scroggs 
Speech on his being made Cheife Justice of the King's Bench,. 
May 3l8t, '78, to the Lord Chancellor." 

{d,) 168|, January 11th and February 2nd. — Notes touching the 
Thames in the Great Frost: — **This day I walk t over the ice from 
Temple staires to the Barge Houses against tlie Temple. I spoke with 
those that did' see a coach with two horses drove cross the Thames about 
2 dales since. I saw 12 coaches plying at Temple Staires to carry 
persons to Westminster on the ice; lOO's of booths were sett up, 
a whole street from the Temple to the Barge Houses, meat roasted 
there, booksellers, shoemakers, trades were there; severall timber- 
booths; BuU-baidng against White Hall. Feb. 2nd, 168 J." 

(e.) 1684, August 4ch. — A Description of an "animal called an 
" Alleg'itor or Crocodile, but having on his snout the exact figure of 
*^ a death's head," which the writer saw on said day in Smithfield. 

(/.) 1684, October 9tli. — ^Note touching the character and death of 
DIgby Gerard, Lord Gerard of Bromley : — "The Lord Gerrerd, having 
drunk excessively, came with another person to the Rose Tavern 
in Cevent Garden, and having dranke a bottle, ths one fell asleep, 
and the Lord fell downe under the table, and when the drawer came 
found him dead. The Lord lived from his lady, was a great swarer^ 
drunkard, and very debauch'd : — 'twas the Lord Gerrard of Bromley, 
who 'tis said had 7,000/. per annum." 

(^r.) 1681, Decenrber 3rd. — Note of the character and death of 
Mr. Hutchins : — " Mr. Hutchins, a Blade of the Towne, coming with 
two women from the Green Draggon Tavern in Fleet Street about 
8 at night, mett 2 watermen, one of which, for taking the wall 
of him, at so slight an occasion bee struck over the head, and after 
ran him through, of which he immediately died. Hutchins escaped 
into liam Alley without being pursued, but of himself came back 
to see what he had done, and looke for his sword, uppon which 
he was taken. He was afterv/ards executed in Fleet Street, but 
denied the fact to the last." 

(A.) 1684, November 12th. — A Note touching the life and death of 
Lord Windsor: — "Then died Lord Windsor, a young, strong and 
healthy gentleman, about 25 year of age, in co. Wigorn. About last 
(1684) August, I was in the country with him, who I perceived minded 
the feilde sports in the morning till noone, then eat very plentifully, 
and after that dranck hard ; he was given to lasciviousness, and would 
ridicule holy Writt, arguing with all his witc against the divinity 
of our Saviour. He died of an imposthume very unexpectedly." 

(«.) 1690, January 20th. — Note on the death of the Countess of 
Burlington and the vicissitudes of her fortunes : — " The Countess 
of Burlington, aged 78, was carried in great state to be buried this 
<lay, of whom her servant, Mr. Graham, toW nio this story: — That 

a 88428. B 

I '-1 



18 

he saw the two greatest persons of the 3 kingdomes, next the Eoyal 
Family, vizf ., the Datchesse of Ormond and this Countess of Burlington^ 
(who was the last of the family of the Earle of Cumberland, heiress 
to the Dutchy of Normandy) cry for want of bread ; this was in the 
Civ ill Warr of England ; after that, they lived in great plenty and 
splendour; and now again the Countess of Burlington was reduced 
to a low ebb, her estate in Ireland being fallen to notMng." 

(k.) 1692, September 8ih. — Note on a earthquake: — **l dined 
this day in Cheiipside against Mercer's Chappell, at the sign of the 
HauQch of Venison, with Mr. Urwin, Mr. Smith, Mr. Butler, 
Mr. Wright, Mr. Holloway and Mr. Kiggs, at two of the clocke, 
and as wee were at table, there was a strange shakeing of the table, 
which before was fast, and of the chaires and the whole room, soe 
. that Mr. Holloway, Mr. Urwin and Mr. Butler rose in hast from 
table and ran downe staires, without saying a word ; Mr. Wright and 
Mr. Smith rose from table, and went to the dore of the Chamber 
in order to goe downe staires. I sate still at Table, I was in my 
duty, and thei*efore I relied on Providence for proteccion. It seemed 
upon inquiry, this was an Earthquake, that shooke most if not all 
London and the suburbe. When I cadie to Cliffords Inne Lane, the 
stacioner related, that it was soe violent that it made him giddy, and 
soe in truth it did me. He said it shooke the iron that hung in the shop, 
which waverd for a good while after; it was felt at Tower Hill, 
Whitehall and the Strand, and at Islington [and] Kensington. It 
waa. felt from Portsmouth to Cambridge, and at Bathe, and even in 
Flanders, and at Paris, Cologne and Normandy." 

After ceasing to use this volume for the commemoration of matters 
similar to those set forth in foregoing examples of the work, 
Mr. Bulstrode turned the book about and filled the still vacant leaves 
with transcripts of essays in vei*se, curious epitaphs, and other literary 
trifles. Amongst these things of verse are several metrical peifonnances 
by the first Loid Kosebery, to wit. On Tunbridge Wells: A Satyr, 
verses Upon Nothing, and another satirical piece, entitled Saif/r 
Against Marriage. 

1682, Michaelmas. Book of the Establishment of H.R.H. the Duke 
of York ; the opening page of the volume being headed with these 
words, to wit, ^^ An Establishment of the Wages, Fees, Pencions,' and 
^* Allowances yearly made and allowed by mee unto my Officers and 
" Servants of my Chamber, of my Houshold, and of my Revenue, and 
*^ unto others, begining at Michaelmas, 1682, and to continue during 
*• my Pleasure." Containing, with lists of the servants belonging to her 
Highness the Dutches of York, and of the servants belonging tocher 
Highnesse the Lady Anne, the following list of his Royal Highnesses 
Pensioners, — 

" Mr. George Howard • - - 

Lady Keightley . - - 

Mrs. Dorohy (sic) Grahmes 
The Lady Hamilton ... 
The Lord Churchill 
The Lady Churchill 
The Lady Murray 

Mr. John Legge ... 
Dr. Killegrew my Almoner 
Mr. Barker's children 
Mr. Fraaser for washballa 
Mrs, Hillyard • • • - 





£ 


s. 


A 




100 










200 










300 










300 










200 










300 










800 










050 










100 










040 










052 










040 









19 



£ 


s. 


d. 


- 500 








. 100 








. 100 








- 200 








- 200 








- 050 








. 080 








- 050 








. 040 








- 020 








. 080 








• 600 








£3,902 









Mr. Henry Jermyn - 
Mr. James Killegrew - 
Sir George Eiheredge 
Mr. James Porter 
Mrs. Katherine Elliott 
Mrs. Lucy Wise - 
Mounsier Davier 
Hrs. Katherine Lacollis 
Oliver Stephens 
Ann Wright * • 

Mr. Tobias Holder 
To Another 



The following list also deserves attention : — 
*^ Yearly Payments made out of the Profitts of the Post Office. 

B$/ his Majesties Letters of Privy Seale, 

£ *. d. 

The Dutchesse of Cleaveland - - 4,700 

The Lady Greene . . • - 0,500 

Mr. Dereham .... 0,182 10 

By your Royall Highnesses Command. 

Lord Arlington - . • • i,000 

Govemour of the Post Office, Mr. Frowd • 1,000 

£7,382 10 



Officers and Clerks in the Inland Office : — 
Ck>mptrollery Mr, Thomas Gardiner ... 
Accomptanti Mr. John Parsons - 7 

Cashiers, Mr. Edward Swift and Mr. Stephen 

LiUy . . .... 

Clerk of the Chester Boad, Mr. James Hicks^ 

senior - - - , - 

His Assistant, Mr. James Hicks junior - •* 

Clerk of the North Eoad, Mr. John Midleton • 
Clerk of the West Boad, Mr. Benjamin Lamh - 
Clerk of the Yarmouth Boad, Mr. Edmund 

Sawtell ..... 

Clerk of the Bristoll Boad, Mr. Bichard Minors - 
Clerk of the Bristoll Boad for by-dayesi Mr. 

Bichard Egerton .... 
Clerk of the Kentish Boad, Mr. Anthony 

Halford ..... 
Alphabet-man, Mr. Underhill Brees 
r Mr. William Ledson 
Window-men < Mr. William Searle 

(^ Mr. Francis Garret • • * 



£ 


$. 


d. 


200 








200 








100 








100 








040 








060 








060 





a 


060 





0^ 


050 





0^ 


040 








050 








060 








030 








030 








030 





a 



B 2 



. 20 

£ s. 
Clerke for under-taxed Letters, Mr. Henry 

Bttbington - - - - - 030 

Window -man of the bj-night, Anthony Markland 024 

f Mr. Kobert Low - - - 030 

Mr. Lumley Williams - - - 030 

Mr. James Lake - - - 024 

^ Mr. John Cumber - - - 020 

Sorter of the Paid Letters, Mr. Robert Clavill - 030 



Sorters i 



Clerks in the Forreigne Office : — 

Comptroller, ^Ir. Frederick Frowd - - 100 

vj . .^„ / ^*f« Bowman - - - 040 

^^"^" 1 Mr. John Faladine - - - 040 

Alphabet-man, Mr. John Rowland - - 060 

Rebate-man, Mr. John Leason - - 040 

f Mr. Nicholas Tliatcher - - 016 

Mrs. Alee Grove - - 027 

Mr. George Luce -* - 020 

Letter Receivers<' ^''' *^^^" ^^^® " ' ^^ 

Letter Keceneis<^ ^^^^ William Nott - - 010 









































































































6 


8 















Mr. James Maynes - - 013 

Mr. John Loyd - - 012 

Mrs. Sugan Roberts - - 006 

pFourteen Letter-Carriers and^ 
T X* n — :««« three Porters belonging to the 

a^d Porters^ Inland Office, and one Porter ^67 
ana i orters. . i,ei^j„ging to the Forreign f 
\^ Office, per ann. - tJ 

Postmasters' Wages - ... - 5,000 

Pofit-Office Rent - . - - 0,350 

Allowance for beer, per annum - - 0,060 3 

Mr. Richai-ds of Paris - - - - 3,200 

Totall of all the Payments mencioned in this 

establishment - - - .-37,886 1 6" 

1682-6. — Volume of Great Wardrobe Accounts : Containing bills of 
Tradesmen and Artificers belonging to the Great Wardrobe, for wares 
by them delivered and work done for the service of " Our late dear 
-*' Brother and of his royall consorte Katherine the now Queene Douager 
^* within the space of one year and a quarter, vizt , from the Feast of St. 
*' Michell the Archangell, 1682, to the Fea.st of the Nativity of our Lord 
"*• God 1684 " ; Avith directions ♦for their payment, the sum total of the 
j)ayments being 5,827/. 14*. S\d. — Also, the Warrant for the payment 
of sums of money due to Tradesmen and Artificers, for wares by them 
delivered and for work done for " »)nr dearest consort the Queene for 
one year ended at the Feast of St Miehaell the Archangell 1686,'* in- 
cluding the charge for a crimson velvett bed lyned with crimson saltin, 
.Ac, Ac. (1,520/.) for our dearest Consort the Queene, with a greene 
velvet clolh of estate, embroydered with gold, &e., Ac, 1,508/., the 
whole being furnished by Simon de Loveli, French Upholster ; and the 
fium total of the Account being 16,631/. IYat. 5\d. 

1686, March 28th to 1699, September 11th. — Book of Disbursement* 
by Winifred Turbevile {sic) to the use of tho Hight Honorable Wil- 
liam, Earle of Powys, since the eight and twentieth day of March, 1686. 
Also, ten bills, fastened together with a pin, the first of them being a 
bill, dated March 13, 169^ for sugar, spiced, new figgs, case nutts, 



21 

cutt tobacco, corks, and starch, bought by Mrs. Turberville (stc) of 
William Beignolds, and " sent to Byttington, when my Lady was there.** 
The book and bills affording useful evidence of prices paid by house- 
keepers of the period for different kinds of provision. 

1687, April 8th, to 1692, June 25th.— The Book of Obserranda, 
wntten by Whitelock Bulstrode of the Inner Temple, controversialist antf 
mystical writer, author of A Discourse of Natural Philosophy (1692), 
Prothonotary of the Marshalsea Court and Commissioner of Excise, 
second son of Sir Richard Bulstrode, so often mentioned in this report. 
The purpose with which Whitelock Bulstrode began to write this curious 
volume, that was gradually produced during a term of five years and twa 
months, is indicated by the following entry on one of the book's opening^ 
leaves, " Sept. 1687 : Observanda. In the World what I meet with extra- 
" ordinary or useful!, I committ to writing, that on K^fleccion I may be 
*^ able to given some accompt of men and things. In reading I shoukl 
" observe (but my broken minutes will not permitt itt) this method. 
" First to common-place, in a generall booke, under proper Heads, what 
*^ I find rcmarkeable ; 2dly, sett down what I finde new, and fitt tor 
" be remembred, which one should review at the end of the weeke, ana 
" then more exactly digest it ; 3dly, to sett downe in another little 
" booke queries that I know not, in order to be informed, when I meete- 
" with men capable." But after working for a time on the common- 
place book, jotting down memoranda of dreams, meteorological phe- 
nomena, social incidents and political occurrences, Mr. Bulstrode changed 
his plan of operations, so that the book is far from corresponding to th& 
programme. In its present state the book may be described as a work 
of two divisions, the larger of which consists chiefly of essays oa 
religious subjects, such as ** The Keasonableness of Faith," " Considera- 
tions touching Divine Service in Publique," '^Regeneration," whilst the 
smaller division (about a third of the volume) consists for the most part 
of notes, more caustic than charitable, on the careers and characteristics 
of divers of the more or less notable persons of London, in the times of 
Charles II., James II., and William III. Of these censorious and rather- 
malicious sketches of individuals, I give the following example, because 
the brief and biting memoir contains a reference to the Mr. Harcourt^ 
Clerk of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, whose official action, 
{vide " Middlesex County Becords, Vol. IV., Preface lix.. Ix.), was so- 
injurious to the Clerkenwell MSS. '* 2olh June, 1692.— This day- 
'* Ambrose Isted, esq., shott himself; the reason is not knowne, but 
'' 'tis supposed he ran out by liveing above his fortune. I knew him a 
'^ stacioner, in a little shop in Fleet Street about 12 years agoe ; he 
** then turned mony-scrivener, afler that a merchant, an interloper in 
'^ the East Indies, then kept his country-house, and his conch, and lived 
" in great state, after that was a Justice of Peace in Middlesex, and sett 
" up for that purpose in St. Joneses ; he was lately turned out of 
" Conunission for siding with Harcouit, the Clarke of the Peace, and 
'' this day shott himself with a pistell and is dead. He was a 
" haughty proud man, in with King Charles the Second, he became 
" the like with King James, and now againe with King William. 
** He was of Cornish his jury, and it is observed that 5 if not 6 of* 
" that jury have come to an untimely end, a mighty Tory, soe an 
" adherer to that which is uppermost, loved to sit at the upper end of 
'* a feast and drincke healths with an Huzza. He was Master of the 
** Stacioners Company; this I believe before his time, but he was 
" ambitious. Tis generally said and with reason, that being turned 
" out of Commissioner was the cause of his killing himself." Mr. 
Whitelock Bulstrode is silent about the good, gentle, kindly folk of the' 



22 

London be studied shrewdly. Tbe '< characters " to whom he intro- 
duces his readers are for the most part bad characters^ whom he would 
have done ill to commend ; but be speaks of them with a rancorous 
asperity, that accords with the spiritual self-sufficiency of his utterances 
on matters pertaining to religion. The gentleman is neither a genial 
nor an edifying company ; but his sketches of persons would be service- 
able to a social historian of the post-commonwealth London of the 
seventeenth century. 

1688-91. — ^Brief State (folio in vellum cover) of the Incomes and 
Issues of their Majesties' Publick Revenue, from the 5th day of 
November 1688 to the 29th of September 1691 : With tlie Observations 
thereon, made by the Commissioners constituted by an Act of Parlia- 
ment, enacted in the Second Year of their Majesties Reigne, and intituled 
An Act for appointing and enabling Commissioners to examine^ take, 
and state the Publick Accompts of the Kingdome, 

1758-9. — Large Folio Book, in vellum binding: Containing the 
Accounts Deb. and Cred. of His Majesty's Exchequer, baknoed 
weekly from 6th October. 1758 to 5th October 1759. Written by the 
same hand throughout, and containing 12,000 entries. 

1786-1795. — John Bewick's Note Book: a small journal of four strips 
of thick vellum in leather cover, to be earned in a waistcoat pocket. 
Containing (a) These memoranda of the writer's movements, *' Augt. 12, 
** 1786, Arrived in London ; Octr. 15, 1787, Begun business for myself 
*^ on Clerkenwell Green; Augt., 1790, I took a lodging at Mount 
*' Pleasant on account of poor health ; In Octr., 1793, moved down to 
** Crouch End; July 9, 1795, returned to my native home in extreme 
** poor health " : (6) These memoranda of deaths in his family, to wit, 
^' John Bewick ob. 15 Nov. '85 est. 70; Jane Bewick ob. 20 Feb. '85 
*^ »t. 58 ; Hannah Bewick ob. 24 June '85 st. 80 ; Ann Bewick ob. 
** 22 Feb. '88 8Bt. 30; Sarah Bewick ob. 27 Dec. '82 eet. 17.— Lord as 
** in Heaven on Earth thy will be done " ; and (c) These verses, 
accompanying a wood engraving of a view of the London Hospital, 
addressed to Dr. Charles Brown of Hornsey, 

" Dear Charles, I here send you an impression from wood 
Of that grand institution which tends to do good 
Where the poor, sick and feeble, the lame and dejected, 
May there find relief, and again be respected. 
But this trifle of trifles, nay, trifling its worth, 
Yet when I'm dead and gone and laid in the earth. 
If you e'er for me had the smallest regard. 
In that same proportion you'll value this card. 

Yours, Ac. — Jno. Bbwick." 

1796 to 1831.— Book of the Ireland Forgeries: Containing (1) the 
Pamphlet (1796) entitled Miscellaneous Papers and Legal Instruments 
under the Hand and Seal of William Shahspeare ; including the 
Tragedy of King Lear^ and a small Fragment of Hamlet from the 
original MSS. in the Possession of Samuel Ireland of Norfolk Street^ 
with which the writer introduced some of his son's inexpert and 
audacious Shakespearian fabrications to the world ; (2) W. H. Ireland's 
Authentic Account of the Shaksperian Manuscripts, commonly called 
■*' Ireland's Confession," in which the notorious fabricator acknowledged 
the spuriousness of the writings that had deluded so many incautious con- 
noisseurs of manusciipts ; (3) several examples of the fabricator's artless 
performances in antique penmanship; and (4) a Letter (preserved 
in the book, but not a part of it) from W. H. Ireland, to wit, 



23 

the Tounger Ireland, to Sir Godfrey Webster bart., in which the 
writer, dating from 3, Eve Terrace, Old Pancras Church, on 12th 
JSeptember, 1831, says ^' In reference to myself, permit me to add, that 
^^ I am well known to Lord and Lady Holland, to each of whom I 
^' dedicate<l workg, vi^., to his Lordship my translation of Louis Bona- 
" paite's work in reply to Sir Walter Scott, and to her Ladyship my 
" Napoleon Anecdotes in 4 volumes, from both of whom I have been 
** honoured by epistolary communications of the most flattering nature." 
In connection with this memorial ot a silly imposture, which made 
a prodigious stir in literary London at the close of the last century, 
it may be observed that Mr. Hodgkiu possesses (1) in a small green box, 
lettered '*Shakspeares Deed of Gift to Ireland, 1604," the fabricator's 
spurious Deed of Gift (25th Oct. 1604) by Shakspeare to William 
Henry Ireland, a fictitious ancestor of the impostor, (2) in another 
small green box, lettered '* Shakspeare and Lowine, 1609," the 
fabricator's spurious indenture of an agreement between William 
Shakspeare and Henry Condelle, purporting to have been signed and 
sealed on 20th March, 8 James I. ; and in a third green box a lock of 
hair, with this ticket " Ann Hatheway's Lock of Hair, given by her to 
Shakespear." Together with these examples of fraudulent penmanship 
by the Younger Ireland, Mr. J. Eliot Hodgkin preserves a volume 
(made in 1758 and 1759; of copy-book slips by the pen of the literary 
impostor's father, Samuel Ireland, the whilom. SpitalsHelds silk-weaver, 
who was a writing-master, as well as a dealer in old books and literary 
curiosities, before he produced his " Picturesque Tour," " Picturesque 
Views/' and *' Graphic Illustrations of Hogartli.*' 



II. — Select Letters and Documents from 1557 A.D. 
TO 1788 A.D. 

In the summary of these letters and documents, it will be for the reader's 
convenience that I should divide the writings into groups, offering in the 
first place to his cursory notice those of them that were penned in the 
sixteenth century, and then inviting him to take a general view of 
the later writings, reign by reign, in the order of the reigns in which 
they were produced. 

(a) Letters written in the Sixteenth Century by the following 
Writers to the follotving Persons, 

(1) Sir Thomas Boleyn to Margaret of Austria, Governor of the 
Netherlands; a letter datter on 14th August 1514, from Green v^ich; 

(2) Letter, dated from Westminster on June 2nd, 1557, "by the 
" Kinge and Queene, under the Signet and Sign Manual of Marye the 
*' Queene, to the Earl of Shrewsbury, President of the Council and 
** Lieutenant- General in the northern parts ; accompanying a copy of 
'< their Majesties' Pit>clamation of War against the French king, and 
*' giving directions for the publication of the same Proclamation " ; 

(3) Francois de Lorraine (Due de Guise) to John Philip, Count 
Rhingrave ; (4) William Cothe to Sir William Seintloe, knt., 
Captain of the Guard for Queen Elizabeth's person; a letter in 
which the writer, dating on 14th July 1563, from Newhaven, gives 
a graphic and harrowing account of the horrors of the siege of 
Newhaven, alias Havre de Grace, Normandy; (5) Mary Queen of 
Scots to the Count Rheingrave ; a letter, dated fix>m Stirling on 21st 
September 1568, touching the fall of Havre and the peace made 



24 

ludde between France and England ; (6) Hon. Gilbert Talbot to his^ 
father, George the 6th Earl of Shrewsbury ; a domestic letter of 
considerable interest, in which the writer, dating on 12th January^ 
1575, from Godrydche Castle, speaks amongst other matters of the 
iron-works on the estate; (7) Henri III. of France to Mon. de 
Flassana ; (8) Margaret, Queen of Navarre, to her husband the King 
of Navarre, afterwards Henri IV. of France ; (9) Lord Burghley to 
Mr. Robert Peter, Auditor of the Receipt of the Exchequer ; a letter 
dated from Haveryng on July l7th, 1578, and intimating " that truly 
" the Queues Majesty is offended with those gret expenses, and specially 
" consideryng so litle is spent about provision of poudre and external 
" provisions" ; (10) Philip 11. of Spain to Catherine de Medicis ; (11) 
Frau9ois Due l)*Alen9on et D'Anjou to Henri III. of France ; a curious 
and amusing letter in which the duke, dating from Richmond, entreats 
the King to send him the money which he must spend on presents, ii^ 
order to compass his marriage with the Queen of England ; (12) Thomas 
Earl of Ormonde to John Liston; (13) Henri IV. of France to 
James VI. of Scotland. 



(6) Letters temp, James /. 

(1) Lord Cranborne to Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Salisbury ; (2) 
Sir Charles Cornwaleys to James I. ; a contemporary copy of a letter, 
dated 22nd June 1614, another copy of which is preserved at the 
Record Office ; (3) Henry Lord Clifford to Sir Thomas Fayrfax ; a letter 
dated from Londesburrow on February 7th, 1619, asking for a subscrip- 
tion towards a fund for " a piece of plate to be run for heere at Pip- 
lingcoates"; (4) Inigo Jones to .... ; a letter dated on 1 5th July 
1620, from the Office of His Majesty's Works, touching " the worker 
of the Banquettinge house " ; (5) Sir Richard Younge, knt., to Lord 
Zouche; a letter, dated on 20th September 1620, I'rom Jermanbury, 
containing gossip of the Court; (6) Henry Constable, Viscount Dunbar,, 
to Henry Kirton at Burton Constable ; a letter without date, but pro- 
bably written in 1620, touching the popular feeling against the Romau 
Catholic Church, and the country's repugnance to the notion of any 
match for the Prince that would be favourable to the members of that 
church ; (7) Benjamin Wray to Charles Fayrefax, esq., antiquary and 
genealogist; a letter, dated on 6th November 1621, from Mannam, 
condoling with Mr. Fayrefax on the deaths of two of his brothers ; 
(8) Sir Sydney Mountagu to Sir Richard Weston, knt.. Chancellor of 
the Exchequer. 

(c) Letters temp, Charles L 

(1) Sir Thomas Savlle, knt., to Sir Randall Crewe, Chief Justice of the 
King's Bench; a letter, dated on 17th January 1626, from Kippax, 
touching a recent election of a Member of Parliament for Yorkshire, 
and offering the writer's humble apology for having failed, through 
sickness, to appear in the Court of King's Bench according to appoint- 
ment ; (2) Edward Somerset, 4th Earl of Worcester, to the Earl of 
Leicester ; a letter, dated from Nonsuch on 19th November 1625, touching 
the Earl of Leicestei-'s '* absence from St. George's feast " ; (3) . . . . 
to Thomas Lord Fairfax at York ; a letter of social and political news^ 
dated from London on February 24th, 1627, in which the writer refers 
to the recent insolent behaviour of **the marriners" towards "the 
Duke," and touches inter alia ujwn the recent elections of knights and 



25 

burgesses by " the cytyscns'*; (4) Sir Philip Carteret to Robert Earl of 
Leicester at Paris; a letter, dated from the Isle of Jersey on 12th 
December 1637, complaining of the recent seizure by the French at 
St. Molo of three ships, belonging to shipowners of Jensey ; (5) Robert 
Rich, 2nd Earl of Warwick and Sir William Maynard to James 
Altham, esq. ; a letter, dated from Chelmsford on 15th March 1638, 
requiring Mr. Altham to attend the next muster and review of the 
cavalry of Essex, and setting forth the quality of the horse and 
particulais of the equipment required of him on the occasion ; (6) 
Charles I. to Lord Dungurvan ; a Commission, dated on 25th of February 
under His Majesty's signet and sign-manuali authorising and requiring 
Lord Dungarvan to raise one hundred horsemen for the King's 
service in his proposed expedition to the Northern Parts of his 
Kingdome. 

Other notable letters iemp. Charles L appear in the Calendar of 
Writings touching Charles I, and the Civil War, 

(d) Letters temp. Commonwealth, 

(1) John Moyley, M.P., to Colonel Robert Bennet ; a lengthy but 
far from tedious letter, dated from Westminster on 13th November 
1(>49, giving particulars cf proceedings in Parliament and passing from 
nation^ affairs to matters of merely local interest at Little Petherick, 
CO. Cornwall ; (2) George Yilliers, 2 ad Duke of Buckingham, to Lady 
Fairfax; a letter touching the writer's passion for and pursuit of 
" Mistress Fairfax,'* daughter of Lady Fairfax ; (3) Captain William 
Rausse to the Commissioners of the Navy ; (4) Joseph Kent to Prince 
Rupert at Nantes; a letter dated on 18th October, 1653, from Venice; 

(5) Nathaniell Browne to Robert Blackboume, esq., Secretary of the 
Admiralty ; a letter, dated on 21st August 1654, from the Triumph in 
the Downes, in which the writer prays that Gold Chmn and Medal (a 
decoration ordered by the Lord Protector in recognition of " good services 
at sea*'), which had Ijeen appointed to the late Captain Lionel Lane shortly 
before his death, should be conferred on the said captain's eldest son ; 

(6) William Whitehom to the Commissioners of the Admiralty ; a letter 
dated on 25th August, 1656, from the Essex Friga1« in Manlike Pitts, 
containing latest intelligence from the fleet; Oliver Cromwell, P., to 
Governor Leveret ; a letter, dated from Whitehall under the Protector's 
sign-manual on 18th September 1656, touching Nova Scotia. 

Other choice letters of this period are displayed in the Calendar of 
Writings touching Charles the Second in Exile. 

(e.) Letters and Documents tetnp. Charles IL 

(1) Joseph Glanville F.R.S., Chaplain in Ordinary to Charles II., to 
Henry More D.D., Follow of Christ's College, Cambridge ; a letter, dated 
from Frome on 13th November [1662 ?], touching the Drummer of 
Tedworth ; (2) Andrew Rutherford, Earl of Teviot, to Lord . . . . ; a 
valedictory letter, dated from Durham Yard on 16th April 1663, on the eve 
of the writer's departure for foreign service, in which the addressee of 
the epistle is requested to use his influence in behalf of " Major Touris 
of the Scots Gardes " of the French king ; (3) Charles II. to the Lords 
and others Commissioners of the Duke of Buccleugh and Monmouth; 
a letter under His Majesty's sign-manual, touching the transmission of 
moneys for the use of the Duke and Duchess of Buccleugh and 
Monmouth ; (4) Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland to 



26 

a letter, dated from Edenbrught on 16th August 1666, suggesting '< a 
'' most effectual remedy for punishing and preventing the disorders 
** which ar in the church" ; (5) Prince Rupert to the House of Commons, 
1667 ; a contemporary and official copy of the Prince's report on the mis- 
carriages he had observed in the management of the war, and more 
especially on the division of the fleet in the year 1666; (6) Duke of 
Albemarle to the House of Commons, 1667 ; a contemporary and official 
transcript of the Duke's report to the Commons on '' the miscarriages in 
the late war" and more especially on "the division of the fleet in 
1666 " ; (7) Thomas Fanshawe, 1st Viscount Fanshawe to Arthur 
Sparke, esq. ; a brief note, dated on 27th February 1669, in which the 
writer asks his cousin Sparke to lend him 50/. ; (8) Charles the Second 
to Prince Rupert; a letter of orders and instructions, dated from 
Whitehall on 26th April 1673, under the sign-manual ; (9) the same to 
the same ; another letter of orderd and instructions, dated on board the 
Royal Sovereign on 26th July 1673, under the sign-manual ; (10) »>ir 
John Finch to . • . . ; an interesting and characteristic letter, dated 
from Pera off Constantinople on 26th May 1674, to one of the writer's 
familiar friends ; (11) Charles FitzCharles, Earl of Plymouth, to Sir 
Richard Bulstrode; a '* young man's letter,'* dated from Melin, that 
gives a not unpleasant view of Catherine Peg's son ; (12) Sir Henry 
Coventry to Sir Richard Bulstrode ; a letter of foreign political in- 
telligence, dated on 19th June 1676, from Whitehall; (13) Lucy, 
Countess of Huntingdon, to . . . . ; a letter of domestic gossip, 
flavoured with political and fashionable news, dated on 16th August 
1677 ; (14) H.R.H. Duke of York to the Due de Bouillon ; a letter, 
dated from London on 2nd December 1677, announcing that God has 
blessed the writer with a son, and at the same time given him the 
satisfaction of marrying a daughter ; (15) Prince of Orange to the Earl 
of Danby ; holograph letter, dated on 5th March 1678, from Maliues ; 
(16) Sir William Killigrew to Sir Thomas Chichly; a letter, dated 
from Whiteliall on 12th August 1678, requiring Sir Thomas to provide 
waggons for the Queen's service^ on the occasion of her intended journey 
to Windsor ; (17) Sir Leoline Jenkins to Lord . . . . ; a letter, 
dated on 26th August 1678, announcing, together with other intelligence, 
that '^ Mr. de los Balb .... will not desire to enter into Armistice 
'* here, but [will] hold to that he hath already, least the Dutch should 
<< have pretext thence to leave Spain in the lurch"; (18) Earl of 
Feversham to . . . . ; a letter, dated on 22nd September 1678, 
relating chiefly to disorderly conduct of troops, and arrangements for 
sick soldiers ; ^19) Countess of Lichfield (daughter of Charles IL by 
the Duchess oi Cleveland) to the Earl of Danby ; a curiously ill-speft 
and ill-written letter, dated 25th October 1679, reioicing ** that the Earl 
doe not beleave those mall tons reportes wich have bin spred " about 
the writer; (20) Athanasius Kircher, S.J., to . . . . ; an 
interesting Latin letter, dated on 20th April 1680, from Home ; (21) 
John Martin to Sir Richard Bulstrode; a letter of official and political 
intelligence, dated on 25 th July 1680, from Madrid; (22) Henry Sydney 
(afterwards Earl of Romney) to . . . . ; a letter, dated from the 
Hague on 13th August 1680, in which the writer says, " Wee expect 
*^ with great impatience his Most Christian Majesty's answer to the 
'^ States Generalls letter, for upon that wee give a shrode guesse what 
'' is likely to insue this campagne"; (23) M. Barillon to the Marquis 
de Feuquiere ; a letter, dated from Windsor, 3rd September 1680, of 
political intelligence touching the Duke of York, that is communicated 
in cypher; (24) Mr. Secretary Blathwayt to Sir Bickard Bulstrode ; 
a' letter dated on 13th February 1681, from Whitehall, giving parti- 



27 

culars of the asaasBination of Mr. Thinne ; (25) Sir Leoline Jenkins to 
the Lord Lieutenant of Oxfordshire ; a letter, dated from Whitehall, on 
26th July 1681, in which the writer speaks of recent '' proceedings at 
last Oxford Assizes," which redounded to his lordship's honour, and 
moved Mr. Justice "Baymond to declare " that such a Lord lieutenant 
" such a sheriff, and such a Grand Jury would keep the King's crown 
** fast upon his head " ; (26) Beason Mellish to Lord . . . . ; a 
letter, dated on 24th July 1682, in which the writer, after thanking 
his lordship for the present of a fat huck, speaks to his correspondent of 
an Address of Abhorrence, which some of the Grand Jury of their 
county at the last Assizes failed to carry " with the sanction of the whole," 
and also of the writer's opinion that the proposal for an Address of 
AbhoiTcnce will be revived again at the next Assizes. Under these 
circumstances the writer, who has been returned to serve on the Grand 
Jury, wishes to have his lordships view of the matter ; it being the 
writer's opinion that a proposal so likely to provoke animosities and 
divisions should not be revived at the risk of a second miscarriage, 
albeit he thinks that " the Paper found in my Lord Shaflsbury's Closet, 
*^ about which this noyse is made, ought to be lookt upon by all good 
** subjects as the project of a most divelish and treasonable design 
« against the Government '* ; (27) Edwin Selwyn, High Sheriff of 
• ... to William Garroway ; a letter, dated from Chichester on 4th 
February 1683, in which the writer, who has been appointed by the 
King ''to prevent, as far as in him lieth, any disorder that might happen 
^ by inconsiderate people upon occasion of his Grace the Duke of 
** Monmouth's comeing to this citty,'* asks for Mr. GaiTOway's advice 
and co-operation for that end. 

Other noteworthy letters of this period appear in the Calendars of 
Danby Papers and Pepys Papers. 



(J) Letters temp. James IL 

(1) The Dauphin of France to Mary of Modena, Queen*Consort of 
James II. ; a letter dated from Versailles on 7th March 1685, in which 
the writer expresses his sorrow for the death of Charles II., and his 
satisfaction at Her Majesty's elevation to regal dignity; (2) Lord 
Sunderland to the Earl of Abingdon ; a letter dated from Whitehall, on 
7th July 1685, announcing that the King has received intelligence of 
'' the entire defeat of the rebells," and giving directions for the appre- 
hension of fugitive rebels and for the maintenance of order; (3) 
James IL to the Earl of Abingdon ; a letter dated from Whitehall, on 
9th July 1685, announcing that <' the late Duke of Monmouth " has 
been taken prisoner, and giving order for the dismissal of the militia of 
the Earl's county; (4) James Vernon to Sir Richard Bulstrode at 
Bruxelles; a letter dated from Whitehall, on 20th January 1685, giving 
intelligence ''that the battalions are now permitted to march from 
Brabant," and are expected to arrive soon in London, '' where their 
Wellcome will be an immediate disbanding"; (5) Charles Montagu, 4th 
Earl of Manchester, to Sir Richard Bulstrpde ; a trivial letter dated from 
Venice on 14th February [ ], relating chiefly to patterns and prices 

of Poynt de Venise ; (6) Mary of Modena, Queen-Consort of James IL, 
to Cardinal Crescentio ; a letter dated from Whitehall on 21st February 
1687) acknowledging the Cardinal's last letter of Christmas good 
wishes ; (7; John Caryll to Sir Richard Bulstrode, dated from [White- 
hall] on 14th November 1687) announcing that the Court entertains 
hopes that Her Majesty the Queen is enceinte ; (8) James Fitz James, 



28 

Duke of Berwick, to Sir Richard Bulstrode;. a letter dated from 
[Whitehall] on 24th May [1688], announcing that ** the Queen intends 
to lye in at Windsor, where she ^vill go upon the 15th of next month "; 
(9) Robert Earl of Sunderland, to Lord Aston, Lord Jiieutenant of co. 
Stafford ; a letter dated from Whitehall on 2nd October 1688, directing 
that " in case of any exigency " Lord Aston " should call together such 
of the Horse Militia of that county," as he thinks " may bee trusted, 
for the preservation of the peace and quiett of the same"; (10) Peter 
Shakerley to William Blathwayte esq., Secretai'y of Warr, at Whitehall ; 
a letter dated from Chester Castle on 6th October 1688, giving particulars 
of the troops coming to Cliester from Ireland; (11) Fi-ancis Viscount 
Radclyffe to the Earl of Derwentwater ; a remarkable letter, dated from 
London on 23rd October 1688, giving particulars of the proceedings at 
the Grand Council of yesterday, when the King announced the birth of 
the Prince and produced conclusive evidence of the momentous incident, 
and touching amongst other matters on the movements of the Prince of 
Orange, the arrest and evidence against Greenwood and a shipment of 
-blunderbusses from London to the north for the Earl of Der went water's 
use ; (12) R. Greene to Mr. Richard Booth ; a letter, dated from Knuts- 
ford on 4th December 1688, touching reports about Lrord Delamere, and 
incidents in the movement, for compassing the revolution ; (13) Major 
Francis Holdsworth to . . • ; a letter, dated from Chesterfield on 
14th December 1688, announcing the arrival of alarming intelligence from 
Bakewell, that ''Papists And Irish to the number of 3,000 are coming 
'< towards these parts, and have fired Birmingham, and are for to come 
" to Darby, Ashbourne and Uxitor this night "; (14) James II. to 
Lords and others of the Privy Council of this Kingdom of England ; a 
remarkable letter dated from St. German s-en-Laye on 14th January 
I68f under the sign-manual of the Ex-King, counter-signed 
Melfort, being a paper of desperate proposals from the fallen king, for 
' the recovery of the crown that had so lately fallen from his head. 



ig) Letters temp, William and Mary^ and William III, 

(1) William Prince of Orange to the King of Spain; a letter dated 

from St. James's on ^^ of January 1689, in which the Prince, after 

referring to a letter of last October in which he gave his reasons to His 
Majesty for entering England, expresses his deep regret for the 
outrages committed against the dignity of His Majesty's ambassador by 
the London mob, that attacked the ambassador's house and violated the 
sanctity of its chapel : (2) Daniel Finch, Earl of Nottingham, to the 
Admirals of the Fleet ; a letter dated from Whitehall on 14th September 
1690, conveying to the Admirals the King's order that they should 
delay their "sailing a moment in expectation of Sir Clo. Shovell's 
squadron," it being '* probable that he may be gone from Plimouth 
before his Majesties orders can reach him" ; (3) Daniel Finch, Earl of 
Nottingham, to Mr. Greg; a letter dated from Whitehall on 21st 
October 1692, touching ''Count Reventlow's and Mon. JesFen's 
'' complaint, that the appeales of the Admiralty are not heard in Conncil 
'' pursuant to the Treaty, and that .the Judges in the first instance are 
*^ sometimes of the number of the Commissioners upon the Appeale"; 
(4) Mr. Peregrine Bertie to Mr. Moon; a letter dated on Isfe July 1693 
speaking inter alia of the rumour that Mr. Anselme, the Secretary ta 
the Admirals has " betrayed the secrettes of the Fleete for this 3 
ywrs togeither " ; (5) Anthony Dopping, Bishop of Meath, to Lord 



29 

[Massarene] ; a letter dated on 2nd March 1693, giving a curious view 
of the clergy of the bishop's diocese ; (6) William III. to Lieut.-General 
Toll^mache ; holograph letter, dated from Camp de Rosbeck on 28th 
June 1694, expressing the deep concern with which the King has 
heard of the wound received by the General in his unsuccessful 
attempt on Brest, followed by a dateless letter touching the same 
miscarriage, in the handwriting of Sir Robert Southwell ; (7) Henry 
Cape), Lord Capel of Tewkesbury, Vice-Boy of Ireland, to the Lords of 
the Treasury ; a curious letter dated from Dublin Castle on 5th July 169.5, 
touching the receipts and disbursements of the Commissioners for 
Forfeitures in Ireland, and affording a strange example of the 
way in which official business was done there at the close of the seven- 
teenth century ; (8) Sir William Blathwayte to His Highness . . . ; a 

letter in French, dated from Whitehall on XpHTToih ^^^> respecting 

the embarkment at Gravesend of troops and horses for service in 
Flanders; (9) Balph, Earl of Montagu to . . . .; a letter, dated 
from London on 11th August 1696, touching the reprieve for three 
weeks granted to Thomas White, a felou under sentence of death, the 
favour to the culprit being accorded to him in consideration of what he 
has ** discovered " ; (10) Lord Villiers to Mr. Blathwayt ; a letter dated 
from the Hague on 25th May 1697, touching the appointment of Matthew 
Prior to a post in Ireland, the duties of which, it is suggested by the 
writer, may be performed in " his absence for some time " by " the other 
Secretary." 



{h.) Letters temp. Queen Anne, 

(1) John Dennis, the critic, to Henry Davenant ; trivial but 
characteristic note, dated on 20th March 1706, from London ; (2) Ad- 
miral Sir John Norris to his Excellency Charles 2nd Viscount 
Townshend ; an official despatch, dated from the Ranelagh in the Gulph 
of Ayasso on 10th June 1710, giving particulars of the Admiral's 
movements and actions in the Mediterranean from 1st inst. ; (3) The 
same to the same; an ot&cial despatch, dated from the Ranelagh in 
Barcelona lioad on 7th July 1710, giving particulars of the Admiral's 
movements and actions from 10th June List past ; (4) Mr. W. Chetwynd 
to Mr. A Cardonnel; a letter of military and political intelligence, dated 
on 3rd September 1711, from Genoa: (5) The same to the same; a 
letter dated on 10th September 1711, from Genoa; (6) Mr. C. Cole to 
Mr. A. Cardonnel; a letter of political and social intelJigence, dated on 
11th September 1711, from Venice ; (7) Mr. Chetwynd to Mr. A. Car- 
donnel ; a letter of military inteUigence, dated on 13th September 1711, 
from Genoa ; (8) Mr. C. Cole to Mr. A. Cardonnel ; a letter of social 
and political intelligence, dated on 13th September 1711, from Venice; 
(9) Mary of Modena, widow of James the Second, to . . . . ; a 
letter touching her son, and her spiritual condition, dated on 22nd 
October 1712, from Chaillot. 



(i.) Letter temp. George //• 

(1) Sir Edward Southwell to . . . ., letter, dated from London 
on 27th April 1736, touching the arrival at Greenwich of Princess 
Augusta of Saxe-Gotha, and her reception by the Prince of Wales. 



30 



(k,) Letters temp. George III. 

(1) Reverend Thomas Morel, author of the words of HandePs 
Oratorios, to . . . ; a letter of interest, dated in or about 1764, 
touching Mr. Morel's intercourse with and literary services to the 
famous composer ; (2) Elizabeth, Duchess of Kingston to .... ; 
a brief note in lYench, dated on 11th April 1788, contradicting the 
report of the writer's death, and declaring that she is in good health. 



Sir Thomas Boletn to Mabgabbt of Austbia, Governor of the 

Netherlands. 

1514, August 14th, The Court at Grjnewiths in England. — *' Ma 
Ireschiare et tres redoubtee dame dans sj humble cuer quil mest possible 
A votre bonne grace me recommande. II vous playra a savoir comment 
ia seur du Boy mon maistre madame marie Reyne fyancee de France 
ma requyse davoir avecques elle ma fille la petitte Boulain laquelle ma 
tresredoubtee dame est a present avecques vous en votre court a laquelle 
requeste je nay peult ne sceut refuzer nuUementsy est ma tresredoubtee 
dame que je vous supplie treshumblement quil vous plaise de donner et 
octroyer congiet a ma fille de povoir retourner pardevers moy avecques 
mes gens lesquelz juy envoyet devers vous a ceste cause ma tresredoubte 
dame je me tiens fort obligiet en vers votre bonne grace a cause de la 
grant honneur que fait aves a ma fille et que ne mest possible a desser- 
vir devers votre bonne grace non obstant que je no dezire aultre chose 
synon que je vous puisse faire auleun servfce agreable ce que jespere de 
faire encores cy en aprts au plaisir de dieu auquel je prie ma tres- 
redoubtee dame quil vous doinst lentier accompliesement de vos 
nobles et bon dcsirs escript desoubz mon signe manuel a la court royalle 
de Grynewiths en engleterre, le xiiii jour daoust anno xv^ et xiiii. Votre 
treshumble serviteur, S^^ Thomas Boleyn." 

Margaret of France to her husband the Kino of Navarub, 
afterwards Henri lY. of France. 

[ ] '^ Monsieur puis que ma maladie sopignatre centre 

lextreme dessir que jai davoir ihoniieur de vous voir je recherchere pour 
le moins se contantemant de vous escrire partontes les commodites que 
jan pour trouver naiant felicite prince de Iheure de votre presanse que selle 
de resevoir de vos nouvelles et de vous temongner la ti-eshumbie afection 
que jai vouee a voire servise. II ne se parle isi que de choses ordineres^ 
tonsiours de remuemans. Nous avons souvant des nouvelles de Mon- 
sieur le Marechal de Malignon hier . ... an vint mes il naporta 
rien de nouvau qui me fera monsieur . , . • da vantage frontenac 
vous suplier tres humblemant monsieur me couserver Ihonneur de votre 
bonne grase et me permettre monsieur de vous baiser tres humblemant 
les mains." Holograph. 

Mart Tudor, Queen of England to the Earl of Shrewsbury. 

1567, June 2nd, Westminster .<*— Letter *' by the Kinge and Queue," 
under the signet and sign-manual of ^' Marye the Queene " : — '' Bight 
trustie and right welbeloved Cousin, we grete you well, and sende 
you herewith our Proclamacion of Warre against the Frenche Kinge, 
whiche our pleasure is to have kepte secrete unlill the viith daye of 



31 

this present moneth whiclie shall be Whitmondaye, on whiche dnye 
assembling the people togither jou shall pnblishe the saide 
Froclamadon causing as many of our subjectes to take knowlege 
thereof as maj be to thintent that being advertised, they maye 
provide themselfes accordingly, as well for their owne suretie and 
defence, as for the i*esisting and takinge advauntage upon their 
enemy es if they can. And herof we require you not to faile as you 
tender our pleashure and commaundement. And although our 
Prodamadon of Warre be made ageinst the Frenche, yet is their no 
enemytie intended asainst the Scottes, and therfore you shall cause 
commaundement to be given thorough out all your charge, that in 
respecte of the saide Proclamacion their be no hostilitie shewed 
towardes them, but £Eih-e and goode demeanour used with declaration 
la wurdes, that onlesse the cause of breach^ come of their parte, 
bothe Beallmes may and shall contynue in good amitie and peax. 
Whiche our intent you shall cause to. be declared with the proclama- 
cion, and to be knowen within all the precinctes of your Commission, 
sending farther copies of this our saide Proclamation unto all portes 
and frontier townee within your saide charge." 

Superscribed to *^ Our .... Cousin and Counsaillour, Therle 
'^ of Shrewesbury president of our Counsaill in the JSTorthe parties and 
'* our Lieutenant Generall there." 



Francois db Lorbahos (Due de Guise) to John Philip Coukt 

RmNGRAVB. 

1560, July 30, Fontainebleau.— *' Mon cousin, Pource que Jay sceu 
de I'homme que nous envoye Mons^ le duo Johan Guillaume de Saze 
que vous vons devez trouver a la reception de sa femme qui le doibt 
faire en sa maison le xviii® du moys prochain, Jay bien voullu 
charger sondit homme de ce petit mot de lettre, que Je vous fiucts 
seuUement pour vous advertir de la reception de la votre du ii® de ce 
mois. Suivant laquelles je suis bien asseure que vous ne fauldrez de 
nous donner ordiuairement adviz de tem ce que vous powrez entendre 
pardela digue digno destre sceu et appartenant au service de sa 
majeste. Aussi veulz Je bien de ma pait vous advertir, que les 
choses dangleterre et descosse ont este accordees et pacificees. Mais 
nous nen scavons poinct encores les particularites, pource que noz 
depputez qui apportent les traictes ne sont encore arrivez, et les 
attendons de jour a aultre pour veoir lesdits traictes, et scavoir a quelles 
conditions sest faict cest accord et pacifficacion. 

'^ Jay veu ce que vous mescripves du Due £rnest de Brunsuich, Yous 
Bcauvez combien Je le desire veoir notre, et nignorez pas aussi le peu do 
besoing que nous avons de nous charge de nouvelles despence apres une 
si grande longueur de guerre que cette qui nous a minez entierement. 
Tontefoys Je desire et vous prie Mon cousin que vous scaichez de luy 
comme de vous mesmes, avec quel estat et entretenement je se contan- 
teroy dentrer au service de sa majeste, pour men advertir, affin que 
Je la face entendre a sadite majeste, et vous en mande son intention le 
plustost que Je y ponrray. Cependant vous ne vous estenderes poinct 
a luy faire promesse quil puisse tirer en obligacion, et ne luy tiendrez 
que parolles generalles de lestime que vous scavez que Ion faict pardeca 
de luy et de sa vcrtu. Priant dieu' Mon cousin quil vous doinct bonne 
et longue vye." 

Letter of secretarial penmanship, with autograph subscription and 
signature :— '^ Votre bien bon et affecsione cousin, Francoys de 



82 

Lorraine." Addressed to ** Mon Cousin, Mons^ le Conte Rhingrave, 
Chlr. de lordre du Roy." 

William Cothe to Sni V/illiam Skintloe, Knt., Captin to the 
Gard for the Queues Majesties person at the Court. 

1563, July 14th, Newhaven (to wit, Havre de Grace, Norrr.andj. — 
"Right Worshipfull Sir. The next morning after the departure 
of Mr. Fissher our Knigirt porter the bartrey bcganne at our 
grene (?) bulwark alias called St. Adresse bulwarke in ii places 
crosst, whiche as yet hath done small hurt to that place, but they 
have beaten downe our steple on the which stoode iii f^yre Dcuii- 
Colveryns to skowre the topp of the hills, but now dispaced, and 
so are all most all the peces on the same bullwarke. They en^ 
trenche along the beache to beate downe our castell, whiche standith 
at the entering in of the haven, and so to kepe our haven from us, 
which -they shuld never have done yf we had had men, truly we have 
not left within our town and fort ii. thowsand able men, all our old 
bandes be consumed, we hare skant men cnoughe to bury our dead 
carkases, theire dyeth vii*» and odd every day. I assure you by the 
report of such as have travayled, there was never the lyke mysery in 
any towne, my pen is skarce able to towche, as it is in dede God graunt 
for his great mercyes sake we may be compforted in tyme, which we 
are allmosto in despayre of. Who wold have thought that we shuld 
have bene beseiged vii or viii weekes, without relief, knowing that the 
plague hath and doth dayly so myserably devoure us. Yf it be loot, the 
quene shall lose not only great honour, but suche a company withall as 
I am out of hope to se again brought up in my tyme. The French say 
they will have it before they part, and it is not treble the company we 
have here, that is able to defend it, and how we frhall come to ayde I 
know not yf they take our haven from us. As for my part I thinke 
never to se Englond agayne, unlesse God so will miraculously deljver 
us, in whom is all our trust. Dick Saunders is killed, so is our water- 
bayly, whose braynes was streken out going in the stretes, the master 
of the ordenannce is hurt of the face and foote, Head his hurt in the 
thighe, so is Capten Sawle, and Wekes with many others. Thus with 
my humble commendations to my very good Lady, for this tyme I 
commyt you unto God, who preserve you from the most myserable 
New Haven." 

Below his rfgnature to this gloomy letter William Cothe adds 
« Warres was proclaimed in Fraunce senight agoe agaynst Englond." 

Mart Queen of Scots to the Count Rheingrave. 

1563, September 21st, Sterlin. — '*Mon Cousin, combien que les 
nouvelles que mavez escriptes du camp devant le Havre ayent este 
quelque peu tardifues Daultant que du costo Dangleterre Javois 
entondu le restitution du Hauvre^et de la paix que le Roy Monsieur 
mon beau frere a faict avecques la Royne Dangleterre - Madame ma 
bonne Soeur. Si est que je ne lairray de vous remercyer bien affec- 
tueusement de la souvenance quavez eue de moy mescripvant de vos 
nouvelles et do \& prosperite des affaires de la coronne do France 
Dequoy Je si ayse que nouvelles qui me pourroyent advenir qui me faict 
vous pryer de continucr en ceste bonne volonte vous assurant do 
ne me scauries fere plus grand plaisir que Je seroys ayse de recog- 
noistre en ce que me voudrez employer et daussi bon cueur. Si pimr fin 



33 

de In presente Je me recommande a votre bonne grace, priant Dieu vous 
donn^r Mon cousin en bicn bonne sante longue et heureuse vje. 
Escript a Sterlin ce xxi°»« jour de Septembre 1563. 

** Votre bonne amie 

"Marie R.'' 

Letter of secretarial penmanship, with autograph subscription and 
signature. 



The Honourable Gilbert Talbot to His Father, George, the 
Sixth Earl of Shrewsbury. 

1575, January 12th, Godrydche Castle.—** My duty moste humbly 
rendered, Bight Honorable my syngular good Lord and father, 1 have 
caused this bearer, your Lordship's sergiaiinte of Farhyngfylde, to brynge 
your Lordship all such mony as he saithe he could possible gather of the 
exsuetts (?) of Farhyngfylde. He complaineth that there are many^ 
who are not in all the worlde worthe so much mony as the[y] are 
amersed. Howbeit I have had nothynge to doe therwith, but only to 
calle upon him, and the reste of the biLylifes here, to gather all that is 
due to your Lordship, and to carry [it] to you. And for that there 
rcckenynges ai'e intermyngled with Wygfalls receytes heretofore, I 
have thoughte good to sonde him unto your Lordship, who will be at 
Sheffeld (God wyllinge) within a day or ii after this bearer, wherby ha 
may perfyte all his sondry accomptes with your Lordship, which with- 
oute his owne displayinge wolde very hardly be understode. And I can 
now best spare him for that the Fumesse is not yet blowinge, which 
after it be once sett a worke will require muche more tendynge, and I 
hope aboute his returne we shalbe in a redines to sett her in hande. I 
pray your Lordship lycence him to returne therfore, as shortely as may 
be. I will sende your Lordship by him Marshalls accomptes of the 
xxx/t. he is accomptable for of your Lordship, which yet I have [?not] 
thorowly examined. When Wygfalle cometh to your Lordship, he will 
be better able to certif ye your Lordship of the estate of the workes then 
I can doe by wrytynge. The iron goeth but slowly away, for that I 
will not cum so lowe as the contrey thynketh to brynge me unto, and. 
I am moste assured by forbering hastie salle for a wyle to brynge them 
to xili xs. the Tun. May it pleas^ your Lordship, I have bargained 
with ii fellowes of Herforthe, who will brynge sureties suffycient that 
shall be bounde in xxli. that they shall make a perfyte plumpe (sic) in the 
well, which shall be repay red and helde perfyte of their charges durynge 
their lyves, and for their workmanshipp hereof I must gyve them xx^® 
nobles and fynde them leade to doe it, which wilbe a marvalouse great 
ease consyderinge the paynfulles and troble it is now to drawe it by 
buckett. I know of nothynge worthy to advertise your Lordship, bufi 
I woulde be gladd to have your Lordship's direction, and yonr pleasure 
for me antl my wyfe if the parlament dothe hgulde, which is here 
thoughte to doe, the tyme drawyng neere, beyinge the begynninge of 
the nexte monethe, the viiith of Februarye, for I can never thynke to 
doe well in anythynge, wherein I shall lacke your Lordship's direction^ 
trustynge in God I shall never be so unhappye. Thus my wyfe and. 
I doe mosie humbly desyre your Lordship's daly blessinge with our 
daly prayers for your Lordship's longe continuance in all good and 
most perfyte healthe. At Godrydche your LordsL hip's castell this xiitK 
of Jan., 1575. — Your Lordship's most humble and obedyent children. — 
Gilbert Talbott, Mary Talbott." 

a 88428. Q 



34 

Succeeding to the Earldom at his father's death, Gilbert Talbot 
beeame 7th Earl of Shrewsbury. 

Hknri III. OF France to Mon5. de Flassana. 

1578, Jane 6, Chantilly.--" . • . . en retoumant par de hi le 
Baron de Aoca Je Inj ay donner charge vous faire entendre comme 
Je y ay naquieres depesche mon procureur genei-al Piostain aveoqnes mon 
intention de ce que Je desire et veulx qui soict faict pour le bien de 
mon service et le repos universel de mes bons subjects de mon pays de 
Provence, done m'nssurant quil sacquitera tresfidellemen. Je ne vous 
en feray redicto (?) par la presente. Vous pryant taiit seulemen en 
continuance le mesme cour (?) ^e votie affection et fidell .... execu- 
tion de mes commandes .... Vous teniez main que Je soys obey 
ung chacun comme il appartien, Et que si quelq*un estoyt si temeraire 
d'y voiiloir donner empescheroent, il soyt chastie comme perturbateur 
du repos publicq, Et vous me ferez service tres agreablo comme plus 
particullierement vous dira ledit Baron de Aoca. Pryant dieu quil 
vous ayt Mons' de Flassana en sa sancte et digne garde.'' 

Letter of secretarial penmanship, with autograph signature; 
addressed ** A Mons' de Flassana, Chev de mon Ordre." 



Lord Busleioh to Mr, fioBERX Petre, Auditor of Her Majesty's 

Hecepte. 

1578, July 17, Haveryng. — " Mr. Petre. I send* to you herewith a 
privie seale for 713/. I2s. to be prested to the office of the ordenance for 
munitions. When the officers come for it, you may dely ver it and send 
me an order to be signed for it. If they ask you money for ordinary 
you may say that you have no order from me, and that truly the Queues 
Majesty is offended with those gret expences, and specially consderyng 
fio litle is spent about provision of poudre, and extemall provisions." 



Philip IF. of Spain to Catherine de Medicis. 

1681, March 31, Tomar. — ^'Treshaute Tresexcellente et Trepuissante 
Princesse nostro Treschiere et Tresnmee Bellemere vos lettres escriptes 
4% Chenonceau le xxx°^<> de Janvier dernier nous sont este rendues par 
Le S' de Chemerault gentilhome de La Chambre et mareschal des Logis 
de Treshault tres excellent et tres puissant Prince nostre treschier et 
tresamee beau frere et cousin Le Roy Treschretien Vostre iilz, Les 
accompaignant de Loffice que vous Luy avez encharge de condoulimce a 
loccasion du triste succies dont il a plcu a Dieu nous visiter. Duquel 
nous tenons pour certain que pour Laffection que vous nous portez 
vous aurez sentu deplaisir, mais il fault prendre de la main du createur 
ce que Luy plaist envoyer, Et vous remercions cordialement de ceit 
amiable office. II nous a aussi diet ce que vous Luy avez encharge nous 
dire de va«tre part, Et nous vous asseurons quil scaura faire bon rapport 
de ce que Luy avons respondu. Priant dieu, Treshaulte Tresexcellente 
et Trespuiesante Princesse, nostre Treschiere et tresamee bellemere, quil 
Tous ait en sa sancte et digne garde. — Escript a Tomar le deniere de 
March, 1581." 

Letter of secretarial penmanship, with autograph subscription and 
signature. 



35 



Francois Duo D'Ales^on et D*Anjou to Henri III. of France. 

[1581], November 8, Richemont — " Monseigneur se sera tons jours 
amon grand regret lors que il faudra que je n vous in inportune car je 
ne desire vois (sic) que de vous tesmonger la fection que je avostre 
treshumble servise 11 est vraj que pour se subget seresqe plus hardi 
que pour un autre car rostre maieste ma ase montre conbien elle a 
agreable lefet de mon manage avecque larojne dangleterre se qui dieu 
mersi est ensi bon termes que sans doubte il est fot esperer le bon 
succes que de lonlans aeste atandu qui est cauze que je vous supplie 
treshumblemant qui vous pleze man vojer en toute extresme diliganse 
sinquante mil escus pour snbveuir a payer les presans quil faudra que je 
fase les quelz je trouvere beaucoup plus aproupos a londre que de les 
fajre cboizir a paris an si que Ion ne pouroit pas savoir lenombre qui 
Ian faudra car se la peut sur venir deure a autre se Ion les personnes 
qui setrouveront a mes noses, je vous supplie treshumblemant que per- 
sonne que sous aqui il faudra que de parties vos commandemans ne le 
sache car il nest apropos que se la soit diulge iusques a se que larojne et 
moy en sanble vous en mandions] la nouvelle se que atandant pour 
davantage ne 'Vous ennujer de redite et mascurant que aures soin 
deseque desus coume de chouze qui minporte grandemant a lonneur et 
reputation je vous bayze les mins et apres maytre treshumblement 
recoumande a vos bonne grases je prie dieu Monseigneur qui vous 
doint entier aconplisement de vos dessirs de richemont se se viii® 
Novambre — ^Vostre tres humble et tres obeissant Francoys." 

Holograph : addressed ** Au Roy Monseigneur et frere.'* 



Thomas Earl or Ormonde to John Liston. * 

1598, September 4th. The Nace (?Naas).— " John Liston although 
1 have not heard from you since comynge over the Barrow, you shall 

gnd I have not forgotten you, and for that I meane to bestowe a 
ompany on you in her Majestes paye, you may not fayle but to 
make your present repayre unto me, wheresoever you shall heare of 
my beinge to thels partes, bringinge with you one hundreth Itall men, 
well fumyshed. Yf you cannot make up the full number, bring with 
you as many as you have with all spede. And yf you can alight on 
any pece of service in your waye, I doubt not but you will performe it 
to the uttermost. In your travell yt shalbe lawfull for you to take 
meate and dryncke for one night, and a breakfast in ech place in a 
competent manner; not usinge of extorcion or other oppression in 
the countrey. Yf you have not sufficient men already to make up your 
company, rayse the reste of them, some in the countyc of Kilkeny, 
and other some in the countye of Tipparye (sic), as formerlie I told you. 
Use all expedicion heroin, soe as you maye overtake me in theis 
■partes, whereby you may receave ymprest to furnyshe your selfe 
and Company e. Yeaven at the Nace " 

Signed — " Thomas Ormonde " by the Earl's hand, this letter of 
secretarial penmanship closes with this postscript : — '' Your pardon 
*' is out under the brod scale, and to thende your men may come quieter 
'' thorowe the contrey without extorcion or complaint, I wrote to 
*^ Robert Hihe at Kilkeny to deliver youe fortie pounds, receving 
*^ your acquittance for the same. When you receave the money of 
** him, come away presently." 

C 2 



36 



Henri IV. of France to James VI. of Scotland. 

[ ] April 10th, La Bochelle. — " Monsyeur mon frere, ajant conntr 
par une letre que Jay receue de vous que vous avyes desyr de voyr le S*' 
du Bartas lun de mes servyteurs domestyques Je lay mande pour me 
venyr trouver afyn daller vers vous pour satysfere a votre volonte et 
refievoyr vos commandemans lassuraut que le servyse quyl vous fera 
estant pres de votre personne Je le reputeray comme fet a moymosmes et 
le reconnoyteray son retour. II vous pourra fare antandre byen 
partyculyerement lestat des aferes de desa et nommemant des eglyses 
reformees de ce royau'me ayant este presque tousjours presant a ce 
quy sest passe, dequoy Jestyme que vous recevres contentement 
. pour le notable interest que vqus aves avec tons les prynces crestycns 
a ce quy touche une sy juste cause que celle que nous soustenons et 
avoa? commune avec eux laquello nous oblyge tons a y aporter un 
bon zele et afectyon crestyenne. Je remetray sur ledyt S^ du Bartas 
a vous dyre plusjeurs autres partycularytes de ce quyl sayt et quyl a 
veu et Tous pryeray tresafectueusement et Monsyeur mon frere de 
vouloyr fere tres certeyn et assur estat de de lentyere amytye et 
de tout ce quy est au pouvoyr de Vostre byen humble et tresaffectione 
frere a vous obeyr et servyr." 

Lord Cbanborne to Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Salisburt. 

[1605,] February 18th, Paris. — "Right Honourable, my very- 
good Lord and father, I must crave pardon of your Lordship of 
my longe silence the reason whereof hath beene because I hearde 
there were letters comming from your Lordship which I daily 
expected. At length heere is one come to Mr. Lister and to Mr. Finet 
but those by the waye of Kouen (which your Lordship maketh 
mention of) wee have not received. I have bene lately ill, which 
your Lordship hath bene advertised by Mr. Lister, but now (I thanke 
God) I am well. I have bene entreated to be of a carosell, with 
most of the yonger nobility of this place which we are (one Sonday 
next) to perfo.rme. The common subject of there discours in this 
court is of the warrs in Cleves, and now lately of some preparations 
for Italy concerning the Duchy of Milan in favour of the Due of 
Savoye. I will informe my selfo of the causes of both and of such 
like thinges to the end that I may do mye selfe good and give your 
Lordship contentment. As I wag writing this unto your Lordship 
Monsieur de Ge came in, and told me that the King had received 
letters whereby he was advertised that the Prince of Condys (being^ 
jealous that the Secretary to the French Ambassadeur at Bruxelles 
dill practice with his wife concerning her secret retourne into France) 
finding him one day in her chamber gave him 2 dangerous stroakes 
with his sworde and forced [him] to leape out of the window and that 
since the Prince is [ ] Spaine. Thus humbly craving your 

Lordship's blessing I humbly take my leave." 



Sir Charles Cornwalets to James the Fn<ST. 

1614, June 22nd. — " Accept I humblie beseech you (most gratiout 
Soveraigne) the true and plaine discoverie of a soule afflicted and 
gloved in all extremitie for your Majesties displeasure occasioned by 
some corifeicnces concerning your late pail lament. 



37 

** I have noe purpose to stand upon jastificacion of the forme of my 
j>rooeedinges, but doe most humblie submitt them, and prostrate my 
«elfe before jour Majesties Boyall feete, beseechinge your gratious 
pardon if therein I have in anie sort offended you. But for the matter 
conceived and projected by mee to be said and moved in the parlia- 
ment, soe cleare' are my thoughts, and soe zealous and ardent my will 
that your Majesties desires might have bene effected and my deare 
•countrie cared for and contented, as I first, desired (for my better 
sorvinge you) to have bene of the bowse my selfe, and went for that 
purpose as farre as Ipswiqh in my way towards Aye in Suffolk, where 
I hoped to have bene elected a Burgesse, but failed by reason the 
election had passed one daie before my goeinge out of London. 

'^ In confidence to have bene provided in that corporation, I had 
formerlie bestowed upon two gentlemen recommended unto mee by 
Doctor Sharpe letters recommendatorie from the Earle of Northampton 
for two Burgeshipps. The gentlemen were both unknowne to my selfe 
who confided onlie in him, that they were men of abillitie and fitnei^ 
for the service. 

*' In my waie towards Ipswich I conceived and projected what I 
would say in parliament. 1 heard continuallie in London and out of 
the countrie what dissonant voyces and distracted conceipts there were 
of grevances intended to be preferred as well concerninge impositions 
AS the great nomber of Scottes that are said to i*eside within this 
kingdome. To reduce these into some certaine pointes for your 
Majesties better service, I bestowed my studies, conferringe and dis- 
coveringe the same after my retorne to London to Doctor Sharpe who 
(as I remember) named Mr. Hytchcocke one of the gentlemen for 
whom I obtained by my Lord of 5lorthampton's meanes, a Burgeshippe 
to be a fitt man for the delivery of it to the bowse by way of motion. 
The effect of the same to my remembrance wa4 in briefe as followeth, 
vidz., 

" That the eyes and actions of all wise men are ever to^be dii*ected 
and levelled at their ends. That wee should doe well to addresse all 
our thoughts and speeches to the purpose for which his Majestic hath 
called us to his parliament. That wee should not spend time in wordes 
and disputes as in time of the last session of the I^arliament precedent ; 
but enter presentlie into consideration, how his Majesties necessities 
might be releved for the present and the like prevented in the time to 
come. That I helde it not fitt wee should marchant with our soveraigne 
or that wee should use the termes of the former parliament vidz. of 
Contribution and Retribution, That wee should not eceke to deprive 
him of anie of the gemmes or flowers of his crowne, nor make him so 
deare an earner of our moneys as by deprivinge him of the rights or 
priviledges of his diademe, left unto him by his Boyall progenitours and 
predecessours. That to soe wise and understandinge an assemblie it 
should be unnecessarie to remomlier the obligation of duetie and love 
that wee owe to our soveraigne, or what care and consideration wee are 
bownde to have of our deare countrie, for which wee have the honour 
to be in that bowse soe absolute fiduciaries as to have committed unto 
us their lands their lives and all other their fortunes. That ther is 
betweue Kinges and the[ir] subjectes so naturall a relation as the one 
eannott subsist without the other, and therefore providinge for the one 
the other is to be cared for in proportion. That the greatest unhappines 
and miserie, whereunto the fortunes of kinges and others of supreame 
authoritie are subject, is that in the crowde of flatterie that environs 
their thrones they eannott discerne the faces of true freinds and 
servantes from those of fake and faigned, and that they see and heare 



38 

by the ejca and eares of others, who more often speake unto them 
placentia then utilia. That for this cause in Monarchies parliamentes 
were instituted, where in that generall nssemblie and greate councell 
of the kingdome men might freely deliver him thoughts and advises in 
whatsoever the [y] should finde errour in government of the ComiQon 
Welth as those that are not to be thought to speake their owne wordes 
but those of their countrie. Ncitlier to be possessed with anie passion 
or private interest, but with what concernes the kingdome and tho 
perticuler countries and corporacions tlmt they are putt in trust for. 
Tl)at it is tnilie said that all men never deceived one, nor one man all. 
And therfore that generall voyce both of more creditt and more force 
then those of any perticuler, who doe comroonlie either want hardines 
to speake or opeiaiivo power to worke with their soveraigne, what their 
selves and the common welth desireth. 

" Mine humble motion therfore should be that wee might all unitelie 
with one hart and voyce cast ourselves at his Majesties feete, ofTeringe 
unto him whatsoever this kingdome can possiblie yelde for reliefe of 
his necessities and reparation of his estate, and withall our humble 
desires that he would be pleased to take into consideration some thinges 
of great consequence unto himselfe and of most contentment to his 
subjects. 

" To beginne first with the cause of god which of all other deserves 
the primary and principall respect. Wee are to expose unto his 
Majestic the great greife generallie conceived for the unexpected 
increase of papists and recusants since the time of the gunpowder 
treason in detestation whereof all men were moved to thinke that they 
would rather have bene utterlie extinguished. The occasions are 
supposed to be the silencinge of see many watchfuU and diligent 
ministers, the ordinarie course of compositions for their disobediences, 
and the diverse treaties that his Majestic hath bene said to Lave 
entertained for the marriage of the late pnnce deceased and of this 
that liveth (whom god almightie blesse) with daughters cf princes of 
the Komish relligion, which is thought to be a much encouragement, 
to those of that affection, and as great disharteninge to those of true 
relligion. 

" Concerninge this perticuler which is now said to be in treatie witl^ 
France, it is true that ther is noe place luft in Europe (that and Spaine 
excepted), where his Majestic can make allyance suitable with his 
royall dignitie. Howbeit I am of opinion that, although for some 
designes of estate which it behoveth not us his humble subjects tp dive 
into his Majestie hath bene pleased to entertaine those overtures of 
princes of the Romish relligion, yet such is his owne pious and christian 
nart, as he leaveth not unconsidered that to marry with a childe of 
god and for god is greater honour and gives hope of a greater blessinge 
than to marry with a childe of man, be the dignitie place or portion 
never so great in the eyes of men. Hereof to his owne immortall 
honour and the perpetuall obligation of his subjects his Majestie hath 
bene pleased to make a good demonstracion in the mariiagc of hia 
onely daugliter wher he found a soundnes and conformitie in religion^ 
whom (hftd he measured by the yardo wand of the world) he might 
perhaps have bestowed upon one of the greatest monarches in 
Christendome. 

" Besides such is the neerness of France unto us, at should a daughter 
of that kingdom be brought hither, such and soe many would be the 
visitts, as we should every month be inforced to entertaine a new 
Monsieur, which to a prince of soe magnificent and liberall a dispositioa 



39 

as his Majestie would breede noe little troble and a great deale of 
ezpence and charge. 

<' In the second place wee are to become most hamble petitioners that 
he would be pleased in his chamber and other places of retreate to grant 
unto us (as it were) a medietatem lingutBy viz., That those of our nation 
might have a moytie in them> as this commiseratire kingdome hath 
alwaies given to aliens in case of tryall criminall. By the judgment of our 
saviour himselfe the bread dooth properlie belonge unto the Childeren of 
the Elingdome. And therfore wee are to beseech his Majestie to be 
gratioualie pleased to stoppo the current of the future commers of the 
Scottish nation to reside within this kingdome, other then such as shall 
be necessary for his especiall service, for thereby his Majestie himselfe 
shall be less trqbled, charged, and importuned, his estate more enabled 
to reward those of that countrie that are here alreadie in his service. 
And those that shall see offer or desire to come to their owne good 
forewarned, that through uncertaine. hopes of getting here they spend 
not what they are alreadie possessed of in certaintie in their owne 
countrie as is reported that many have alreadie done to the great detri- 
ment of their owne estate, and enfeeblinge the antient nobillitie and 
gentrie of that kingdome. 

<^ This was (deare Soveraigne) to my remembrance the effecte anc( 
substance of what I had conceived to speake in parliament. Wherein 
if anie thinge shall appeare unto your Majestie distastf ull pardon it I 
most humblie upon my knees beseech you^ and consider* that to worke 
upon a bodie that had formerlie shewed soe little disposition, were 
necessarie, druggs, both of strength and different temperature. 
Especiallie my purpose beinge to draw from it matter of soe great con- 
sequence as the payment of your dettes, the providinge of you a treasure 
in omnes eventus and the establishinge the estate of your revenue fitt to 
support you in that royall luatre that hitherto you have lived in. 

** This beinge communicated to Doctor Sharpe, and Mt. Hytchcocke 
failinge to peif orme the motion, it seemes that he gatt by some meanes 
correspondencie with Mr. Hoskins who made na I have heard a speech 
in parliament conceruinge the Scotts, but such as neither agreed with 
mine in fourme or matter. 

•' Yet is the Doctor content (out of his owne apprehensions) soe farre 
td forgett himselfe as to affirmo that I should promise in regard of 
Mr. Hoskins losse of his practise in the terms to give him xx/e. which I 
protest unto your Majestie before almightie god I never did nor in- 
tended. He moved mee I confesse and perswuaded with examples of 
others that he said would give, but did neither name nor in anie such 
sort point at anie, as either in honestie or christianitie I can justlie 
name anie one without perill to charge an imiocent, which I know 
your owne royall and pious hart would rather condemne then allow in 
mee. 

**For manifestation of the truth of all other thinges which it pleased 
your Majestie I should be examined of, I have plainelie answered 
before !Mr. Secretarie and Mr. SoUicitour and doe eftsoones cast my selfe 
at your Majesties feet. Protestinge even as I shall answeare at the 
dreadfull date of gods judgment that in noe conference helde by meo 
conceruinge your parliament there was noe (?) other thinge propounded 
or intended, but what my hart and sowle thought to have bene for 
your Majesties utillitie and service, for ihe securitie of yoar estate and 
the setlinge and contentment of those your kingdomes and governmentes, 
which (g^ lett mee noe longer live then) I shall desire as much as anie 
iba^ that lives upon this earth, as he that soe longe with all the affects 
of his sowle hath served you : and not in paper onelie but in hart and 



40 

will desires not tenne dajes to be added to his life, if jour Majestie 
shall not be gratiouslie pleased to restore him to your favour and to 
recken and receive him into the norobre of your most humble faythful 
and alEectionate servants.'^ 

Written throughout and signed << Charles Comewallis" by some 
other person than Sir Charles Cornwaleys, this contemporary copy of an 
extremely interesting letter resembles in both those respects another 
contemporary transcript of the same letter, preserved at the Record 
Office. 



Henbt, Lord CuFrORD to Sib Thomas Fatbfaz. 

1619, February 7th. Londesburrow. — ^^ .... Sir. I am 
tipointed by the gentlemen of these partes to be a generall begger of 
gould towards the raysinge of a stocke, which may yearely render ns a 
peece of plate to be run for heere at Piplingcoates. I am assurad your 
contribution of five Jacobuses will envile many, who will otherwise 
aledge they keepe noe runninge horses, with a number of noblemen and 
gentlemen that have allredy given; for on my conscience you doe 
perfectly hate that sporte and houlde it a sinn in me to love it. Let 
me conjure you to send your gould by your love to me, and by the hate 
70U beare the exercise, for I have haue promised for you. I hope to be 
your neighbour all this summer, for which hapines I shall acount the 
rtime longe till Midsomer, soe infinite is my desire ever to be with you, 
•and as neere to your person as your love is neere to the harte of your 
most affectionate frende to doe you service. . . . Hen. Clifforde." 

Addressed to Sir Thomas Fayrfax at Denton, this letter was written 
by the Lord Henry Clifford who, succeeding to the Earldom of Cumber- 
land on his father's death in 1641 , was the fifth and last Earl of Cumber- 
land, of his ancient family. 

Inigo Jones to • • • • 

1620, July 16th, Office of his Majesty's Works.—" Syr. I have re-, 
ceived your letter, the which 1 showed to the Lords Commissioners for 
the Banquettinge House, from whome booth your self e, and the rest who 
have taken paines in the King's service shall receive Letters of the grate- 
full acceptance thereof, as alsoe a further order howe to proceede both 
in thefinisbinge of the Peece, and makeinge of a newe wayefor carriage 
of the stone from the quarrie, without which by the relacion booth of 
Bilson and Benson, it weare not possible to furnish the quantety of stone 
for the Banquettinge House in the time prefixed. As for Luke Wilson 
the Lords uppon hearinge the matter, he ingeniously (sic) confessinge 
his erronr and craving pardon, they tooke some small time to delyberate 
iuid in the end consideringe that he might be usefull there, as you writt 
in your letter, they have sent him backe to Portland, wheare if he shall 
veil behave him selfe, he may yet redeeme the punishment for his 
former fault., for nowe he shall neyther handle mony nor take the 
accompte, but onely tend to sett ibrward the worke by all the roeanes he 
may, but he is ever bound to pray for yow by whose relacion he hatha 
hitherto escaped so great a dainger, for though the Lords weare in a 
manner resolved to have sevearly punished him for example sake, yet 
consideringe that he might be usefull in furtheringe the service soe 
much desired by his Majestie, they have spared him. 

" For the workes of the Banquettinge house, yt scemes there is noe 
thinge made ready for the second order of Fillers and Cornish^ the 



41 

which will amount unto at the least 400 tonnes, nowe without makeing e 
this newe wave from the Quarrie, thej boeth affirme there can not b e 
made ready above 60 Tonnes a weeke at the most, and consideringe th e 
yeare is soe farre spent, that proportion will not serre the turne. Foi . 
if this worke is not finished this yeare, his Majestic a[s] yow knowe can- 
not be satisfied, and therfore my desire is that yow would, as you have 
begun, continew your care and paines in hastenin^e the same, the which 
I shall not faile to make knowne unto the Lords &om time to time, and 
shall ever I'este Your Lovinge Frende in what I am good — Inigo 
Jones.*' 

In a postscript of one long line, written along the margin of the folio 
page, the writer adds ** Yow shall heare from my Lord of Arundell wheare 
you may meete him in the progiesse." 



Sir Richard Younoe, Knight, to Lord Zouche. 

1620, September 12th, Jermanberry. — " My moost honored Lord. I 
receaved your Lordship's letters, and therein a noble and free expression 
of your honorable favour to me, whereof I receve daily uppon all oc- 
casions undeniable demonstrations, and which 1 will ever strive to 
deserve, as if I had never done any thing to merit your Lordship's good 
respect of me. I have communicated so much of your Lordship^s letter 
unto Sir Edward Zouche as was usef ull for him, and I wiH do therein for 
his Ladyes good, which the worthines of her faire disposition and true 
love to him dothe deserve. The King hath bene with him two nightes 
and he was very fortunate in geving the King good content in his sportes 
abroad, and for his entertaynment within dores. Himself ledd a son 
upon the stage in a yallow roofe which was not the worst passage in his 
mask. 

^ He is resolved with some good f ellowes to attend your Lordship at 
Dover, and desires Mr. Brockman may know that he hath bought a 
paire of dauncinge pumpes which he doth intend to weare out at his 
house, and therefore he doth praye him to prepare buffe . • . which 
will endure that exercise all night ; he had ^vritten to your Lordship 
himself, but at this tyme he is extraordinarely busied in pleding his 
slowe Bute unto Mr. SoUicitor Gecerall : he doth desire, he may have the 
honor to attend your Lordship all the way from thence to London, and 
so eutreateth your Lordship to let him (by some signification of your 
resolucion therein) know what tyme you do intend to set fourth from 
thence towards London, and he will so shape his coui'ses, as that he may 
be there opportunely to attend your Lordship hether. Here are no 
newes at Court worth your hearing. The King and Prince are both 
well, God be thanked for it, and yesternight they lay at Whitehall, and 
this night they go to Wansted. Upon Sunday night Baron Don 
brought the King newes that Spinola had taken a towne in the King of 
Bohemia's owne countrey. At first he was a litle trebled with it, yet 
Baid nothing, but now he is cheerfull. I think Spinola hath done the 
King of B. good service by this accion, for now the King our master 
will I hope declare himself, for he never denied to assist him for the 
defence of his owne oountrey\ The Spaynish Embassador hath bene a 
long progress in Buckinghamshere and Northomptonshere, where he hath 
been roially feasted, and people come a 100 myles to adore him. God 
stand for us else we all perish " 

Addressed to *^ The Lord Zouche, Lord Warden of the Cinq Fortes 
f • • • at Dover Castle." 



42 



Henby Constable, Viscount Dunbab to Henbt Kibton 
at Burton Constable. 

[1620?] — "Yesterday I receyved letters from London, wherby I 
perceyye that matters is urged with all violence agaynste catholiques. 
They urge to have all penal lawes presently put in execution agaynste 
them and that the Kinge will by his Eoyall worde assure them never to 
match the Prince with any wherby any ease may be given to the Catho- 
liques, which the Prince by worde for him sclfe did assure them of, and 
confirmed it with an othe as my Lord of Canterbury did deliver to the 
lower House. The Proclamation for banishing of Preests is presently 
to com forth, complaynt being made of Deputies Lifetenants, captaynes, 

and Justices of Peace that were papists or suspected To 

favour them it was referred to committee (?) of Knights and Burgises, 
who presently fell foule upon my Lord of Rutland as absolute papiste. 
They likewise had a query against our Presidente for favoringe papistes 
and not communicatinge and labert (?) with all violence to have him 
put from his place. The men moste violent agaynst those lordes are 
Wentworth, Hobby (?), Savill, and Wansworth (?). There is present 
commandment expected to com doune for the execution of the penull 

lawes Our' Treasurer for takinge gratuitys is thought 

shall • . • « his place. Sir John Dufton is deade, Manfeelde 
into France. Spayne and France are accorded concerning the Val- 
boline (?) with nothinge content betwixt us and the Hollanders. It is 
sayde the Hollanders ar in treaty with Spayne, for which I see no cause 
to . • . . , though it be noe newes to me, I havinge heard as much 
both afore my goinge into . , • ." 

A paper so worn and frayed as to be illegible in places. 



Benjamin Wbay to Chables Fayrefax, Esq. 

1621, November 6th, Mannam. — **Sir. I know you are booth wise 
and religious, and thearefore I hope the losse off your two brothers will 
be the less greivious unto you, beinge that they died soe well, and in the 
servis which they came for, we must all be contented, and say with Job, 
the Lord hath given and the Lord hath taken ; for the manner of theare 
death I reffer to the relation off his servants, Mr. Pinnio and Forscroft, 
to whome he gave the most which he had. They weare booth very good 
and fajthfull servants unto him. Itt pleased my Lord Generoll to 
i^poynt the Governor of Frankendale and my selfe to see the dissposing 
of those goods he left, according unto his will, and which I hope, we 
have honestly performed, and I desire that you will be pleased to send 
his annes in there present couUour, so soone as you cann conveniently, 
for I know no way whearein I may expresse the true affection which I 
boore unto him, then by preservinge the memory off him, who is now 
famous throughout all this cuntrie, soe prayinge for the continuaxice of 
your health and happinesse I rest. . . . <' [^-S.] I pray commend' 
my servis to your brother Thomas, iff he be in London." 

Charles Fairfax, to whom this letter is addressed, *^ att his chamber in 
Lincollns Inn,'' was the seventh son and third surviving son of Thomas, 
first Lord Fairfax. At the present date he is best remembered as an 
antiquary and genealogist, . • • • 



43 

Sir Sydney Mountagu to Sir Richard Weston, Enight, 
Chancellor of the Exchequer. 

1624, October 23, Court at Royston. — " Wheras I have written to 
you a letter bearing date the 10th of this instant moneth, signifeing his 
Majesties pleasure oonceminge Sir Anthony Pell and one (GFeorge Ortes 
for tlie sume of 387/t. demannded by Ortes for hawkes for his Majesties 
use, which sume of 387/i. as it appeared by a certificate of Sir 
Robert Pyes hath beene alreadie paid to Sir Anthony Pell for the said 
hawkes ; Yet by that my letter Sir Anthony was to receive 100/». due to 
him from his Majestie and unpaid, as appeares by Sir Robert Pyes 
certificate, and Sir Anthony pretending that the* Earle of Middlesex 
had divers warrants for the payment of other moneyes due to him from 
his Majestie uppon receipt of the said money was to see the said Ortes 
satisfied. 

''His Majesties absolute pleasure now is that your Honour shall 
make stale of givinge anie order for payment of the said summe of lOO/t • 
to Sir Anthony Pell, and that you cause the said 100/»\ due by Privie 
Scale to be forthwith paid to the said Ortes.'^ 

Sir Thomas Savile, Knight, to Sir Randall Crewe, Lord Chief 
Justice of the King's Bench. 

162*, January l7th, Kippax. — " My Lord. I must ever acknowledge 
my selfe bounden to your Lordship, That upon juste reasons your 
Lordshipp was pleased to respit my appearance in Michaelmas tearme 
last past untill this essoyne Day. But so much the greater is my 
misfortune that will not suffer me to receive the benefit of your 
Lordshipp's most noble favour. For being by the importunitie of* the 
Countrey drawne to Yorke to be elected for this parliament and for this 
Shire, which I the rather afiected unto, because I knew I had time 
sufficient to attend to your Lordshipp's day and that too. But being at 
the verie houre of the Ellection and rcadie to goe to the Castle-Yard, I 
was surprised with a sodaine sicknesse, which inforced me to keepe my 
chamber and to resigne my interest in that businesse to another. 
Notwithstanding out of my much desire to obey your Lordshipp, 
with greate difficultie and indisposition of bodje, I adventured to fgo 
two stages poste, to redeeme the time my sicknesse did delay. But 
there I fell into a worse degree of health be farre then I had before, 
so that I am now, not only desparate to goe foreward and keepe my day, 
but with great difficultie recover myne owne house. Of the truth of 
this I dispatched one of my men with all poste haste to make affidavit 
before the day, yf it be possible, which affidavit I must be an humble 
suiter to your Lordshipp to accept as the onely meanes now left me, to 
satisfie my appearance withall. This affidavit may be seconded by 
many, yf it were* necessarie. But I presume your Lordshipp will take 
such deepe consideration of my misfortune, as not to urge any extremitie 
against me, but to afford me your Lordshipp's lawful! favour, which (as 
I acknowledge), I have ever had •••••" 

Edward Somerset, Fourth Earl of Worcester, to the Earl of 

Leicester. 

1625, November 19th, Nonsuch. — " My very good Lord. I receaved 
your lordship's letter heore at Nonsuch, being readie to go to Hampton 
Court. I mix aske my Lord Chamberlayne this daye, whether hee bath 



44 

tdlready moved Lis Majestie concerning your absence from St. Qeorge*s 
feast. If his lordship hath donne it, then I presume, your lordship shall 
receave and answere thereof from him ; if hee hath not, then I will 
speake to his Majestie concerning the same, and you shall thereupon heare 

from me [P«S.] Whereas the feast was appoynted to be 

upon the 23 of this November, it is now adjourned untill the 13th of 
December. I pray your lordship to excuse me for not wrighting unto 
your lordship myselfe, by reason that my fingers are so stiff that I 
cannot hold a pen." 

to Thomas, Lord Faibefax. 

1627, February 24th, London. — " Eight Honourable. The Kinge and 
the Duke are nowe att Newe Markett, and for any report that I have 
resolve to staye ther till the Parliament begine. The marriners behaved 
themselves so insolentlye towards the Duke that he and Lord of 
Holland wounded dy verse of them, insomuch that synce that tyme the 
Duke dyninge att the Lord Maiors was guarded thy ther and to the 
Court with a stronge company of muskaters, douting some outrage 
should have bene offered by them. The cytysens have chossen ther 
knights and burgesses, which were of them that suffered for the loanes. 
They have with great disgrace rejected ther Recorrder who prescribed 
for his eleccion synce the conquest, but for all that antiquitie they would 
Bot endure to have him in the nomination, for they fynd he hath relation 
to whom they do not affect. They have elected for knightes Alderman 
Moulson and Clytherowe, and for burgesse Captain Waller, and one 
Bunch. Ill Middlesex they have chosen Sir Frauncis Darcys and Sir 
Henry Spiller, against whom the Parliament men already e elected are 
displeased and do give out that Sir H. Spiller shall be no parliament 
man. The Privye scales are all called in, and the King haith declared 
himself by proclamation of the certayntye of the beginninge of the 
parliament. The Embassadors for the Staites have ha^ audience and 
have bene roundly delt with, all for ther league with the French, but 
they have resolutely answered both the Kinge and the Lords, in respect 
they have no hoope to have any supportation from home, for such staites 
as depended upon us are come to ruyne and therfore having such potent 
adversary es it behoved them to maike themselves stronge, and concluded 
with a great expression of love to the memorye of Queen Elizabeth, who 
bad raised them from a sea to a nation, and defended them in all 
fortunes. The Venetian Embassador is not here. The newes of the 
Exchange is that the plague is in the French Kings army before 
Bochell, and in the navy by sea, and rageth so stronglye amongst them, 
that the Kinge is drawen to Paris, and his armye §0 miles in to the 
land, end the Spanish shipps are gone home. The reporte liekwise 
that the Emperor and Spanish Kinge maike great preparation to besedge 
the sound in Denmarke, the Kinge whereof and the Kinge of Sweden 
have mayd stronge aliance, and is providing great and warlicke defence 

att Copenhagen " 

The name of this letter's wpt^r, who describes himself as the Lord 
Fairefax's " servant in all dutiful! affeccion " has been torn from the 
letter. The epistle is directed to his lordship '^* att York." 

Sib Philip Carteret to Bobbrt, Earl of Leicester. 

1637, December 12th, Isle of Jerseye. — <<May it please your 
Lordshipe, The answer to a former [letter] of myne, long sence written, 



45 

which your Lordshipe was pleased to returne, was receaved bj me with 
a most humble acknowledgment of soe speciall and singular a favor ; 
nether could it senee have wanted a dewtifuU expression thereof to your 
Lordsbipe,had not I thought [it] to great a presumption to make words the 
substance of a letter, until! the concurrence of some fitt occasion should 
offer itselfe, which, under your Lordships pardon, I now take hold of^ 
by reason of that generall arrest made of all English ships and goods, in 
which this poore Isle doth much suffer, 3 three of our ships being 
arrested at St. Males, besyds others in severall ports, whereof wee have 
as yett noe knowledge. If thes beginnings should endanger a breach, 
I must be importunat in tyme for needfull supplys from England, and 
in the meane tyme provide for our best safetye. If it be but a difference,, 
accidently risen betwixt marchants, about letters of Marque, I humbly 
crave that permission, as wee may send unto your Lordshipe one 
instructed of the freedoms of trade and commerce, betwixt France and 
these Isles, differing in that betvrixt the two Crownes, as not interrupted 

in former tymes, even in those of hostilitye " 

Addressed to the Rt Hon. ^' the Earle of Leicester, Embassador 
Extraordinarye for his Majestic — at Paris." 

KoBERT Rich, Second Eabl of Warwick and Sir William Maynard 
to James Altham, Esq. 

1638, March 15ili, Chellmisford. — ^'^ After our harty commendacions. 
There beinge a greate necessity for the present suplyiuge of the defects 
of the troopes of horses within this county of Essex, and wee takingo 
notice that you are a gentleman of worth and abillity fitt to undergoe 
that charge doe hereby pray and require you forthwith to provide and 
have in a readines an able horse or geldinge fitt for a Launce or 
Curassire, with such armes and furniture as are hereunder written, and 
to shewe the same at Chellmisford on Wednesday the xviith day of 
Aprill next, when the rest of the troopes of horses for this county shalbe 
theire veiwed, mustered and trayned. Soe not doubtinge of your due 
conformity herein wee bid you hartily . farewell and rest Your very 
Loving friends — ^Warwicke, W. May nurd. 

** A good trottinge horse or geldinge with an able ryder, buffe sadle, 
bridle, bitt, petterell and crupper, a good caske head peece, back bi-east- 
plate and gorgett with strong buckles to fasten them, pouldron, cuisse 
and vambraco of iron, all of pistoU proof e with a lefle gantlet and 
a cullett, a case of pistoUs with fyer lockes of the standard bore, a good 
fiaske and toutch boxe, a sword and a payer of mouldes for bullotts." 



Charles the First to Lord Dungarvan. 

161%, Febniary 25th, Westminster. — " Charles R. — Right trusty 
and welbeloved. Wee greete you well, Whereas upon serious debate 
and mature advice with our Privie Counsel), Wee have resolved to 
repaire in person to the Northerne partes of this our kingdome, with a 
Royall Armie for the defence thereof: Theis are to require and 
authorize you, presently upon the receipt hereof, to levie and imprest 
the nomber of one hundred able and serviceable horse officers included^ 
for the Warres. The same to be provided and ready in all particulers 
to attend us at the Rendez-vous, of the first of Aprill appointed, to be 
listed and enterteyned according to such di: reccions as you shall receive 
from the Generall of our said Army, and for soe doeing theis our 
Letters shalbe your sufficient Warrant and dischardge. Given under our 



46 

Signett at our Pallace of Westminster, this five and twentieth day of 
February in the fourteenth year of our Baigne." 

Given under the King's sign-manual, this commission is counter- 
signed — **Edw. Norgate," directed to Lord Dagarvan (sic.) and 
endorsed by his lordship ** My Commission from his Majesty^ to levy a 
troope of horse." 



John Motley to Colonell Robert Bennett. 

1649, November 13th, from Mr. Lingham's iu Axyard in Westminster 
neer Kingstreet. — " My worthy and ever honoured friend. I received 
your letter the other weeke, but returned you noe answere then, 
because I deferred it, thinking to have had an opportunity to have 
presented the petition (which you sent me in your said letter) to the 
House the next day after the receipt thereof. But by reason that the 
House then made an Order, that noe private businesses should bee 
heard till they had fullv taken view howe it stoode with the Common- 
wealth in the matter oi the treasure of the State, that soe they might 
have a perfect understanding in what condition they were in treasure 
for payment of the Army the next yeere ; the last three moneths for the 
90,000/. for the payment of the Army beeing on the 25th of December 
next at an end, and how (if possibly it might be effected) they might 
ti^e away some parte of the greate rate of the said 90,000/. a moneth, 
whiche basinetse, though with all diligence they have discussed and 
have had a yiewe of every place where money is, and to see how there 
treasure .stands, yett can they not come to a full sight and knowledge 
of it : This day the Committee of Goldsmiths Hall made report unto 
the House that there is allmost 300,000/. due to the State for Com- 
positions and Fynos of malignants, but when they shall gett it in they 
Gonnott ascertaine the House, but beleeve that it will be a worke of 
tyme to have it in ; and therefore at present as touching the payment 
of the Army it <;annott bee depended uppon, the money for the sale of 
the Deane and Chapters lands is disposed of (for as much as is paid in) 
allready, there is some to bee received for lands allready sold, and a 
good parte of the land is yett unsold, and it will require some tyme to 
sell it, and to receive in the money from the purchasers : Noe mone/ 
hath beene made of the Kinges, Princes or Queenes land, for there is 
a stoppe on that in regard of a petition of the Army presented to the 
House till the first day of December next, because parte of the Army is 
in Ireland, and have not yett appointed any to take upp the money due 
unto them on the debenters or to agree for lands in lie we of there 
debenters ; therefore if any survaies bee returned above to the Committee 
there for sale of the said lands, there is no publication to bee made of 
them untill that day bee past : They have had a viewe of the excise 
and find it very farre charged before hand with very great summes of 
money, and that which is made of it now, when the parliament hath 
the whole Kingdome to lay it on is not much above what wee made 
of it when wee had but London and the associated Counties in the 
powre of the parliament, soe much reluctation and aversenesse is there in 
most of the nation to the payment of that taxe, which in my opinion is 
the easiest and equallest tax that possibly canne bee ; which taxe, if it 
were well manadged and paid as it ought to bee, would goe very farre 
towards the payment of our Army ; till which bee settled, there is noe 
hope of abating the Army rate, which the parliament would as well for 
there owne sakes as the peoples most willingly lessen or totally take 
away if possibly it may bee : I beleeve it cannott be anything lessened for 



47 

the 3 next monetbs, but they hope at our Lady Day next to abate a 
third parte of it, and by degrees as the excise is settled, and the 
revenewe comes in an it shonki, they hope to lessen it more, until! in 
the end it shall I trust bee reduce[d] to soe small a snmme, as it will be 
noe way grieyous to the people; these affaires have beene the true 
cause that hath hindered mee in doing what you desire : bee sure I will 
not omitt the first opportunity to serve you in it, and as soono as I canne 
effect it, I will not faile to send you the writt as you desire : 'Tis, since 
• I writt this, the Oommitteey that was appoynted by the House to bring 
in a modle for a newe Eepresentative, have made report to the House 
what progresse they made in that businesse, the number they thinke 
fitt to bee reduced to 400, and the rule by which they went on for the 
numbers of each Shiere in the nation is the Armys monethly rate, that 
is one representative for every 200/., soe Cornwall, being 2,000/. per 
mensem, is to have 10 representatives, Devon 20, London and Middlesex 
with the liberties 25, and soe the rest of the Shieres according to the 
abovsaid proportion, but the matter beeing of soe great concernment as 
it indeede is, the businesse was againe referred to. the same Ck>mmittee 
with some more added to it, to consider as well how the representatives 
shall bee qualified, as likewise who shall bee there chusers, and whether 
they shall be chosen by Borroughes (if it shall be thought fitt to have 
Burgesses) or else by all the freeholders of the respective counties as the 
Knights of the Shiere are at the Shiere Court : In regard whereof my 
brother Prideaux and Mr. Doones advice to mee is, not to doe any thing 
in it till that businesse be fully settled : On Friday last there should 
have beene a call of all the Members of the house, to which end there 
went foorth a summons by the appointment of the house to every Shiero 
of the nation, requiring all, the Burgesses not excluded, to have appeared 
in the House on friday last, but by reason that very few Sherriffes had 
made any returnes to the Speaker of these summons, it was put over 
againe till tuesday seaven night next, and then there will be a peremptory 
call ; It was then moved in the House that, seeing all the Members of 
the House that have lately sate there to the number of 150 have already 
subscribed to the Ingagement and all the Judges, Lawyers, Attumeys, 
and Clerkes, and all the Army Officers and Souldiers, and all the sea- 
captaines, commanders and officers of the navie, it was motioned that it 
might bee generally taken by the whole nation, and that whosoever 
should refuse to subscribe it, shall bee in the same condition to all 
purposes and intents that a man is that is outlawed, and that hee shall 
not be admitted to take benefitt of the law, or bee able to sue any man 
for land, debt, or trespasse, and if hee doe that it shall be a sufficient 
barre in lawo to pleado that hee hath not subscribed to the same 
Ingagement ; this is referred to a Committee to bring in an act for it, 
that soe it may be taken throughout the whole nation ; to the entent wee 
may knowe our friends from our foes, and of what powi'e the malignant 
party is throughout the whole Commonwealth : This 'Ingagement the 
Cleai^gy is to take as well as the others : It is veryly beleeved that 
many of the rigid presbyterian party heere will refuse to subscribe it. 
If they doe they will be putt to a losse for the recovering of there 
tythes from the parishioners, who I beleeve will very fewe of them pay 
them tythes, if they once knowe them to be in a condition not to be able 
to recover them. John Lilbume hath lately beene arrayned for his 
pestilent seditious bookes (which hee writt) at the Guildhall in London, 
there sate on him three or four judges, hee was found guilty by the 
Grand Inquest, but afterwards acquitted by a favourable petty Jurye ; 
but hee is not yet at liberty, but remaines still in restraint in the towre : 
Itt is thought hee will speedily bee delivered (giving good security for 



48 

his good bearing), they say heere that tbis triall hath brought hjm 
to a better understanding of himself e then anj thing ever did, and hee 
Towes (as the report goes) that hee will never more have to doe with 
businesses of State, which (if true) I am from mj heart glad that hee 
found soe favourable a Jury: what the newes is heere you may 
perceive by the papers which you shall heere-inclosed receive : And 
thus with the reiiiembrance of my best love and service unto you, and 
right glad that it hath pleased God to restore you to your health, I 
leave you to GK)d*s allmighty protection and soe rest • . • . Jo. 
Moyley. 

'* [P.S.] Sir. I must needes give you many thankes for removing 
from Little Pethericke that notable malignant priest Betty, a veiy 
illeterate and unworthy fellowe, and it haSi beene the shame of the 
Gommitlee to have left hym in soe long, but it was neither your 
nor my fault, that he was not sooner removed, for I still perceived your 
forwardnesse in that businesse ; but others whom I forbe^re to name 
were faulty in it : I am labouring heere to gett an honest man to 
send downe there :. I shall therefore request you to place none there 
till you heere againe from mee, unlesse it be for a short time to serve 
the place. That Little Pethericke is a very little parishe, not 
having in It above eight or nyne families, and most of them (as they 
say) Papists ; that [the] living (as report goes) is worth allmost a 100/. 
a yeere, and is not above mile or mile and halfe from Padstowe 
where there is a very great congregation that hath no competent 
meanes to intertaine a mynister the vickaridge there being not 
worthe above 30/. a yere, now if that and Padstowe were joined 
together one mynister might serve both : and wee might order (as 
wee have allready done in diverse of the little Westerne parishes) 
the small number of the parishioners of Little Pethericke to repaire 
to the Church of Padstowe ; where they may have all (if they were 
farre more) very fitt accomodation for seates; if you shall bestowe 
your endeavoure to effect this, I shall hold myselfe much your servant ; 
my earnestnesse with you in this is for that Padstow (as I have formerly 
said) is a great yett ignorant congregation and wants a godly painefuU 
teacher ; which I presume might there doe very much good, for some 
of the people there are Godly and desire instruction.'* 



George Yilliers, Duke of Buckingham to Lady Fairfax. 

[165-,] August 2c'th. '^ Madame. I shall hope from the intercession 
of the person that does me the honour to deliver this to you what 
I could hardly have expected upon any other accownt : that your 
Ladiship will be pleasd to pardon me the boldnesse of writing lately 
to your daughter. Mrs. Worsnam was the first that gave mee the 
confidence of making my addresses to her, and it was by her meanes 
only that I had the hapines of way ting upon her, and if that interview 
has made me soe little master of myselfe, as not to bo able to refraine 
the laying hold of an appointment offered to me of letting her knowo 
the paine I endure for her sake, I hope your Ladiship may bee 
persuaded to make the true interpretation of it, and to beleeve it cowld 
proceed only from an excesse of that respect and devotion I ever shall 
beare Mistris Fairfax, whom (if my fortune were in any kinde 
proportionable to my affections) I showld have impudence to pretend 
to deserve at least as much us any other body whatsoever, since I 
am sure it is impossible to love or honour anything more then I truly doe 
doe her, and to wish for any thing with greater longing or impatience^ 



49 

then I doe for some meanes of giving both her and your Ladiship 
undeniable proofesof it, being confident that, if your Ladiship knew the 
the nature of the passion 1 have for her, you cowld not be so ill natured 
(however averse to mee soe\'er shee might bee) as not to pitty my 
condition, or to refuse the endeavouring to further mee by your favour 
to the enjoying of what only in this world can make mee perfectly 
ihappy, That is Madame the honour of being your Ladiship's most 
•dutifull son, as I shall forever (whither your Ladiship will or noe) 
chalenge eternally that of being, Madame, Your Ladiship's most humble 
«md taabst obedient servant — Buckingham." 



Captain William Rausse to the Eight Hon. Commissionehs op 
THE Admiralty at Whitehall. 

1653, July 19th, Portland Frigate. — " You maie be pleased to'under- 
stand that whenn the fiete cam over to senile bale, I was ordred by 
the gennerall to contcnoue at the file where Capten Brand lies and sum 
other frigotts whear we have contenoued ever sinse sheuing our 
seavells everie daie either at the file or tabell whear we have seean thear 
menn of war ridinge readie to com out and as we hear thaie are at 
theas places a bout to saille but thaie neaver cam out to us Ihaie have 
staid all thear marchantes shipes and laid t beam bye which we hear are 
a bout 500 saill maikinge use of thear menn for thear menn of war thai 
have seant 50 saill of galie in to the seea to turn all shipes in to the 
sound or to hambrou by which mcapes thear hath ban no trad onlie we 
have taken tooe dogera with hearings and 2 with code fish one pinke 
with wines from baion and a galiote with grocrie (?) from amstar dam 
a privet man of ware with 4 gones and his prise which was a lin man 
and we chased anoter man of war a shor with other fisher menn hath 
ban formerlie taken by us which was sent to the flet in souU bale but I 
« , . with 4 doggers a galliot and a pinke beinge seanto firam Captin 
Brandlin the 14 of this inatant I have delivered the prises to the Cole 
. , . . and shall god willinge retorne to the flet acordinge to my 
order as faste as I can. I have mad boulld to give your honar noties not 
. . . . but commite you to the Lord and reaste yours at comands." 

Joseph Kent to Prixce Rupert. 

1653, October 18th, Venice. — "May it please your Highnesse, By 
my last of the 11th present I gave myself the honour of assureing your 
Highnesse the most lively and sensible esteeme I had ot'your Hi^hnesse[s] 
comands, and what an exceeding value I sett on them soe larr that I 
humbly begg your Highnesse to beleeve, I will preferr them before any 
imaginable imploymente on earth, not dispayreing but by my diligence 
and obedience to your Highnesse I may in something corespond to your 
Highnesse[8] expestatiou of me. I cannot yet to my very perticuler 
mortification prefix a tyme for my repaireiug to your Highnesse, as I 
hAve at large set downe to my honoui-ed freind Mr. Killigrew, when I 
will bring some observances with me, that happily may not prove 
uselesfle to your Highnesse[s] future designes, which I beseech God 
prosper ; in the interim if your Highnesse can think of any thing proper 
for your Highnesse[8] service in these parts I humbly beseech the 
honour of your Highne8se[s] comands. — These and the Medeteranian 
Seas are at present so scoured by the Flemings, that we have hardly 
an English Vessell in the Streights, except those few in the Venetians 
service. Some good fellowes of London have begun a trade in Dunkirk 

a 88428. D 



50 

bottomes under the King of Spaines protection, but if occasion were the 
wbeate would easily bee distinguished from the chaffe. . • ." 

Addressed to " Monsiegneur Le Prince Rupert, Palatin Due do 
Baviere and Cumberland — A. Nantes." 

Nathaniell Beownb to Robert Blackbourne, Esq., Secretary 
of the Conmiittee of the Admiralty. 

1654, August 21 St, On board the Tryumph in the Downes. — '* • . . . 
Seeing therefore it hath pleased his Highnes the Lord Protector to 
order Gold Chaines and Meddalls to be conferred upon certain persons 
for their geod services at sea, and that there was one of those chaioes 
appointed for my late noble Captain, Capt. Lionel Lane, of whose 
actings and deportment in the service I have been an eye witnes, from 
and befbre the beginning of the late warre with the Duch, and I dare 
attest this motto (He deserved it) ; L hope therefore that, although it 
hath pleased God that the said Captain (haveing how finished his work 
here) should be brought to the grave, yet the Honourable Committee 
wilbe soe noble towards him, as to conferr the Chain and Meddall, which 
was appoynted for him, upon his eldest sonne, unto whom upon his 
deathes bed and by his last will, he gave mo in charge to deliver his 
sword ; my r.'quest therefore unto yourselfe is that you wilbe pleased to 
use your interest with the Honourable Committee, that the said Chain 
and Meddall may not be otherwise disposed, and te signifie unto me by a 

line or two their pleasures therein " 

Addressed to the writer's *' honourable friend, Robert Blackbourne, 
" Esquire, Secretary to the Right Honourable the Committee of the 
*« Admiraltie— Whitehall." 



William Wiiitehorn to the Right Hon. the Commissioners for 
THE Admiralty at Whitehall. 

1666, August 25th, Essex Frigate in Mardike Pitts.— «' Since my 
ft»t of the 22nd instant, I have beene in the Flemish roads with Captaine 
Fenne and the rest of the Coraanders there, and I have indeavoured to 
put all things in the ^best posture tliat possible I can, hopeing that we 
shall be able to destroy them if they come out. I caused some guns to 
be fired at the utmost rainge into the towne^ but they fell short ; the 
Enemy keeps very silent ; I perceive they are raisemg of a batterie to 
the eastward of the towne amongst the sand-hills to secure there small 
vessells, that they intend to send unto the eastward close by the shore. 
Here inclosed is the Examinacion of a Calisser, which came from 
Flushing : I received some lines from the Governeur of Callis the which 
I thought fit to send it to your Honours. Although I perceive there is 
not much in it, I shall returne a few lines unto him againe, for hi» 
civility. Here is likewise in the margent an Account of the ships on this 
coast, and how they are disposed of; and as to there provisions I shall 
give your Honours an Account in my next. The 23rd instant going to 
the Flemish road I saw a hoy of [f] at sea, standing right in for Dunkirke 
with the wind at N.E. : the Red Horse pinke being ordered to stand of[f3 
unto her, she then stood away to the westward : he was assured she 
[was] bound for Dunkirke ; I thought good to send him to the prize office at 
Dover, for them to make further tryall of the businesse. The Assurance 
Frigate arrived here the last Lords Day in the aftemoone, haveing the 
last quarter flood with him and very gallant weather. I did immediately 
order him for ih% Flemish road, to follow Captaine Fenn's directions for 



51 

the better manageing of your Bervice against the Enemj ; but saileing^ 
thither and haveing but little wind, the tide set them on the middle 
ground where thej were on ground for the space of about 5 bowers : it 
pleased God it proved very faire weather all the time untill she was 
gotten of [f] withoute receiveing the le^t damage ; but she was noe sooner 
of[f] the ground, it pleased God to send her very much wind at W.N. W.^ 
N.W. and N.N.W. I sent the hoy herein expressed to Dover bj the 
Hawke Ketch, and thought good by this opportunity to present unto 
your Honours the state of yours affaires at present. I have not else 
but to wait your Honours further comands and crave leave to- 
remaine.'' 

The marginal account, referred to in the letter, of the Commis-* 
sioners' ships runs thus : " Of[f] Ostend — Yarmouth^ Tiger^ Jairsej/y 
" Mermaidy Drake. In the Flemish road — President , Assurance^ Nor' 
" wichy Dartmouth^ Red Horse : To ride betweene the Hook and the 
** Splinter — True Zorc frigate : Mardike Pitts — Essex ^air^e ketch : 
" To the Westward of us — Sparrow Pinke: Wind at present at 
** N.N.W., a very strong gaile." Enclosed in above given letter, the 
following summary of " the Calissers " intelligence, to wit : — 

^* The Examinacion of Robert Egilleon of Callis, August 23rd, 1656, 
and came from Flushing :«— He advertiseth that two frigates of the 
Enemy one beareing 4 -guns and another 8 arived at Flushing the 22nd 
Instant, and that the said Frigates are diserted, being left uncapable of 
proceeding on further designs for want of men. He doth further informe 
thet some 7 or 8 dayes since there was a man of warre of the Enemyea 
bearing 5 guns chased into Flushing by some of the States Frigates^ 
haveing some English prisqnners on board, who reports of two Prizes 
that were taken laden with fish ; but at the tyme, unknowne where thej 
were. He doth further certifie that a vessell of 8 guns, belonging to 
the Enemy is detained at Rotterdam in lieu of a Convoy that hath beene 
formerly taken from the Hollanders, and further saith not.'' 

Oliver Crokwell to Govebnor Leveret. 

1656, September 18th, Whitehall.—" Oliver P. Our Will and Pleasure 
is, That you deliver or cause to bee delivered unto our trustie and wel- 
beloved Colonel Thomas Temple ymmediatelie upon his arrivall in 
Acadia commonly called Nova Scotia, in the parts of America, peaceable 
and full possession of our Forts there called the Forts of St. John and 
Pentacoet, and all the Magazines, Powder, Yessells, Amunicion and 
other things whatsoever to them or either of them belonging : Wee 
having committed unto him the eaid Colonel Temple the charge and 
government of the said Forte and premisses. And hereof you are not 
to faile." 

Letter of secretarial penmanship under autograph sign-manual^ 
addressed "To Captaine John Leveret Govemour-in Chiefe of our 
" Forts of St. John, Portroyal and Pentacoet in Acadia commonly 
" called Nova Scotia in Amenca, or to his Lieutenant and other the 
" officers there or any of them," 

EjNa Charles the Second to William Lord Archbishop of 

Cantbrburt. 

1660, October 13th, Whitehall.—" Charles R. Most Reverend Father 
in God Wee greet you well Being tender of our engagement to have a 
care for tiie reasonable satisfaction of the tennants and purchasers of 

P 2 



52 

Church Lands, Our Will and Pleasure is, That ypu give order to 
Byshops Deanes and Chapters within your province, That in letxing 
the lands and revenues l)elonging to their respective Churches they have 
regard to such as were tennants before the late troubles, where they have 
not parted with their leases, giving them not only priviledge of preemp- 
tion before any others, but using tliem with all favour and kindness. 
And you are forthwith to give direction that noe sucli ancient tennant be 
f>ut out of his possession, and that no grant or lease be madb of tLingK 
purchased by .nny officer or souldier of the army and others unlesse it be 
k> the purchaser or by his consent untiil Wo take further order which 
We shall doe speedily, it being our intention to be very careful! of the 
Churches interest. Given at our Court at Whitehall . . . ." 
Countersigned — Edw. Nicholas. 

Joseph Glanvill, F.R.S., Chaplain in Ordinary to Charles II., to 
Henry More, D.D., Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. 

fl662?] November 13th, Frome. — "I forbore answering your last 
enquiryes about the DaBmon of Tedworth till I could informe my self of 
all perticulars from the gentleman's owne mouth, which I could not doe 
till very lately, he living near 30 miles from the place of my abode ; and 
I had no way to speake with him but by a journy on purpose, which 
for the further satisfaction of mine owne curiosity, and the desire I have 
of serving you, I lately undertooke. I learnt from Mr. Mcmpesson that 
the Drummer was banished, and that -since his baoishment his house 
had been very quiet. He was pleased to give mee all his letters, which 
were sent to the Doctor of the Chaire att Oxford, that contained an ac- 
count of all the rcmarkeable perticulnrs of the whole disturbance. From 
which I was drawing a perfect Narrative with some of my Remarques, 
•which I intended for you, when a violent feavour seized mee, that put mee 
in hopes of an inlargement into the w^orld of spirits ; and J verily thought 
that I should have made that great experiment. But Providence hath 
taken mee from the danger of my distemper, though not yett from the 
weakeness of it. I am but newly arrived to strength enough to come 
out of my bed an howre or two in a day. And I write now with mucli 
difficulty. 

** Yesterday a letter came to me from Mr. Mompesson to desire mee 
to come over to speake with him about his old Troubler, w^hich he sayes 
hath now invaded him againe. The house had been quiet 9 weekes 
during the absence of the Drummer ; but he escaping as soon as he was 
come home, the disturber returned^ but playes other kind of tricks (hen 
formerly. One perticular passage he acquainted mee with, which was 
that the night before hee writt his letter to mee, his riding gelding was 
throwne in the stable against the doore with one of his hinder leggs in 
his mouth, which could not bee gotten out by the strength of 4 men, 
without opening his mouth with a leaver, I intend to take a journey 
to Tedworth assoon as my ptrength will pcrmitt, and then I will informe 
you both of the former and these later passages. Strange thinges are 
reported of the Drummer's escape, but I can yet give you no certain 
Jiccount ; assoon as I can, you shall have it *' 



Andrew Rutherford, "Ea^l of Teviot, to Lord 

1663, April 16th, Durham Yard.— ** My best of Lord?. This will 
nake me pas s for a banqucroute to be gone and not compt with my 
boste. I am now obliged to take the paines my selfe to be iutendant 



53 

and have inspection for ordering and disposing our schipps, forreceaving 
our sogers and victuals abord, and his Majestie yesternight commanded 
me so to doe. I parrt just now for Dail, with intention to come back 
within 4 dajes and kiss joar Lordship's hands. 

" I sail most humbly begg of your Lordship that you Lordship will 
procure of his Majestie ether a letter to the French king, recommending 
with empresse Major Touris of the Scots Gardes, that he may be 
considered for his 28 years service, in which he hath spent his patrimonie 
and at his youth lost his legg, or if your Lordship think fitter that a 
letter may be draft for my Lord Embassador Holey as instructions to 
sollicit for the sayd Major as also for Thomas Butherford, who hath 
lost his legg in that service . . . ." 

Charles the Second to the Lords and Others the Curators- 
OF the Ddke and DacHEss of Buccleuch and Monmouth. 

1665, November 30th, Oxfoid. — " Charles K. Whereas TTe formerly 
appoynted the moneys which ore transmitted by your order for the 
Duke and Duchesse of Buccleuch and Monmouth to be payed to Alder- 
man Bakwell or any authorized by him to receave the same, and 
Wheras his other imployments have moved us to dispens with hie^ 
medling any more in that matter, Thes are therefor to authorize you to 
pay hereafter unto Sir Steven Fox or his order all such moneys as you 
doe transmit for the use of the said Duke and Duchese, And We doe 
declare that the recept of the said Sir Steven Fox or of any authorized 
by him to receave the same shal be unto you a sufficient discharge. 
Given at our Court at Oxford . . . ." 

Countersigned — LauderdailL 

Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland to ... . 

1666, August 6th, Edenbrught. — " In obedience to his Majesties 
command signified by his letter to my Lord Commissioner of the daitt 
the 26 of June, Wee doe humbly offer as a most effectual remedy for 
punishing and preventing the disorders which ar in the church, that 
bestds a vigorous prosecutione of Laws and Acts of the State against 
all contraveeners, and with greatest severity against thos that [be] known 
to be most pernicious adversaries to the quiet of the church, His Majestie 
may be pleased to consider wether it will not be expedient by Act of 
Councel to injoyn that all Heritors and landlords be oblidged and mead 
answerable for the[ir] servants, and teunants, living orderly and not with- 
drawing from ordinances, or keping of conventicles, and for that end 
that they may be impowred and requyred to remove them, and that a ^ 
remedy may be provided wher they have taks or ar rentalers. And" 
magistrats of Broughts to be answerable fur there burgesses and inhabi>-' 
tants who reside within ther respective libertys for the space of six 
months and upwards. 

^'And for securing the peace of the kingdome it is thought His 
Majestie hath taken such a course that ther remayns nothing to be 
offered by us at this time," — Signed by Archbishop Sharp of Sfr. 
Andrew and seven other members of the Council. 

Prince Rupert to the House of Commons. 

[1667 .] — "I doe esteem it a very great happiness, that my 

hearty services for the King and Kingdome in the late warr ai-e so well. 



54 

accepted by the House of Commons, and eincc it is desired bj tbem 
tbat I sbould impart what miscarriages I have observed in the manage- 
ment of the said warr, and that I should give a particular! Account 
concerning the division of the Fleet in the year 1666, 1 shall faithfully 
do it upon the best recollection I can make, I being with the first 
summers expedition when His Royall Highness commanded, and there- 
upon I shall only say in short if the Duke's orders (as they ought) had 
been strictly observed, the victory which was then obtained had been 
much greater, nay in probability the whole Fleet of the enemy had 
been destroyed. What other miscarriages happened that summer I 
cannot speak to but upon hearsay, — ^being commanded home as soon as 
that fight was over, and had not my hand in any other action of the 
warr, untill it pleased the King to joyn me with the Lord G^enerall in 
the command of the Fleet, in which expedition that which first 
appeared of moment in the seperation of the Fleet, whereof I can say 
thus muoh, that the Counciil was founded upon the intelligence which 
was brought, of some ships of the French Kings being at Bell Isle, and 
that some others were expected there out of Brest and with the Duke 
of Beaufort. It was allso encouraged by other intelligence that the 
Dutch was not likely to come abroad in some weeks, so that it was 
conceived a squadron of our ships might be spared to look after the 
French, and return time enough to the body of the Fleet before an 
engagement with the Dutch. With these ships, and in pursuance to the 
orders I had then newly received from the Duke of Yorke, I set saile 
upon Tuesday being the 291 h of ]May, leaving the main body of the 
Fleet with the Duke of Albemarle in the Downes, where wee concluded 
•there' could be no probable danger from the enemy in case they should 
come out, because the same • wind, which would bring them into the 
channell, would allso serve to bring down our Fleet to a conjunction 
with the squadron under my command. And I steared my course 
westward, till by stresse of weather, which happened on Tuesday 
follo^ring being the first of June, I was driven back again, and came to 
anchor at St. Hellens Boad, where (by a Ketch which I had sent before 
to Portsmouth for intelligence) I received the first notice of the Dutcli 
being abroad, and His Koyall Highness his order bearing date the 
30th of May, for my return to the Fleet, which I was directed to find 
either in the Downes or else in the Gunfieet, whereupon I made all the 
haste back to the Downes, but the Duke of Albemarle (it seems by 
orders he had received after my parting from him), was gone thence 
for the Gunfieet, and in passing mett the Dutch upon the said first of 
June. And I meeting no intelligence in the Downes steered my 0001*86 
on towards the Gunfieet allso, and on Sunday the third of June mett the 
the English and Dutch who had then been some days engaged. The 
next miscarriage I shall mention was the intolerable neglect in supply- 
ing provisions during the whole summer's expedition, notwithstanding 
die extraordinary and frequent importunity of our lives (? letters), which 
were for the most part directed to Sir William Coventrye as being the 
fittest person to represent our desire to his Royall Highness and to the 
<I!ommissioner[s] of the Navy, of which number he was allso one, and 
in this instant the neglect was so great, that wee were enforced 
by three repeated orders in that summer to bring the whole Fleet to the 
short allowance, from the second of August to the 23rd of October, 
when I brought home the Fleet. I know upon our complaints accounts 
were sent us, that all had been supplyed according to our ordere, but I 
remember aHso wee did then complain, that great quantities of wood 
bound cask were staved, and much of the provisions (upon surveys) 
proved defective, allso that the gauge of the beer vessells was twenty 



55 

gallons in a butt short of what it ought to be, and that bills of creditt 
came with the Pursers to the Fleet instead of provisions in specie. 
This want of provisions did manifestly tend to the extraordinary 
prejudice of his Majesty's service, in that whole summer, but most 
especially after the victory obtained in July Fight; when wee had 
earned the Fleet on the enemy's coast, and lay there before the Uly ; 
in the way of all their Merchant ships, wee were enforced meerly for 
want of provisions to quitt out to Swold bay. 

"And now I have made mention of the second, I must not forbear 
to tell you my judgement : that the blew Squadron wa<3 in that action 
guilty of a great miscarriage. Otherwise in probability the whole 
Zealand Squadron had fallen into our hands. The want of seamen was 
allso too great to be forgotten, which I believe was occasioned partly 
by the hopes they had to go into merchant ships and colliers, where 
their pay was greater, and the hazai*d less, and partly by the ill manage- 
ment of those who are intrusted to impress them. In the next place I 
must remember the horrible neglecte of his Majesty's ofiicei*s, and the 
workmen of his yards. For the proofe thereof there needs but two 
instances^ the one that of the fireships which wee desired to have 
supplyed to us, after the second fight, wee having spent the greatest 
part of ours in that fight and in the action of the Uly. After above five 
weeks' importunity wee were told wee should have live fireships out of 
the Thames at Chatham, where all necessarys were at hand, when in as 
many days wee provided as many fireships ourselves at Swold-bay, and 
those which wee were provided out of the Thames river cam^ not to us 
till the want of them was over. 

" The next is as considerable, That, whereas wee were in great want 
against the second fight of having the Loyall London^ Warspight^ 
Cambridge and Greenwich^ which were all ships of so great force wee 
thought it not fitt to saile till they were ready, after wee had with all 
imaginable importunity in vain desired the fitting and sending of tliem, 
wee were at last forct to send up Sir liobert Holmes with some of our 
number out of the Fleet for the three latter, and Sir Jeremiah Smith 
for the Loj/all London^ who in a few days brought the said ships to the 
Fleet where we fitted them ourselves. And though these are very 
considerable instances, yet the late miscarriage at Chatham dock more 
eminently prove it. From that expedition where wee commanded I 
returned home in the beginning of October, but before I came in with 
the Fleet I sent it as my humble advice to the King, amongst other 
things which I thought for his Majesty's service, that care should be 
taken to prevent an attempt upon Harwich, which was to be appre- 
hended some time or other from the enemy, after the Fleet should be 
come in, and his Majesty's commands were accordingly afterwards 
issued forth, for the fortifying both Harwich and Sheerness, which 
should have prevented any such design. But though many months past 
before the Dutch and their attempt, yet nothing had been done to 
render Sheerness defensible against the enemy, to which neglect we may 
justly ascribe the burning of the ships at Chatham, and the dishonour 
that attended it. Last of all I doe esteeme none of the least mis- 
carriac^s that have been observable in the last war, that the Fleet was 
kept in a body the last summer, especially since the enemy was well 
luiown to be arming, whereas wee had above 18,000 seamen all 4he 
while in pay aboard dispersed ships, which if but a part had been hut 
kept together in the Thames, it had been probably the prevention of 
the mischief which ensued." 

This document — a transcript of clerical penmanship,.entitled at the 
liedd of th^ first page <' Prince Rupert His Narrative" — ^is followed in 



56 

tbe fame poper and penmaDsbip by **An Account" covering three 
pages foolscap, and containing tabular Etatements, ''of ^'bat new 
** Employments bave been erected between tbe 6th November 1688 and 
" the Isi December, 1698, in tbe Navy, and by what Order?, with the 
" increase of^alary." 

There is no need to remind students that Prince Rupert's " Report '^ 
has appeared in published collections of State Papers ; but as the present 
contemporary and official copy of the writing diflTers slightly in several 
places, from other printed copies, I have thought it riglat to publish it 
yet again in extefiso* 

the Duke of Albemarle to the House of Commons. 

[1667] • — ** Being desired by the House of 

Commons to imparte what I have observed and known -of any miscar- 
riages in the' late warr, and particularly concerning the division of the 
Fleet in 1666, 1 shall relate all I can during my being at sea, with respect 
to the shortness of the time, and want of many of my papers, occasioned 
by the losse of Sir William Gierke, who attended me in the Sea Service, 
and was slaync in the same. 

*• The first as I remember (the division of the Fleet) is as foUowetliy 
vizt., Sir George Cartwright and Sir William Coventry came to us at 
the Buoy on the Nore on the 14th May, 1666, and acquainted us that 
there might be good service done, if wee could spare a squadron of 20 
of our ships with some fireships, to fall on some part of the French Fleet,, 
which were gathering together at Bell Isle, and this was made so great 
a secret, that Wee could not have the advice of our Flag Officers, and 
they said the Dutch Fleet would not be out in six weeks. I was mucb 
surprized at this proposition : but I told them if upon their going to* 
London it should be resolved to send away &uch a part of the Fleet as^ 
aforesaid, I should not be able to engage the Dutch Fleet till I should 
be recioiited. All that was done at this time was only to agree of the 
names of the ships, and that our whole Fleet should saile to the Downes^ 
and there lye till further orders. On the 27th of May at night I received 
a letter from my Lord Arlington, dated the 24th, importing that he heard 
that the Dutch Fleet would be out suddainly, but mentioned no certain - 
time of their coming out, and the Prince had orders the 25th to saile 
away with his Squadron, in prosecution of the forementioned design, 
and on tbe 29th at night I received orders, dated the 28th, to goe to 
the Gun Fleet, and the next day I called the officers together and 
acquainted them with it. They thought it very inconvenient to goe to 
the Gun Fleet, alledging that, if the wind should be easterly, and the 
Dutch Fleet come out and send Fireships amongst us being at anchor, 
they might put us into disorder, and therefore advised wee should saylo 
to the Swims, betwixt the Gunfieet and the middle ground, as a place 
better for safety, and taking in provisions for the Fleete. I then 
dispatcht an Expresse to His Koyal Highness with the result of that; 
consultation, and as soon as I had squadroned our ships and got all our 
men from shore, which was by the 31st of May, I set sayle that after^ 
noon. I had with me, when the Prince was to goe, 56 sayle, but the 
Advice having broken her head, the Expedition went with his Highness 
in her place, and another of my ships, being out to scout towards Dun- 
kirk, came not in till the fight was over, soe that I had but 54 ships^ 
when we set sight of the Dutch Fleet, which was descryed the first of 
June at eight in the morning, lying at anclior at the North Foreland 
consisting of about 80 Men of Warr beside Fireships and Ketches' 



57 

Wee expected tliem not so soon (having never heard before they were 
out of their harbours, or so much as drawn to any Randezvouse), though 
it was well known ihey came out the 2nd of May, as I had advice after 
the fight. Considering the condition I was in, most part of the best 
saylors being gon out with the Prince, and those with me were very 
heavy ships, and many of them Merchant Men and Dutch Prizes, I 
thought fitt to advice, if wee might not get into the River without 
fighting, and in order thereto I called together all the Flagg Officers and 
Captains, who after some consideration unanftnously agreed, that seeing 
most of our FFeet were heavy ships wee could not avoid fighting, and 
thereupon the resolution was to fall upon them as they lay at anchor. 
The description of the engagement is not very pertinent to this narrative, 
but notwithstanding all the disadvantage wee bad by two recruits added 
to the Dutch Fleet, wee lost but tenn ships, and they had above 20 
sunk and burnt, and by a letter from his Boyall Highness the 31st of 
May 1 found that a letter was writt a day before to recall the Prince, and 
his Highness came to us the 3d of June at night. The 4th being 
Monday, wee say led toward the Dutch Fleet and fought that day till 
towards night, and then they sayl'd toward the coast of Holland and left 
U3 ; and. His Highness the Princes ships and mine being disabled, wee 
could not follow them that night, soe upon consultation it was resolved 
that wee should sayle our Fleet to the Buoy in the Nore, to repair our 
ships and recruite them. 

" After these engagements, the Fleet drew into' the Buoy in the N"ore 
to be repaired and victualled, where I cannot but observe the great 
negligence of the Commanders [sic — ? Commissioners'} of the Navy in 
not providing for our supply. , Wee had not anything wee wanted but 
by great importunity, and such was their delay in fitting our ships that 
after they had represented it scarse possible to have the Loyall Tjondon^ 
the Warspigkty Cambridge and ■Greenvich out that summer, wee sent 
some of our own officers and seamen, who brought them to us in a few 
days. 

" The next thing that I would observe is, that, when in the month of 
August the same year our Fleet lay before the Uly and Skellen, when 
we burnt and destroyed 62 Merchant Men and 4 Men of Warr, and 
might have presumed on successe with very great advantage, for 50 
Merchents comeing 3 days after might have fallen into our Fleet, we were 
forced for want of provisions tD draw ofi^, notwithstanding both His 
Highness and my self had with great instance and importunity often 
prest for provisions and that wee might not put to sea within lesse than 
4 months. 

*' The ill success at Chatham hath many circumstances and therefore 
I shall be more particular, because it is yet fresh in my memory. His 
Majesty, having intelligence that the Dutch Fleet had with their cannons 
beaten those from Sheerness that were to defend it, was pleased on 
Monday the 10th of June, to command me to Chatham, to take the best 
order I could to secure, and defend the ships there, and His Majesty 
gave order to the Commissioners of the Ordinance to dispatch a trayo 
after me that very day, which that night 1 hear came to Deptford, and 
the next day unto Gravesend, and I myselfe went from the Tower of 
London at 4 a dock in the afternoon and came to Gravesend that 
evening. When I came thither I found the Fort on Kent side 
with few guns mounted, and that on Essex side had not above one 
in it mounted. I thereupon gave order to Sir John Griffith to mount 
as many guns as he could, and to repair the fortifications to make the 
best resistance wee could, in case the Dutch Fleet should adventure 
ftirtber upon the river, part of their Fleet being sayled to the Hope. I 



68 

then allso appointed Sir William Jennings to command the Men of Warr 
and 5 Bbips, that lay by the Fort, till His Eoyall Highness should 
further direct in that particular. And in regard I found so few gunns 
mounted in the Fort, aiid seeing the Dutch Fleet on Tuesday morning 
with their top sailes loose in the uight of Gravesend, I gave order that, 
when the traiiie of Artillery should come, they should stay there till 
further order, for I was in hopes to find Chatham better provided then 
it was. Af\er I had made this provision there, I went early on Tuesday 
morning to Chatham, where I found scarce a douzen of 800 meu, which 
were there in the Kinji^s Pay in his Majesty's Guard, and so distracted 
with fear that I could have little or noe service from them. I had heard 
of 30 boats which were provided by the direction of His Hoyall 
Highness, but they were all except 5 or 6 taken awuy by those of the 
Guard, which went away with them, and sent and took aWay by the 
example of Commissioner Pett, who had the cheife command there, and 
sent away his own goods in some of them. I found no amunition there 
but what was in the Monmouth, so that I presently sent to Gravesend 
for the trayen to be sent me, which got thither about 2 of the Clock. The 
next day I dispatcht this oi-der, I went to visit the Chayne, where I 
found no works for the defence of it. I then immediately set souldiers 
to work for the raising of 2 batteries, for there were no other men to be 
got, and when I employed them I found it difficult to get tooles, for 
Commissioner Pett would not furnish us with above 30 till wee broke 
open the stores where we found more. I then directed timber and thick 
planks to be sent to the batteries and guns allso, that they might be 
ready to be planted as soon as the battciies were made, and in the next 
place I sent Captain Winter to Upnor Castle, which I took to be a 
place very titt to hinder the enemy from comeing further, if that they 
should force the Chayne : and upon better consideration (though I )iad 
Horse near), least the enemy should land there, I commanded Sir 
Edward Scott with his company for a further strength to that place, 
and gave him the charge of it, with orders to let me know what he 
wanted for the security thereof. Having thus provided for Upnor, I 
considered where to sink the ships without the Chayne next to the 
enemy, for a further security to it. I found 6 fire ships and the Unity 
upon the place, and advising with Commiseloner Pett and the Master 
of Attendances and a Pilot, how to do it, Pelt told me it was their 
opinion that, if three fireships were sunk at a narrow passage by the 
Mussell bank the Dutch Fleet could not be able to come upp, and 
relying upon their experience, who best knew the river, gave order for 
doing of it ; but when it was done they said they wanted 2 ships 
more, which X directed them to take and sink. After this I ordered Sir 
Edward Spragg to tack about, and sound whether the sinking those 
ships would secure the Passage, which he did and found another 
Passage which the Pilot and Master had* not observed to be deep 
enough for great ships but was great enough for great ships to come in, 
I resolved therefore to sink some ships within the Chayne, and provided 
some against there should be occasion. I went then to look after the 
other ships and batteries, and to see men and all things ready ; but I 
found the gunns which I h&d ordered to be there not yet come down, 
and instead of thick oken planks of which there were store in the yards, 
it appeared the Commissioner would only send their planks of 
deale, saying he had no other, which proved very prejudiciall in their 
use, for they were so weak, that att every shott the wheels sunk through 
the planks, which put us to continued trouble. About noon, before 
one battery was quite raised, the enemy came to the place where oar 
first ships yfetfd supk. I went on board the MonmatUh with 50 v(daii* 



69 

teers and appointed soldiers in other ships to make the best defence 
they could, if they had proceeded. But ihey were so incumbered, 
before they could get cleare their way through the sunk ships, that 
their tyde was spent, therefore made no further advance that day. 
Before we had time what to do against their next attempt, there were 
two ships ordered to lye within the chayne, to sink when occasion 
ofEered ; and wanting one great ship to sink in the middle of those two 
that night, I ordered (the Sancta Maria) a Dutch Prize to be sunk in 
the deepest place between the two aforesaid ships. And I judged it so 
fitt to be done, that I charged Commissioner Pett and the Master of 
Attendance to do it by morning on peril of their lives, they having time 
enough before the Tyde served to provide things to carry down to it ; 
for Commissioner Pett (who received orders from His Highness the 16th 
of March to remove the Roy all Charles above the Dock) had for above 
9 or 10 weeks neglected those orders. When I was getting all the 
boats I could, I wanted many for the carrying materialls for batteries, 
and ammunition and soldiers for the defence of ours, Commissioner Pett 
came and told me he could carry her up that tyde, if he might have 
boates, which I could not then spare, for if they were gone all the 
batteries must have been neglected, and I could not transport the timber, 
powder, shot nor men to them to resist the enemy the next day, and 
besides it was thought adviseable at that instant, if the Dutch should 
have landed in the Marsh by the Crane, they might have been usefull 
and have hindred them having gunns aboard. Neverthelesse and upon 
notice shortly after that there was neither spring ladle, powder norshott 
enough, I sent Captain ^iillett. Commander of the Maihoeas, about 10 
in the morning with orders to Commissioner Pett to carry her up as 
high as they could the next tyde, who pretended he could not then do 
it, because there was but one Pilott that could undertake it, and he was 
imployed about sinking ships. And seeing she was not removed in the 
morning, I my selfe spoke to him, the said Commissioner Pett, in the 
evening in the presence of Colonell Makenough and Captain Mansfield 
to fetch her off that tyde : but notwithstanding tliese orders the ship 
was not removed, but there lay till the evening the enemy took her. In 
the same morning by break of day I went to see what was done by the 
Sancta Maria^ and found men towing her along to the place inteiided. 
And they had tyde enough to do their business ; but soon after I had dis- 
persed orders with the other ships, I looked and saw the Sancta Maria 
by the carelessness of the Pilot and Masters of Attendance was run on 
ground, at which I was much troubled, for, if that ship had been sunk 
in the place that I had appointed, the Dutch ships conld not have 
gotten beyond those of ours, sunk within the channell, and thereby none 
of the King's ships within conld have been destroyed, in regard that our 
Guard Ships within our batteries would have hindred them from 
removeing our sunk ships. About tenn of the clock on Wednesday^ the 
enemy came out with part of tljeir Fleete, and two Men of Warr 
and 5 or 6 fireships, and some other Men of WaiT seconding them. 
They first attempted the Unity , which was placed on the right hand 
Close without the Channell to defend it, and they took her, and one of 
their fireships struck upon the Chaine, but it stoppt it. Then came 
another great fireship, and with the weight of them the Chayne gave 
way ; and then the ships came on in that very passage, where the Sancta 
Maria should have been sunk. They burnt the two Guard Ships, and 
took of[f] the Charles wherein the Boatswain and Gunner did not do their 
dutys in firing her, though they say they attempted her twice, but the 
fire did not take. This was all I observed of the enemy's actions on 
Wednesday. Our next care was tO/provide against the tyde served the 



60 

next day. I enquired what had been done by Sir Edward Scott at 
Upnor, and sent him as many of those things he needed as I could get 
boats to carry to him, and sent allso a Company more then was formerly 
■ordered, to reinforce the place in case of landing, and then directed the 
batteries to be made in the King's Tafd, but could not get a carpenter, 
but two that were run away. I allso planted that night above 50 
cannons in severall places besides those that came with the tittyne of 
Artillery which wei'e also planted. I stayed all night in the place by 
the men, and having no money to pay them, all that I could doe or say 
was little enough for their encouragements, for I had no assistance from 
Commissioner Pett, nor noe ganuers or men to draw on the gunns 
except the two Masters of Attendance. On Thursday morning betimes 
Upnor was in a pretty good condition ; and our batteries ready, I got 
some Captains of Ships and other Officers Volunteers that came with 
me to ply the guns, and the other Land Volunteers did assist to draw 
them on the batteries. About nine the enemy came out with two Men 
of Warr following, the two first anchored before Upnor and played upon 
it, whilst the fireships passed by io the RoyallJameSy the Oak, and 
the London, The two first fireships burnt without any effect, but the 
rest went up and burnt the three ship^ mentioned, and if we had had 
but 5 or 6 boats, to cut off the boats of the fireships, wee had prevented 
the burning of these ships. But those being burnt, as soon as the tyde 
turned, they went back and made no attempt after. I bad in the 
morning before this received His Majesty's command to return to 
London ; but I thought most for his service to stay till the attcmpte was 
over, and then having left upon the place the Earle of Calisto and the 
Earle of Middleton to command there till further order, I came away 
about 8 in the evening, and about two in morning arrived at London." 

Though this lengthy document has been published in collections of 
State Papers, I have thought it right to print in extenso this contem* 
porary and official transcript, because it differs slightly in some places 
from other printed copies of the composition. 



Thomas Fanshawe, 1st Viscount Fanshawk, to Arthdb 
Sparre, Esq. 

I66f, February 27th, [. . .]. — "Cosen Sparke. I must desire 
you this day to furnish me with 60/., and upon my credit and reputa- 
tion I will in a short time repay you whom really your affectionate 

kinsman to serve you [^'^O ^ thinke I shall have 700/. 

for the next attournies place. Therefore I doe desire you would say 
nothing to Mr. Watts untill I see you againe, ualesse hee will give the 
same rate. I pray lett me not laile of the mony, for it is of much 
jconceme to mee." 

On the dorse of this letter appears the following receipt for the 50/., 
signed by Lady Fanshawe, to wit, "27th February 1068. Then 
" received of Arthur Sparke esq. the sume of fifty pounds for the use 
" of Thomas Lord Viscount Faushaw: I say received by mee — 
" 50/. 00*. 00c/. Elizabeth Fanshawe." 



Charles the Secx>nd to Prince Rupert. 

1673, April 26th, Whitehall.— " Charles R. Tou shall upon the 
receipt of these our instructions, with all convenient speed repaire unto 
our Port of Portsmouth, and there sasoone as you shall have embarqued 
the mariners and soldiers, with the ammunition and all other necessaryes 



• 61 

belonging to .that Fleet and &rmj ; which you are to command ns 
General by vertue of our commission dated this 26th day of April. 
You shall embarque your selfe on such ship as you shall make choice to 
goe upon your selfe, and with the first opportunity make sayle towards 
the coast of Holland or Zealand, as you shall think most convenient, 
and then either attaque any of the States shipps, there lying in harbour, or 
in the road, or if you find it more for our service, you shall land in what 
place you think most proper, and there attaque what places you shall 
judge likely to be carryed, or destroy and use hostility upon the inhabi- 
tants and their goods ; as you shall judge most suitable to the reason of 
war. 

^' 2. And in case you shall be soe fortunate as to possesse your selfe of 
any fort or towue, you shall immediately send and advertise us, that we 
may take order for the supplying you with what shall be necessary, both 
for the securing the place or places soe taken, as likewise for any 
farther advancement of our affairs there, and you shall likewise at the 
same time send out to the country adjacent, to assure the inhabitants, 
that though the necessity of affaires hath obliged us to these acts of 
hostility (finding our offers of a Peace sent by the Swedish Ambassadors 
soe coldl)' received) yet we still retaine the inclinations of living in 
amity with those people ; and to that end you shall offer them (still 
understood that we remaine possessed of some garrison'd lownes or 
forts, such as you shall judge proper for securing our interest) either to 
remaine under their old provinciall forme of Government, provided they 
acknowledge us fop their Protector, and soe furnish money ; . as much as 
upon a just estimate you shall think suf&cient to maintaine the garrisons, 
Or else if they please to be incorporated with England, they shall send 
their Burgesses to Parlement here, and enjoy all the priviledges that 
any native Englishman doth; and not be taxed but by consent in 
Parlement ; in either of these proposals, whichsoever they shall chuse, 
they shall be assured of the Freedome of their Religion, as it is now 
exercised- amongst them ; and if they chuse the former, they shall 
then have the Freedome of Trade, as to the commodities of their own 
growth, as Yorkeshire or any shire of En^Jand hath either by coast, 
cockett or Transire, and shall be subject to noe other imposition then 
English counties are, they allowing the same priviledges reciprocally 
to England. 

'' 3. But if it should soe happen that, before you find the. occasion of 
landing, or having landed and being afterwards obliged to returne to 
your ships, any application shall be made to you upon the afore- 
mentioned points, you are to act as is before said, in case you had 
landed. And if either on land or ship board, there shall be any other 
medium of accommodation proposed besides the two above mentioned, 
we confide soe much in your prudence and integrity, that we give you full 
power of concluding them, as you shall judge most to our service, 
according as you then find the conjuncture of affaires, provided you make 
noe agreement without our retaining, or having rendered to us such 
strong places, as ;oi\ shall^ judge sufficient to secure them to our 
interests. 

" 4. And if you find them make any doubt of their being secured in 
the exercise of their religion or enjoyment of their propertj'es, you shall 
secure them in both by any reasonable Article or Articles they shall offer 
particularly to that purpose. 

** 5. And though what we have offered in general doth sufficiently 
secure the Prince of Orange his property, as well as the rest, yet as 
being of a more exalted consideration then the rest and our denr 
nephew, if any man shall appcare for him^ yoa shall secure him all 



62 • 

rights and preeminences, that can consist with onr Protection, if that he 
the way you shall be like to close in — C. R." 

Countersigned by Arlington, this letter of instructions under and 
above the sign-manual of Charles II., appears under this heading, 
"Instructions for our deare cousin Prince Rupert going to spa in this 
" present expedition as Admiral and General of our Sea and Land Forces 
" under our most deare brother the Duke of Yorke. At onr Court at 
« Whitehall the 26 day of April, 1673." 

Charles the Second to Prince Rupert. 

1673, July 26th, on board the iloyall Souverayne. — '' Charles R.; 
Resolved, That his Highnesse Prince Rupert doe immediately (winde 
and weather permitting sayle away with his Majesties Fleete under bis 
command out of the river of Thames, taking with him .the severall shipps 
and vessells in which the Land forces witb theyr ammnnition, provi« 
sions and baggage &c. are embarqued. 

'' That being at sea, his Higbnesse doe in the first place take care to 
send under sufficient convoy the said Land-forces with theyr ammnni- 
cion and provisions, ba^age &c. to Yannonth, there to be disposed of 
according to stich directions as his Majesty has on that behalfe given to 
the Count de Schomberg. 

'< That this being done, his Highnesse with the fieete shall sayle to the 
coast of Flanders, and there shew himselfe nearer or further off to the 
enemy's fleete lyeing within the Schonvelt, as upon consideration had 
of the posture of the enemy, condition of the weather and other cir- 
cumstances shall bee by him judged most adTiseable. But that hee doe 
not for any consideration whatever adventure upon attacquing the enemj 
within the Schonvelt, untill upon further knowledge of the condicion of 
the Treaty, and his Majestys other afiEayres hee shall receive directions 
from his Majesty for his so doeing. 

'^ That his Highnesse haveing thus shewen himselfe to the Dutch 
ficete, shall mak[e] the best of his way to the Texell, whither it is to be 
hoped the enemy will be drawiio (and give an opportunity of fighting 
them where there is sea-roome) for the preventing a descent upon theyr 
coast and securing theyr East India shipps now expected home ; and 
his Highnesse being arrived there shall precede in the further employing 
and disposing of the fleete, as he shall from time to time judge to be 
best for his Majesty's service. C.R." 

This letter of instructions under and over the autograph sign- 
manual of Charles the Second, the body of the paper being written 
throughout by Samuel Fepys, opens with this dfite-h^ing, to wit, ^' At a 
" Councell of the Flagg Ofiicers of his Majesty's Fleet (his Majesty 
'^ prfldsent) held on boai^ the Royal Souveraigne the 26th day of July 
« 1673." 

Sir John Finch to • • • • 

1674, May 26th, Pera off Constantinople. — '' D D : It is impossible 
at this distance to maintain any method of correspondence, that my 
former nnhappinesse of being of late yeares deprivd of that satisfaction 
of yours proves now to me a support of the present want of it. How- 
ever, it not being in my power now to give you frequent troubles of 
this kind, I hope this mil meet with some favourable minute, that may 
rander its perusall not unacceptable : for I trust in God your aooessiona 
admitt of some intermission. 



** Since I left England to this hour, I bless God I have enjoyed a very 
vigorous health and saccesse in all mj undertakings beyond my own 
hopes or other expectations : Having at Genoua recovered very great 
and old debts due to His Majestys subjects, and a ship that the Dutch 
had taken from us and sonld in Spayn to a subject of that Bepublique. 
At Florence I recovered all his Majest;y commanded me to insist upon, 
and particularly goods that belonged to the Turkes, which were taken 
by the Duke's subjects out of an English vessell, and at Malta I recovered 
75 of good more {sic) taken at the same time by the same person, and 
no sooner came I to Smyrna, but that I caused the Jews to pay at 
15,0(X)/f. sterling owing to the English merchants ; and 
one Sawyer, an English merchant that turned Turke and run away with 
his Principalis estates, I so handled, that I made him return back every 
penny, and have put in that fright, that he fled the country and is 
embarqued for England upon the Centurion^ that brought me hither. 
So that I have freed the Company from two most dangerous cases, 
though not without immense labour and disquiet to my self. In this 
country as yett I cannot say, that I have idett with any publick determi- 
nations that are repugnant to reason and justice, and 1 would to God (I 
speake it with grief) the Christians here were governed as much by 
reason as the Turkes ; but they forgett our Saviour's doctrine of peace 
and love [and] render the Christian religion ridiculous to the Turkes 
and Jewes. The very Patriarchs beer, who should be an example of 
unity, promoting divisions to the height, everyone, that can be heard at 
Court, offering mony for the Patriarchall Seat, to turn out him that is 
in possession, which simoniacall disorders has putt the Greek Church 
in debt to the Turkes 200,000/». sterling, — a summe they by extorsion 
endeavour to draw from all of their religion. And besides this, the 
Greek and Latin Churches doe with more heat fall out with each other 

then is to be expected. Nay but this very Lent on the - of March, 

the Latine Fathers, which are Cordeliers at Jerusalem, goeing about to 
adome the Chappell of the Sepulchre of our Saviour, the Greeks 
Caloiri or Menkes bastonadoed the Latin Fathers to such a height, that 
some of them are crippled ; and the Latin Fathers, to be revenged, 
killed outright one of the Greeke Fathers, at which the Turke laughs, 
and will I believe make them both pay a good round summe of mony. 
The Latin Fathers have bin with me K>r my protection, but I desire if 
possible to reconcile them, though I know it is a hopelesse worke, in 
regard there's mony in the case, for they, who are in possession (as the 
Latin Fathers have for many yeares bin) of the Sepulchre, gett more 
almes then all the rest of the Religious Orders and Houses. They 
both quarrel] likewise [with] the Armenian Church upon a mony score 
too, which is that the Armenian Patriarchs at Jerusalem has gott the 
opinion of consecrating a more holy oyl then the Greeke or Latin 
Fathers, and they sell it up an[d] down everywhere, so that the very 
Greekes complain to the Turkes, that great summes are carryed out of 
the Turkish dominions by this artifice into the Persian jurisdiction; for 
the Armenians are under that Empire. Thus is the seamlesse coat of 
Christ rent asunder, and the house of prayer made a den of thieves and 
mony-changers. But, oh Grod, where is [the] Christian Religion free 
from this impuritye and these animosityes. • • • •" 

Charlbs Frrz Chablbs, Earl ov PtTMOUTB (son of Charles the 
Second by Catherine P^) to Sib Richabd BtTLSTBODE. 

[1675], • • • 18th, Melin. — << Sir. The favours you did me att 
Brussels in taking so much peines in my affaires deserve a greater 



64 

acknowledgment and more thankes then my whole letter can give, butt 
I hope you'll consider a young man, nott use'd yett to this tiresome 
life, and excuse him for making his letter as short as possibly he can 
att tenn of the clock att night. We are all extreamly well receiv'd 
heere, and provided for, butt I must begg yon to send me assoone as 
you can, one pair of silver candlesticks and snuffers, [a] chamber pott, a 
bassin and ewre and a thing to carry bottles that a groome may carry on 
horseback, buy them as soone as you can and as cheape, and pay your 
selfe outt of the two hundred pound as alsoe fur your two horses I 
have. To raorow we march by break of day towards le Pie ton, and we 
expect that if any thing is to happen 'twill be to morow or after to 
morpw. Sir, I have already beggM my excuse for want of thankes, butt 

I hope you'll pardon compliments till the next letter " 

Signed — Plymouth, this letter is addressed to " Monsieur Le Chevalier 
'* Bulstrod, Eesident de Sa Majcste de la Grande Bretagne, proche de 
" la Chappelle, Brusselles." The epistle is dated at the head, ** From 
the Camp pf the Prince of Orange att IVielin, 18th at 10 att night.'' 



SlB HeNBY COYENTRr tO SiB BiGHJLRD BULSTRODS. 

1676, June 19th. Whitehall.—" The ill news of 

Valenciennes party of horse defeated was but an introduction of worse 
from the Mediterranean, where the Spanish and Dutch fleete have 
suffered to the rate of 12 capitall shipps and 9 gallys, and without any 
surprisall or any losse to the French. It is the greatest marke of De 
Buyter's being dead that could have beene. His body is sayd to have 
beene consumed in his shipp there burnt, but his memory will [ ] 
greater for this losse. I Will assure you this blow will shake the King of 
Spaignes concernes in Italy. Don Petrb de Renquillos intendeth to 
part at the end of this weeke, so that hee will supply the place of 
Nimmeque without leaving it to another. 

• "The Spring hath beene hetherto very advantageous to Prance, and 
if the Autumn bee so to[o] the Confederates will bee a weary of the 
charge of so greate armye and receive so little advantage by it, but give 
race leave to tell that, if your generall officers are all of the opinion you 
speak of, that the Prince of Orange his horse is not able to contest with 
the French, after the later have parted with so many escadrons in 
severall considerable detachements. Sure tliose that prest the Prince to 
have engaged the French before Bouchain, when the King's army was 
entire, were either little acquainted with the nature of the Prince his 
army or very precipitate. For theyre advice, in the defcate of that 
Armye, added to the ill successe in Italy, had made your affairs that are 
now bad quite desperate. I have presented the King with your order 
of Bathaile, who was well pleased to see it " 



Lucy, Countess of Huntingdon, to her Son. 

1677, August 16th. — ** My dear Son. Yours I have receavcd, and in it 
tbe pleasing satisfaction of reading your kindnes to mee, first in those 
expressions of yours so full of respect and good will, to toy deserving, 
auncient and trew f rifend*, nly cousin Daays, whom though you could not 
in that particular gratify you have taken care to satisfy, as I am well 
assured hee will be upon this relation of your answeare to him. And 
in the next place it is an exceeding greate consolation to uiee to find 
myself so kindly invited by you to Donnington, where I can assure you 
my heart longs to bo with you, though having you so fan*, ' and being so 



65 

neer a result in my busines with the Kuig I thinke it fitt, and soe it i& 
judged that I should stay a while longer. My Lord Marshalls son, 
my Lord Howard, is married to my Lady Mary Mordant, my Lord of 
Peeterborough*8 daughter. The wedding was perfectly private, but 
now they have appered abroad very fine, and they say very fonde. 
That my Lord Feveraham's daughter is married to Mr. Wattson, My 
Lord Eockingham's son, I snpose you may have heard. As also what 
Lords went this campagne into France, and what into Holland : — my 
Lord Duke of Monmouth, Lord Mongran, Lord Feversham, Lord 
Middleton, into France: Duke of Albermarle, Lord Ossory, Lord 
Plymouth, into Holland. But perhaps you will not so soone heere, 
that my Lord Ossory rather went to see a peace concluded between the 
French King and the Prince of Orange, which is not to be spoken 
openly. Therefore keepe it private till you heere it elsewhere. The 
Spanyard left the E*rince, and did not supply him as he had promised 
at Charloroy, whereupon he raysed the siege, as it was necessary. And 
now they speeke of fresh conditions given the Prince of Orange by the 
French, as to make King of BatAvia &c. How trew this is I cannot tell. 
But I believe a peace is concluded as I sayd before. I am very heartily 
sorry for my Gery's sad losse in his house. I beseech God to comfort 
him and good Mrs Gery. Commend my love and services pray kindly 
to them both, and be sure to lett them know my greato sense and kind 
<;ompassionate sympathy with them. — My love to ... . [P.S.] 
• . . . Be pleased I pray to send the inclosed to Mr. Davys to 
Leake by a messenger, a purpose that I may have an answer next weeke. 
If you remember where ]\lr. Parr lives whom I qualifyd for my chaplaine, 
I pray send me word, and whether I may not qualify more then two. 
I thinke Mr. Bold is one and Mr. Parr the other whom I qualified : 
and you have qualified, besides those whom you mentioned, Mr, 
Frampton, my cousin Davys son-in-law." 

The Duke op York (afterwards James II.) to the Due db 
Bouillon. 

1677, December 2ntl, London. — ** Mon Cousin. 11 ne vous este pas 
fort necessair de me dire beaucoup pour me faire voir le part que vous 
prenez en tout*ce que me regard, puisque Je suis si assnree que vous 
avez de Tamitie pour moy, et que par consequent que vous avez est6 
bien uise, d aprendre qu'il a plus an bon Dieu, de mo donner un fils, 
et au mesme temps la satisfaction de marier une fille, qui sont deux 
bonheur assez considerable pour moy, j'aurois este bien aise quo vos 
affairs vous eussiez pen permettre de venir un tour icy, et alors j'auroit 
peu mieux assurer que je puis aileur que vous me trouverez avec 
beaucoup de verite, Mon Cousin, votre bien affectionne Cousin 
Jacques." 

Holograph, 



The Prince of Orange (afterwards William III.) to the Earl of 

Danby. 

1678, March dth,-MaliBcs. — Enfin voila les affaires venues a un point 
que j'avois tousjours apprehande, Et que je vous ai si souvant dit et 
escrit. II n'eat plus dans le pouvoir du Hoy de faire la Paix n y 
remettres les affaires qui vont le perdre, dont vous avez este j usque a 
present les maistres, mais quand on laisse eschapper Poccasion il T>^y a 
plus de retour, vous avez tantc Dieu de ne vous estre pas miens servi 
a ^8428. E 



66 

des avantages qu'il voas avoit donne, Et peutestre ayant qu'il ne- soit 
long temps tous Bentii*es les effets aussi bien que nous. Au moias a 
present j'espere que L'on ne doutera plus que la Fi'ance vous a 
tousjours trompe^ Et qu'une ville plus ou nooins n'a pas empesche la 
Paix d'estre faitte, n'en ayant jamais eu Pintension mais qu'il falloit 
bien dire quelque chose pour cacber leur dessin, J'advouequela dernidre 
tromperie qu'ils vienent vous falre surpasse toutte les autres par le 
vojage de M''. de Buvignis dans le mesme temps qu'ils marchent pour 
ezecuter leur dessins. Les afiaires sont dans id estat icy q'asseurMnent 
Ton viendroife a des conditions encore moindres que la proposition de 
Mr. de Godolphin mais il n'y a plus a songer maintenant a la Paix^ Et 
il faut faire tous ces efforts pour regagner par la continuation de la 
guerre ce que Ton ne peut avoir autrement. Les affaires eommenoent a 
vous toucher de pres, je vous prie de ne rien negliger a porter les cboses 
a ne point perdre de temps a faire tous vos efforts. Vous voires par la 
lettre que j'escris au Boi le veritable estat dans les quels les affiiires sont 
icy, En ayant tant sur les bras il est impossible de vous en dire 
d'aventage, je me repose aussi entierement sur vos soins sachant 
Tapplication que vous avez pour le service du Boy, Et I'amitie que 
vous m'avez tant temoignee, que vous fairez tout ce que sera en vostre 
pouvoir pour moy je serez aussi long temps que je viveres avec beaucoup 
de recognoissance entierement a vous. — G. P." 
Holograph, 



Sir William Killigbew to Bt. Hon. Sir Thomas Chichly, 
Master of the Ordnance. 

1678, August 12th, Whitehall. — "The Queen intending to part 
hence for Windsor on Friday next the 16th of this instant August 
there will bee wanting for his Majesties service in that journey two 
New Extraordinary Waggons for the Coffers Boome and two for the 
Bede Chamber one ordinary waggon for Sir John Arnndell one for 
the Queens Chappell all which sha]^ bee faithfully retomed. I rest your 
most humble servant." 



Sir Leolinb Jenkins to Lord • • • • 

1678, August 26th, at 8 p.m. — " Mr, de los Balb tells me just now he 
is of another opinion then that he was of last night. He will not 
desire to enter into our Armistice here but hold to that he hath already 
least the Dutch should have pretext thence to leave Spain in the lurch, 
and go on with the Batifications. The Allies have done nothing about 
the Armistice. M. Balb finds there are no lesse then two Villes and 
sixtie villages taken out of the Chastellaine of Arth and annexed to 
that of Toumay. Hee'l never part with them, they are of so much 
mor value then Beaumont &c., if the French hold too, this will be a 
Gordian knott," 

Endorsed " L^ Amb. Jenkins, Aug. the 26th, 1678." 



The Earl or Fevsrsham to 



1678, September 22nd, . — " Sir. I have received your letter this 
day. I will not faile to speake to his Eccellency the Duke de Villa- 
Hermosa concerning an hospital at Mechelen. There will be no need of 
any at Vilnorden, for the regiment that is there shall have order to go to 



67 

Mechelen within few days. I am very much surprised at the disorder 
they have committed. Fray, Sir, go from me to Viscount Berlin and 
lot him know all the satisfaction he can desire. I am very eorry that 
so many civility^s the English have received at Bruzelles [ ] should 

be so ill requited, 

" I hope the troops will be sent into townes very speedily, so that 
you shall have no more ack. men sent from the Gamp to Bruxelies, at 
least none without a list of their names, their officers and their com- 
panys. I shall send to Mr. Peeters at Louvain with an order to bring 
the money to the army. I have had news from England that the 
horse and dragons are quite stop't. I hope to see you in a very kittle 
time. Pray let my steward know so much. This is all I have to say 
at this present . • • /' 

A letter of secretarial penmanship, suhscribed and signed by Lord 
Feversham, the epistle closes with this postscript by his lordship's hand, 
''. Sence I writted this, I have an order to march with our foot to 
*^ Louvain, Mecklen, and Liere. I shall be at Louvain upon Sunday 
^^ next and you will heare from me further.'* 

The Countess op Lichfield (Lady Charlotte Pitz Roy, daughter 
of Charles II. by the Duchess of Cleveland) to the Earl op Danby. 

1679, October 26, . — ^** My lord. I have receaved your Lordshipes 
the wicb gives me a great deale of joy to see that you dont beleave those 
malitous reportes wich have bin spred of me, for I have allwaise had 
a very great eistame for your lordshipe and I wiche that it weare in 
my poure to done you aoey sarvis that you mit have reasone to beleave 
that as I am reaUay am your lordshipes most fafuU sarvant ever to 
command. — C. Lichfield." 



Athanasius Kibcher, S. J., to • • • • 

1680, April 20th, Home. — ^* . . • . Accepi gratissimas suas 4 
proxim6 elapsi mensis ad me datas ; e quibus agnosco affectum, quo me 
meaque complexus est semper licet ultra meritum ; nee enim tanti facio 
mea» quanti ilia facit benignitas Perill^ D^" T", pi'sesertim opus nuperum 
TariSa dictum, quod ^ chartis meis adhuc residuis ab altero in banc 
formam prodiit elaboratum : sed quicquid sit, et quodcunque demum 
dn hoc aliisque meis omnibus Litteratorum judicium ; ego jam 
excedo h Palaestra hac Litteraria, aliis ingeniis me felicioribus banc 
rclicturus arenam, postquam me afflicta valetudo setasque gravis- 
proxima 79 anno (quern Deo &vente secunda instantis Mali ingrediar). 
jam aliis tenet intentum et expectantem horam Dnodecimam, qua me 
Cffilestis Paterfamilias in hac vinea Societatis Jesu per annos 62. 
laborantem evocare dignabitur ad meliorem, uti spero, patriam. £x 
quo jam facile pro sua in me benignitate pervidere poterit, cur ad 
priores suas, mihi a Patre Procuratore Anglo recte traditas non re- 
sponderim, lecto nimirum per^ietim affixus :••./' 



John Martin to Sib Richard Btjlstrode. 

1680, July 25th, Madrid.—** .... Sir Henry Goodriches 
businesse scarce affords hime to acknowledge the favour of your last 
with his own hand, and you will please to accept of his thanks from' 
mee. 

£ 2 



68 

^' We are confident here that by the next post wo shall remitt 600 
thousand crowns to Flanders, having established a fond for that 
supply on the late brasse money called in, which will be melted and 
converted into a current coine. 

" The Prince of Parma will sca-ce begin his journey for Flanders 
yet this month, expecting the opportunitie of English fregates for his 
passage, which he has signified to Sir H. Goodriche, who has writ 
thereupon an order to gratifie the Prince. 

"The Treatie of defensive allyance between the two Crowns of 
England and Spain, which was brought hither just upon the departure 
of the last post for Flanders, was on Tuesday by the same hand 
returned to England with his Catholic Majesties ratification. This 
Treatie gives us no small spirits, and I conceive hopes that it will be a 
foundation for a general union of all Princes interested in the peace of 
Christendom. 

" Our letters from Tanger tell us [of] the arrival there of our recniits 
tmder command of the Earl of Mulgrave, which is of great consequence 
amidst the the present apprehensions they there live in of the Moors 
returning to attack the place with a formidable power, no despicable 
reports running that the King of Fez will appear at the head of them 
in person '* 

Henrt Sydney (afterwards Earl of Romney) to . • . . 

1680, August 13th, Hague. — " Sir. Though I have nothing to informe 
Tou of worth giving you this trouble, yet I can not forbeare writing a 
JEew lines to you to offer you my [ ] att Dienen, whether I am 

^ing to morrow, and where I intend to stay some time, there being 
litrle to be done here. Wee expect with great impatience his Most 
Christian Majestys answer to the States Generalls letter, for upon 
that wee give a shrode guesse what is likely to insue this campagne. 
What passes yi jou{ p^rts wee shall be glad to know att Dienen, and 
so should I to be able to give you testimonies of my being, Your most 
feithfuU and humble Servant.*' 



Barillon to Marquis de Feuquierb. 

1680, September 3rd, Windsor. — " J'ay re9eu, Monsieur, vostro Icltre 
du 17 Juillet, vous en avez deu re^evoir plusieurs des miennes depuis 
ce terns la, J^attends tomjours que vous m^en accusiez la receptiafiy car 
je crains quil ne s'en perde quelques unes. 

" Le tems de la seance du Parlement es ^xe pour le 31 Octobre. // 
seroit fort difficile de prevoir ce qui arrivera en ce temps la, mais 
esprits ne paroissent pas encores disposer a ttne reunion. L^ affaire de 
Mons, le Due d^ York devient touts les jours plus difficile. La Nation 
ne\ ] pas demeurer expose au peril d^ avoir un Roy d^une religion 

differente de celle qui est etablie par les loix, Le Roy d'Angleterre 
ne pent ignorer de quelle consequence il luy est de laisser exclnre 
Monsieur le Due d^Vork de la succession. II n^est pas aisi de trouver 
sur ce la un temperament qui puisse satisfaire les deux partis. Lm 
deffiance est grande de tous cosies et n'est pas facile restablir aut ravers 
de toutes ces difficult ez. Monsieur de Afonmouth croit que la pre- 
tention pent le restablir. II a este regeu dans plusieurs endroits de la 
campagne d'une maniere qui ne convient point a un particulier. M*". 
le Prince Electoral Palatin est arriv6 a Londres, mais il n'a point encore 
paru icy. Je suis, Monsieur, entierement a Vou.s." 



69 

The passages of the letter here printed in italics are written in 
cypher, each line of the cypher being over-\?ritten with the French 
translation by a secretary's hand. 



Mb. Sbcbetart Blathwatt to Sir Bichabd Bulstrode. 

1681, February 13th, Whitehall.—." Your letter of the 6th instant 
brings with it besides your obliging expressions a very fine present 
which I had long sought for in vain. I believe as you say there are 
many alteracions since 'twas printed ; but, there being nothing else of 
that kind extant as 1 know of, I had reason to putt some value upon it, 
which is now much encreased by the consideration of the hand it conies 
from. It leaves me. Sir, very much endebted to you, and no less 
desirous of an opportunity to acquitt myself. You will please therefore 
to continue your favours in letting me know how I may be usefull to- 
you and approve myself with great truth and esteem, Sir, your most 
humble and most faithf ull servant .... 

" Yesterday between seaven and eight at night Mr. Thinne was 
assassinated by three persons on horseback viz. A Suedish captain 
called Vratz with his servant a Littuanian and a Suedish Lieutenant 
called Stern who served lately in Flanders. The Captain (a Branden- 
burger bom) having stopt Mr. Thinnes coach in the Pellmall, his 
servant shott him in the belly with a mousqueton charged with five 
bullets. The Captain confesses the fact to which he says he was 
induced to revenge Count Conighsmark's quarrell with Mr. Thinne 
about my Ladv Ogle (though without the Count's privity) and says he 
intended to fight Mr. Thin (sic) with his sword fairly, but that he was 
prevented by his man's mistaking his orders and firing against hia 
inteution. They are all in Newgate and will certainly be hanged." 



Sib Lboline Jbnkins to the Lord Lieutenant of Oxfordshire. 

1681, July 26th, Whitehall.—" My Lord, It is not onely from my- 
Lord the Earl of Clarendon, but from all persons that thought it a 
justice to your Lordship to give an accompt of the proceedings at the 
last Oxford Assizes, that I have an accompt of your Lordships concern^ 
for and zeal in his Majesties service, so far as he was to expect to have 
justice done him in his own Courts. It is that which His Majestie 
might very rationally promise to himself from that family your Lordship 
is descended of and I hope it will come to the knowledge of Posterity 
as it comes to me, that it was a serious trueth and no complement, that 
Mr. Justice Raymond spoke, when he said that such a Lord Lieutenant, 
such a sherifiv and such a Grand Jury would keep the King's Crown 
fast upon his head. Posterity will judge that we owe these subordinate 
good men to a good Lord Lieutenant. For the Town Clerk of tho 
City of Oxford I write this very moment to his Majestie, that he 
would not hastily determine any thing as to the disposall of his place, 
and that he would be pleased graciously to reflect upon the motives be 
hath to consider." 



Beason Mellish to Lord .... 

1682, July 24th. ** My Lord. Notwithstanding the greate afiaire? 
of the Kingdome that now lyes uppon your hands, you can find a time 
to think of your freinds in the country ; a proofe whereof, I amongst 



70 

some others have lately received^ haviDg a fat botk sent me this last week 
by your Lordships order, for which it is but fit that I should return 
my most humble thanks. And now my good Lord, having this occasion 
to trouble you with a letter, I humbly crave leave to ask your advice 
in a certaine point, which I know will be started at the Assizes, and to 
receive your directions about it. All your Gaietts are stuff't with 
Addresses of Abhorrence, which 'tis there said his Majesty receives 
very graciously ; such a thing at the instigation of the D. of N. was 
attempted by some of the Grand Jury of our County the last Assizes 
but, others of that body dissenting, it could not receive the sanction of the 
whole Enquest and so the design came to nothing. Now I doe believe 
this may be revived again at the approaching Assizes, and because I 
am returned to serve upon that Jury, I would gladly have your 
Lordships directions how to carry my selfe in this matter. The 
Paper found in my Lord Shaftsburys Closet, about which this noyse 
is made, ought to be look'd upon by all good subjects as the Project 
of a most divelish and treasonable design against the Government, and 
I hope will be acknowledged so by every individual! person, that shall 
serve upon that Enquest. But the business that I would be informed 
in is this, whether- the King would not be as well served and 
as well pleased if such a thing was let alone, when the moving 
of it is like to stir up animositycs and encrease divisions, which 
are abready too rife amongst us: I am affraid if such a thing be 
moved again it will find opposition, and then I humbly otter it to 
your Lordships consideration whether it be not better not to meddle 
at all, then to attempt such a business a second time and to miscarry,' 
that is not to be unanimous in it. I beg your Lordships pardon for 
the trouble I now give you, heartily wishing health and prosperity to 
your selfe and noble family, and professing my selfe no more tnen 
what I really am. My good Lord, your most faithfull and most humble 
servant — Eeason Mellish. 

Edwabd Selwtn, High Sheriff of [Sussex ?], to William 
Garbowat, Esq. 

168f, February 4th, Chichester. — "Being come into the country 
by especiall order from the Kings Majestic to prevent (as fan* as in me 
lieth) any disorder that might happen by in considerater people upon 
occasion of his Grace the Duke of Monmouths comeing to this Citty 
and in order thereto being comanded by his Mnjestie to vallew my selfe 
upon the councell and assistance of the loyal gentlemen of the County, 
amoi^t whomeyour selfe is knowne to be eminent and being also of the 
neighbourhood, I could doe noe lesse then acquaint you therewith, 
hepeing that you will be pleased to honor me with your company and 
advise, that soe his Majesties direccions and commands may not be 
neglected or misguided by the weakenesse or want of experience 

of. Sir, " 

Addressed to William Garroway esq., **at his house in Ford 
Sussex." 



The Dauphin of France to Mart of Modeka, Queen Consort of 
James the Second. 

1686, March 7th, Versailles. — " Madame. Vous avez disjk bien 
juge de me[8] sentimens sur la mort de feu Roy de la Grand Breta^ne- 
Monsieur mon frere et mon oncle, en vous persuadant que j'eu suroiff 



71 

beaucoup de deplaisir. Mais j'aj charge Mon Cousin le Mareschal do 
Lorge, que le E07 Monseigneur et mon p^re envoye la dessus, d'asseurer 
Yostre Majeste que je me suis fort interesse k la douleur que vous en 
avez eue, et que la plus grande consolation que je pouvois ayoir dans 
cette parte, estoit de vous voir elev^e sur le trosue avec le digne 
successeur du feu Roy de la Grande Bretaigne. Je vous prie d'estre 
persuadee de tout ce que le Mareschal de Lorge vous dira de ma part 
et principalement pour ce qui vous marquera la sincerite avec laquelle 
je suis de Yostre Majesty tres affectionnS fr^re et neveu . . Louis." 
Holograph. 

Lord Sunderland to the Earl of Abingdon. 

1085, July 7, Whitehall. — ** The King having received advice of the 
entire defeat of the rebells, I send your Lordship enclosed an account 
thereof, and am by His Majesties Command further to acquaint you, 
that, to prevent the escape of such of the rebells as are not yet taken, 
His Majestic would have you give strict orders, and take all possible 
care by placing guards and otherwise, for apprehending and securing 
all persons whatsoever, who shall be found travelling up and down, 
and are not very well known, and also for searching all suspitious 
places and houses for any of the rebells and their abettors. You are 
to employ your utmost care and diligence herein, and for preventing 
any further risings and disorder." 

A letter of clencal penmanship, subscribed and signed by Lord 
Sunderland's hand. 

James the Second to the Earl of Abingdon. 

1685, July 9th, Whitehall.— " James R Right trusty and Right 

well beloved Cousin, We greet you well. Whereas, by the blessing of 
God, Our arms have entirely defeated and dispersed the rebells under 
the late Duke of Monmouth, who is taken prisoner with the other 
principall rebells, and We being willing to ease the charge of that our 
County, Our pleasure is, that you forthwith give order for dismissing 
the Militia of the same, and giving them leave to repair to their 
respective habitations. And so We bid you heartily farewell.'* 
Countersigned — Sunderland. 

James Yernon to Sir Richard Bulstuode. 

[168|], January 20th, Whitehall.— "My Lord Generall hath 
received yours of the 24th with the inclosed from Sir Sam Clark by 
which hee understands that the battalions are now permitted to march 
from Brabant, whom wee shall shortly expect here where their wellcome 
will be an immediate disbanding. 

*' Last fryday all the discourse was that the parliament should bee 
prorogued for 3 weekes longer. But since it is beleeved they wLU 
meet at the day first appointed the proclamation for their proroguing 
being stopt." 

Addressed to ^'Mons' le Chevalier Bulstrode, Resident de sa 
Migeste de la Grande Bretagne a Bruzelles." 

Charles Montagu, 4th Earl of Manchester, to Sir Richard 
Bulstrode. 

1687, February 14th, Yenise. — '' Yours of the 17th of January I 
leceived but now, it being longer upon the roades then is usually which 



72 

makes me not able to serve you concerning the Fojnt, having made 
what enquiry I can in this short time : to moiTOW leaving this place for 
England : and I doe find that without it is bespoke they never make 
any coifes or things for the head for women. As for a cravatt, it 
would not be very hard, the extreamely dear at present, here being so 
many Princesses : never more known at Venice : that makes me change 
my resolution of buying any for my selfe, designing to have bought a 
considerable value ; but I am confident either at Paris or in England, 
one may have it as cheape, and better patterns : I hope you will excuse 
me, being sorry I did not know your intentions at Vienna ; the time 
hath passed very pleasantly here : tho now it is much altered, and now 
my whole thoughts are upon England. I am perfectly ignorant of what 
passes there : receiving very seldom any letters : I hope all your family 

are well " 

Superscribed "A Monsieur, Monsieur le Chevallier Boulstrode, 
Envoy6 de sa Majeste Brittaniqne, Bruxells." 

Mabt of Moden4, Queen of James II., to Cabdinjll Crescentio. 

1687, February 21st, Whitehall. — *' Mon Cousin, Ce que vous me 
louhaitez de prosperite a I'occasion des saintes festes de la Nativite de 
notre Seigneur m*oblige a vous repondre par des voeux semblables en 
votre cgard. J'espere que les votres auront leur effet aupres de notre 
Seigneur a mon avantage, de mesme qu'ils en ont aupres de moy en me 
confirmant dans I'opiuion que j'ay deja con9ue de la sincerity de votre 
amiti^, de laquelle vous scaurez bien I'estime que je conserve, autant 
de fois, que les rencontres me donneront lieu de vous temoignerpar des 
efifets proportiones a mes desire, que je suis Votre affectionee Cousine, 
—Marie R." 

Letter of secretarial penmanship, signed by the Queen's hand. 

John Cartll to Sir Eichard Bulstrode. 

1687, November 14th. — ''I am advised to direct this inclosed letter 
of her Majestys to the Duchesse of Hanover to you^ as the best way to 
have it securely conveyed. The Queen does often take notice of your 
care and dilligence in every thing relating to her service, so that I 
know I can do nothing more gratefull to you, then to putt into your 
hands what concernes Her Majestys service. We are in expectation, 
that our hopes of Her Majestys being with child will shortly [ ] to a 
certainty, but till then it is much against her liking, that any reports 

should be spred of it " 

In her " Life " of Mary of Modena, Miss Strickland gives the end 
of November as the time when " it began to be whispered about the 
*' Court that there was a prospect of the Queen becoming a mother once 
** more." As the Queen's secretary moved in the inner ring of the 
circle that would naturally have early intelligence of the change in the 
Queen's health, ho was of course one of the first whisperers of the 
interesting news. Still it is slightly surprising that he was in a 
position to write of the affair so early as the middle of November. 
The letter is superscribed, ^<A Monsieur, Monsieur le Chevalier 
Bulstrod, Besident du Boy do la Grand Bretagne, a Bruxelles." 

James FitzJames Duke or Berwick to Sir Bichabd Bulstrode. 

[1688] May 24th.—" This to thanke you for all your kind letters and 
to assure you that no man shall be more ready to do jou any service 



73 

than I. Queen Doiiager is resolved lo stay here ; the Qneen intends 
to lye in at Windsor, where she will go upon the 15th of next month. 
Pray, Sir, present my service to the Marquis of Gattaignaga and to 
Prince Yandema^ not forgetting the Marquis of Belmar. I hope the 
faire Lady Walsattine will give me leave to put her in minde of one 
who much admires her heauty and vertues. My service to your 
Lady .... * 

This letter's announcement of Mary of Modena's purpose to go to 
Windsor for her accouchement differs only by a day from Bishop Bur- 
net's statement on the same point. *< Though," says the Bishop, '^ the 
" Queen had set the fourteenth of June for her going to Windsor, where 
'^ she intended to lye in, ... . yet now a sudden resolution was taken 
*^ for the Queen's lying in at St. James's." 

BoBEBT Earl op Sunderland to Lord Astok, Lord Lieutenant of 

Co. Stafford. 

1688, October 2nd, Whitehall.—" I have your Lordship's of the 29th 
past, upon which I am directed by his Majesty to tell you, that bee 
thinks fitt that in case of any exigency you should call together such ot 
the Horse Militia of that County, as you think may bee trusted, for the 
preservation of the peace, and quiett of the same ; and his Majesty leaves 
it to you to employ such of the Deputy Lieutenants, Ac, Officers of 
the Militia therein, as you shall think fitt." 

Addressed to Lord Aston, Lord Lieutenant of the County of 
Stafford," att TixalL 

Peter Shakerley to William Blathwayte, Esq., Secretary of 
Warr, at Whitehall. 

1688, October 6th, Chester Casde. — '' Upon Thursday last the 3 
Companys of Colonell Comwalls came hither, the Major of the regiment 
commanding them, soe I have now 5 compagnys of that regiment in 
the barracks within this Castle ; and yesterday Lieftent. Coll. Doning- 
ton [? Dorrington] arrived here from Ireland with 3 Companys of the 
Guards there, and 4 Companys more of the same sett sayl with them, 
but are not yet com ; I have not received any orders for the admittance 
of these L:ish Companys, nor had any advice or directions concerning 
them. However, I doe suppose by what my Lord Tyrconnell writes to 
mee that 'tis his Majesty's pleasure they com hither, and therefore I doe 
admitt them into the gaiTison, and assigne them quarters, as though they 
were of the garrison, but I pray let me receive his Majesty's Orders 
concerning them, for I am tould by Colonell Donington that i^ord Forbes 
will be here suddainly with his whole regiment, and allso that severall 
troops of dragoons are to come hither from Ireland ; concerning which 
I desire you will send mee his Majesty's orders for the quartering of 
'em, and putting 'em upon duty if they com. But I must withall acquaint 
you that the public houses within this citty will not be able to receive 
all these; and the Kings Declaration tyes mee up from quartering 
any upon private houses. Therefore, if more forces are to com over, I 
presume you will send mee orders, that these march out before those 
com, or otherwise, soe as there may be quarters in the publick houses for 
those his Majesty designes to stay in this garrison. The Civill Magis- 
trates of this citty being by Order of Councell displaced, I have writt to 
Major Glenerall Werden the want there is of some in those stations, and 
presume you will discuss him concerning that matter ; for 'tis much for 
lus Majesty's service, that speedy care hi taken of 



74 

^* If the Gaards or other Irish forces are to staj here, I desire you will 
let mee know per next Post whether Coll. Cornwall's shall have pre- 
cedency of 'em ; as yet I doe give it to Coll. Comewalls, and accordingly 
hee keeps the Castle Guard, the Irish Guards onely mounting a gmall 
guanl for themselves in the town ; for I take 'em to be onely troops 
en passant. But I pray, let me receive a letter from you per next Post, 
concemeing the praemises." 



Francis Viscount Badclyffe to the Eabl of Debwentwater. 

1688, October 23rd, London. — ^** Honored Father. What has happened 
of greatest moment since my last to your Lordship, is the Great Councell 
which the King made to be held yesterday morning, to which by letter 
he summoned ^ the Lords and Bishops that were in towne, and when 
they were mett, my Lord, He told them in a very excellent speech that, 
though he did not believe that any one there could doubt of the Prince's 
being truly his and the Queen's son, yet since the malice and wicked- 
ness of his enemies endeavoured to make the world suspect foul play in 
that matter, he thought himself obliged least any of his subjects might 
be seduced by such pretences, to condesend so far as to lay before them 
unquestionable proofes of the Prince's birth, and then, my Lord, all that 
had [been] present, men and woemen, were examined upon oath, and 
Queen Dowager the first, and I hear, my Lord, that the whole matter will 
be printed, and all the evidences, signed by the severall witnesses, are to 
be recorded in Chancery. — ^It is hoped, my Lord, that the Dutch fleet 
may have suffered very much by the storm that was on Saturday last, 
for, though the King has no certain account yet of their having bin come 
out then, it is very probable they were, because the King's last letters 
say the Prince of Orange went on board on Thursday and treated the 
States that day in his ship. Most people here, my Lord, are of opinion 
that when they land they will immediately intrench very strongly, and 
then send the King proposalls of peace as he can not in honor or con- 
science accept of, and yet such as will be very acceptable to the people 
in generall, hoping by this, my Lord, to prevaile with the King's army, 
at least a great part of it, to joyne with them in demanding these con- 
ditions of the King. Here are many jet, my Lord, that will not 
believ4> they design to come, and some are roguish enough to say that 
they suspect it is only a trick of the King's to raise a greater armey, and 
to call the French and Irish in upon them, and when it is objected that, 
if the King did not believe they are coming, he would not have made this 
sadden alteration in all his measures, they answer that this may be only 
to blind them till he has made himself strong enough to take all from 
them at onoe. Here is one Greenwood, my Lord, that is in hold, and 
I hear will be hanged, for it seems he was taken upon some suspicious 
words that he spook, and they have foujid about him and amongst his 
papers at his lodgings severall letters to make it evident that he is a spy 
here for the Dutch, and has instructions how to make proposalls to such 
as he finds disposed to joyne with them upon their landing. By the 
next post your Lordship shall know the ships name, in which I send' 
your Lordship's blunderbusses, for I shall put them a-board to-morrow 
in the afternoon or on Thursday morning. They are of 3 severall sizes, 
for I would not gett them all of one. Besides I am confident your Lord- 
ship will like 'em better as they are, because the two least will be pn^r 
on any occasion to carry for the defence of a coach upon the roade, and 
are very much used for that purpose. I will send your Lordship a par- 
ticular account what charges they will all beare, without danger to him- 



75 

that discharges them. I had writt to several!, my Lord, to enquire me 
out both in Yorkshire and Bishopprick troopers that are able to mount 
themselves, and yesterday, mj lord, I received answers in which they 
all tell me that at this time they have very small hopes of finding any 
that will come upon those terms, and indeed the King having given 20/. 
a man to all the first levies of Horse that were lately made, every body 
to whom one proposes coming in on [ ] terms suspects that he has not 
right don him, so that without your Lordships great assistance I despaire 
of being able to make my commission of any effect for the King's ser- 
vice. • . . • . [F.S.] I hear just now, my Lord, that the King has an 
account from one of our scout-ships that they were certainly out on 
Saturday, for this ship saw 30 saile of 'em, so that it is not doubted but 
they must have suffered extreamly, my Lord, in that nights extraordinary 
atorm. They say, my Lord, that there is a Quaker come out of Holland 
that has brought the King very private and very usefull intelligence, and 
there is another Quaker here has presented 40 good horses, and told the 
King that their principle was against fighting, but that upon those horses 
he might putt those that would, and I hear, my Lord, that the Quakers 
are making a very considerable collection of money to present ,the 
King with." 

Addressed to the ^ Earle of Darwentwater, Newcastle upon Tyne." 

B. Gbeeke to Mb. Bichaed Booth. 

1688, December 4th, Knutsford. — *^ . . . . Wee have divers 
reports concerning my Lord Dellamere, but I think they are all false ; 
but he disarms all the papists and dismounts all the K[ing's] troopers 
he meets with. He got at one Abby 140 strange sort of knives, 60 
swords and belts, as many pikes. The Prince of Orange hath sent out 
a proclamation for all the papists in England to lay down theire arms 
within 20 dayes or he will give no quarter ; the nobility seeing they 
have called the Prince of Orange for theire assistance and for the 
uphoulding the reformed religion, that if it please God he come by any 
untimely death, either by the papaish or any of theire confederates, 
they will not lay down the sword untill they have revenged his blood 



Major Fbancis Holdswobth to • • • , 

1688, December 14th, Chesterfield. — " May it please your Honour, 
Wee received this night an Express from Bakewell, that Sir William 
Boothby sent notice that the Papists and Irish to the number <^ 3,000 
are comeing towards these parts and have burut and fired Birmingham, 
and are for to come to Darby, Ashburne and Uxitor this night, and 
would crave your assistance if you please to furnish us with what you 
can. Wee have particaler notice they are up in armes at Darby thia 
afternoon by the command of the Major. All shopps are shutt up and 

all risen "vfith such armes as they have [P.S.]-*-The 

Express from Bakewell under the hands of Mr. Ayre, Mr. Wilson, Mr. 
Thomas Bagshaw." 

James the Second to Lobds and Othebs of the Pbivy Cottkcil 
OF HIS Kingdom of England. 

" James R. 
168f, January 14th, St. Germans-en-Laye. — "My Lords. When 
Wee saw it was no longer safe for Us to remaine within our Kingdome 



76 

of England, and that thereupon Wee hod taken onr resolations to with- 
draw for some tyme, Wee left to be communicated to you and to all our 
subjects the reasons of our withdrawing, and Wee were lykewajes 
resolved at the same tyme to leave such orders behind Us to you of 
Our Privy Councill as might best sute with the present State of our 
affaires. But that being altogether unsafe for Us at that tyme, Wee 
now think fitt to let you know that, although it has been our constant 
care since our first accession to the Crown to govern our people with 
that justice and moderation, as to give if possible no occasion of 
complaint, yet more particularly upon the late invasion, seeing how the 
dessign was laid, and fearing that our people who could not be destroyed 
but by themselves might by little imaginary grievances be cheated into 
a certain ruinc, To prevent so great mischief, and to take away not 
only all just causes, but even pretences, of discontent, Wee freely and 
of our own accord redressed all those things that were sett forth as the 
causes of that invasion. And that Wee might be informed by the 
counsell aud advyce of our subjects themselves which way Wee might 
give them a further and full satisfaction. Wee resolved to meet them in 
a Parliament, And in order to it Wee first laid the foundation of such a 
free Parliament in rcstoreing the Oitty of London and the rest of the 
Corporations ther antient Charters and Liberties, and afterwards actually 
appointed the Writts be issued out for the Parliaments meetting on the 
loth of January instant. But the Prince of Orange, seeing all the enda 
of his Declaration answered, the people beginning to undeceived, and 
returning apace to the sense of ther antient Duty and Allegiance, and 
well forseeing that if the Parliament should meet at the tyme appointed, 
such a settlement in all probability wold be made both in the Chuix^ 
and State as wold totally defeatt his ambitious and unjust designs, 
resolved by all means possible to prevent the meetting of Parliament, 
and to do this the most efiectuall way, he thought fitt to lay restraint on 
Our Hoyall Person, for as it were absurd to call that a free Parliament 
wher ther is any force on either of the Houses, so much less can that 
Parliament be said to act freely wher the Soveraigne by whose authority 
they meet and sitt, and from whose Royall Assent all ther acts receive 
ther lyfe and sanction, is under actuall confinement. The hurrying of 
Us under a guard from our Citty of London whose returning Loyally 
he could no longer trust, and the other indignities Wee sufferd in the 
person of the Earle of Fcversham when sent to him by Us and in that 
barbarous confinement of our own person. Wee shall not heir (sic) 
repeat, becaus they are Wee doubt not by this time very weall knowen, 
and may Wee hope if enough considered and reflected on (together with 
his other violations and breaches of the Law and Liberties of England, 
which by this invasion he intended to restore) be sufficient to open the 
eyes of all our subjects, and let them plainly see what every one of 
them may expect and what treatment they shall find from him, if at 
any tyme it may serve his purpose from whose hands a Soveraigne 
Prince an Uncle and a Father could meet with no better entertainment, 
However the sense of these indignities and the just apprehensions of 
further attempts against Our Person by them who have already 
endeavoured to murther Our reputation by infamous callumnies (as u 
Wee had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales) which was 
incomparably more injurious then the destroying of our peraon itself, 
together with a serious reflexion of a saying of Our Boyal Father of 
blessed memory when he was in the lyke circumstances, That there is 
little distance between the prisons and the graves of Princes (which 
afterwards proved too true in his case) could not but persuade us to 
make use of that right which the Law of Nature gives the meanest of 



77 

our subjects, of freeing Ourself by all mcanes possible from that unjust 
confinement and restraint. And tbis Wee did, not more for tbe security 
of Our own person then that tberby Woe might be in a better capacity 
of transacting and provyding for every thing that may contribute to 
the peace and settlement of Our Kingdomes ; for as on the one hand 
no change of fortune shall ever make Us forgett Ourself so farr as 
to condescend to anything unbecoming that high and Eoyall Station 
in which Qpd Almighty by right of succession has placed Us, So 
on the other hand neither the provocation nor ingratitltde of our own 
subjects nor any other consideration whatsomever (sic) shall ever 
prevaill with Us to make the least step contrary to the sure interest 
of the English Nation which Wee ever did and ever must look upon 
as our own. Our Will and pleasure therfore is that yow (sic) of 
Our Privy Council take the most effectuall care to make these Our 
gracious intentions knowen to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall in 
and about our Citties of London and Westminster, to the Lord Mayor 
and Commons of Our Citty of London and to all our subjects in 
generally and to assure them that Wee desyre nothing more then to 
return and hold a free Parliament wherin Wee may have the best 
opportunity of undeceaviug; our people and showing the sincerity of 
thoso professions Wee have often made of preserving the Liberties 
and properties of Our Subjects and the Protestant Eeligion, more 
especially the Church of England as by Law established, with such 
Indulgence to that dissent from her as Wee have always thought 
Ourselves in justice and care of the generall wealfare of people bound 
to procure for them. And in the meantyrae you of our Privy Councill 
who can juge (sic) better by being upon the place are to send Us 
your advyce what is fitt to be done by Us towards Our returning 
with safety and the accompUshiug these good ends. And Wee requyre 
yow (sic) in Our Name and by Our Authority to endeavour so to 
suppresse all tumults and dissorders that the Nation in generall and 
every one of Our subjects in particular may receive the least prejudice 
from the present distractions that is possible. So not doubting of your 
dutifuU obedience to these Our Royall commands, Wee bid yow (sic) 
heartily farewello. Given att St. Germans en Laye the 14th of January 
168 1 and of Our Keign the fourth year." 

Countersigned by His Majesty's Command — Melfort. 



William, Puince of Okange (William III. of England) to the 
King of Spain. 

15 

1689, January ^., St. James's. — Sire, J'ay en rhonneur par ma 

lettre du Octobre de donner part a V.M. des raisons qui m'obligeoyent 
de passer avec des Trouspes en Angle terre. Pcu de temps apres que 
j*y estois arrive, le Roy trouva a propos de quiter le Royaume, cette 
retraite fist quelqne emotion parmy le peuple, qui jusqu'alors avoit este 
fort tranquille, et donna mesme occasion a la populace de Londres, qui 
se voyoit sans gouvemement de commettre des desordres en divers 
endroits de la Ville et entre autres a la Chapelle a la maison de 
L'Ambassadeur de V.M. je la puisse asseurer de chaginn principalement 
pour ce qui regarde ledit Ambassadeur de V.M. mais comme je 
n'estois pas dans la ville, je n'ay peu Tempescho ; du depuis j'ay fait 
paroistre ici des marques du deplaisir que j'en ay, et je tacheray aussi 
de faire reparer la perte que rambasnadeur a souflerte, et de lui fairo 
avoir la satisfaction possible, je prie V.M. d'estre persuade, que je ne man- 



78 

queraj pas conformement a ce que j'aj tesmoigne dans ma precedente 
de contribner tout ce qui dependra de moy, nonseulement pour prevenir 
de pareiles insultes et violences, mais je ferajausst mon possible a fin que 
les Catholiques^ qui sent dans cet Boyoume qui se voudront gouverner 
sagement et en sujets fidelles 7 puissent demenrer et vivre en repos, 
sans estre mal traitt^s a cause de leur religion^ ou estre empesch^s de 
jouir de la libert6 de conscience, car je n'ay jamais eet6 du sentiment 
qu'on doit ou qu'on pent persecuter les hommes pour leur Q(panoe : An 
reste V.M. voi^Ara j'6spere s'assenrer que je ne cesseraj jamais d'estre 
avec une tr^s grande verity et avec un attachement particnlier, 

** De Yostre Majeste Le tr^s humble et tree obsissant Servtteur 
— G. Prince D'Orange." 

Subscription and signature by the Prince's hand. 



Daniel Finch, Earl of NoTTiNOHAif, to the Admirals of the Fleet. 

1690, September 14th^ Whitehall • • ** Gentlemen. I am com- 
manded by the King to send yon the enclosed order, and to tell you 
that you are not to delay your sailing a moment in expectation of 
Su: Clo. Shovell's squadron, because it is probable that he may be gone 
from Plimouth before his Majesties orders (which I liaye sent him this 
night requiring him to joyn with you) can reach him ; So that his 
]M&jesty expects that you proceed with all expedition, according to his 
late order ; Informing yourselves as you passe by Plimouth, whether 
Sir C. Shovell be stUl there, and giving him notice of your approach, 
but still you are to take care that your so doing may not in the least 
retard your voyage .... [P.S.] If you should sayl from Spithead 
before Admirall Evertsen joynes your fleet, you will do well to leave 
a letter for him, giving him notice that you are gone to Corke, and 
because the King has ordered six of the Dutch fleet to follow Sir 
CL Shovell to Galway. You must take care that, if Sir C. Shovell 
should happen to joyn you, the Dutch may be prevented from going to 
Galway and may come to you." 



Daniel Finch, Earl of Nottingham, to Mr. Greg. 

1692, October 21st, Whitehall • . **I received yesterday your 
letter of the 3rd instant wherein yon mention Count BevenUows and 
M"'. Jessens complaint, that the appeales of the Admiralty are not 
heard in Councill pursuant to the Treaty, and that the Judges in the 
flrst instance are sometimes of the number of the Commissioners upon 
the Appeale. Both these are great mistakes. The Appeals are heard 
and determined in the Councill chamber before the Privy Council ; tis true 
indeed they are authorised to exercise this judicature by a Commission 
under the Great Seale of England, but the reason is, because bj our law 
the Privy Councill without such an extraordinary authority cannot judge 
of any cause wherein an Englishman's property in England is concerned. 
So that without this Commission a privateer might except against the 
Councill's authority upon the appeale of a Dane, and desire the cause 
might be left to be determined at Common Law, which could not be 
refused ; and therefore, for preventing any such exception, this Com- 
mission is granted, in which all the Pnvy Counsellers and none else are 
inserted. So that the Judge of the Admiralty, who is the Judge in 
the first appeale is no member of the Court upon an Appeale, neither 



79 

can he be, being no Privy Councillor and never sate with their 
Lordships upon any cause. There is another mistake that the King 
and Queen ought to be present, whereas in the Treaty, article 37, it is 
onely said, that the sentence shall be heard and examined in Councill, 
which frequently sits without*their Majesties being present; neither 
can it be expected, that their Majesties should sit in judgements 
upon private causes, [of which the greatest part take up some houres 
before they are determined," 
An omcial transcript. 



Pebegbine Bebtib to Mb. Mooir. 

1693, July Isty . — " By this time you are out of your paine, my 
Lord President being arrived in Tjavingdon before this, because he went 
hence Tuesday. Here is a discourse in the towne as if Mr. Anselme, 
Secretary to the Admiralls (who they say was Secretary to Lord 
Thorington and Admirall Bussell) has betrayed the aeorettes of the 
Pleete for this 3 yeares togeither, and jis now sent for up a prisoner, 
8oe reported but wheither trew or noe I can not tell, and knowing the 
man I can hardly beleeve it. The Turkye marchands they say have 
shutt up their shoppes, and will sell noe more silke, till they heare what 
is become of there Turky Fleete. I know not what will become of us 
for the next yeare, money will be soe scarse. The inclosed is from my 
brother Lindsey, who can by some instruments of his and with that 
other ingredient carry the business he writtes about, if it be liked, for 
my brother hears he is to come iuto Lincolnshire, and would not have 
him retumo without a wife." 

The passage of the letter which refers to the betrayal of naval secrets 
stands in the MS. thus, *^ Here is a discourse in the towne as if 
'' Mr. Anselme Secretary to the Admirals (and who was secretary to 
*^ L. Thorington and) Admirall Hussell has betrayed the secrettes of 
'^ the Fleete,'' <fec. Tfa^ second bracket is obviously misplaced, and should 
have been put after '* Russell." The slip has caused careless readers 
of the letter to think rumour charged Admiral Russell with being guilty 
of the offence that was imputed to Mr. Anselme. 



Akthony Dopfikg, Bishop of Meath, to Lobd [Massabekb]. 

1693, March 2, . — ** If I write not to your Lordship on better 
paper and more agreeable to your quality, I hope you will excuse mee 
and impute it to tlie place that affords no better. I received your news 
letter by Mr. Fi»on, but had a copy of it sent mee by Lord Longford, 
and therefore return your Lordship yours with thanks. We are not 
wanting in proceeding against such as are . * . . to our power, 
but wee have not made any great progress save only against your Bishop 
and Archdeacon (?) L. M. of which I shall give you a more full 
accompt when I see you, which I hope to doe on Saturday night, if 
other things doe not hinder. I remember your Lordship said in one of 
yours that you knew the bad clergy in the Dioces as well as your wall 
fruit, and could wish that against my coming yon would give me a list 
of the men and their characters, for as wee are strangers to them all, so 
great arts and endeavors ai*e used to palliate things, and keep us in the 
dark, tho wee doe what wee can in order to a strict enquiry. I thank 
your Lordship for your present of salmon, which was very 
good. . . ." 



80 



William III. to Lieut.-Qeneral Tollemache. 

1694, June 28th, Au Camp de Rosbesk. — "Jay este bien marie 
daprendre que vous navies peu tenu en 1% desente que voua aves tente, 
Et surtout que vous j avies esto blesse. Jespere que le bon dieu vou- 
donnera une promte guerlson, et que vous seres bieu tost en estat de 
ine continuer vos bon services, vous assnrent tousjoures de la continua- 
tion de mon amitie et estime. — William R." 

Holograph, — ^Endorsed " King William in his own handwriting to 
Generall Tollemache from the camp at Roesbech 28th June 1694." 
Also, another endorsement, to wit, <' His Mats Letter to my sonn, dated 
June y® 28, 1694. Camp : Rosbeck." General Tollemache died a few 
days lAter of the wound. 

In connection with this memorial of the miscarriage of the attempt 
on Brest, place may be 4iere given to the following rough draft in 
Sir Robert Southwell's handwriting, to wit, " My Ix)rd, His Majesty 
Las been informed by your Grace's letter and by my Lord Catts 
relation of what has past in the Expedition against Brest, and of 
the return of the Fleet and Land Forces, for what concerns . . , . 
I am to acquaint your Grace that His Majesty is very desirous of it, 
and commands me to signify his pleasure that it be considered by the 
Committee attending the Queen what may be fitt to be undertaken, 
and that if any thing be judged as practicable, for the annoying the 
French upon their coast. Her Majesties directions be given to the 
Land Forces and Squadron to execute the same in such manner as 
shall be agreed on by a Councell of Warr of the Commanders of the 
Squadron and Land Forces. But that if it shall not be thought prac- 
ticable to give the French any further annoyance upon their coast that 
the Forces be then landed and disposed of into their Garrisons and 
Quarters, the regiments of Cutts, Colier and Rada onlv excepted, 
which are to be forthwith sent by the best conveyance from Ports- 
mouth to Osteud either by tenders or transport-ships, or in case any 
of those regiments should have suffered too much in the expedition 
one or more other regiments, that are in better condition of service, 
are to be tent in their stead, and the regiment of Belasyse when 
relieved to be likewise sent to Ostend from the river of Thames. 
And in case no such conveyance do ofier in time from Portsmouth, 
that then His Majesties pleasure is those regiments as above- 
mentioned, not exceeding three in number, do march to London, and 
there with the Regiment of Belasyse do embark for Osfend or 
Willemstadt on board such ships as may be immediately ordered to 
transport them to one of those places; His Majesty desiring rather, 
if it can be brought to pass, that they be carried to Ostend; his 
further pleasure being that, in case of the landing of the Forces, the 
Squadron be disposed of in such manner as the Queen shall think 
most fitting. These are the commands I have received from his 
Majesty, to which I having nothing to addo." 



Henby Capel, Lord Capel op Tewkesbury, Vice-Roy of Ireland, 
to the Lords of the Tbeascby. 

1695, July 5th, Dublin Castle. — "My Lords, since my being alone 
in this Government I thought it necessary to be informed of the state 
of the Forfeitures in this kingdome, and therefore directed the Com- 
missioners to send me an account of their receipts of what kind soever 
since the commencement of their Commission, how mucli t'hefeof has 



81 

bin appljed for the management, and what has bin actually paid into 
the Treasury, and here inclose a copy of their return. 

" Your Lordships will see that the Totall of their Beceipts, as they 
themselves have stated it, amounts to 7,101/. 3^., of which, upon 
ezaminacion of their payments, I find there has bin paid into the 
Treasury only 1,086/., all the rest having bin spent in management and 
payment of their salarys, and that more then this sume of 1,086/. is now 
owing to them for sallareys and other incidents will appear by the other 
Account and Certificate of the Deputy Beceiver Generall herein alsoe 
inclosed. 

" Finding upon this enquiry soe little profit accruing to the Crowne 
by these Forfeitures, I directed the Chancellor and Barons of the 
Exchequer to inspect the Commissioners' bookes, and see iu what 
method they kept their accounts, who upon view thereof informe me 
they found all things iu confusion. The Commissioners of Inspeccion 
have not taken due care iu preparing rent roUs^r regular charges to the 
Collectors. That they have called few, if any, of the Collectors or Sub- 
Commissioners to account in a right manner. That they have generally 
allowed all incumbrances upon the Forfeited Estates without enquiry 
whether any part of them were paid. That they have sett few leasee 
under the Exchequer seal as their Commission directs ; and that ia 
effect their chiefe businesse has bin to gett in their own sallaryes. 

'' I have thereupon consulted my Lord Chancellor and Barons of the 
Exchequer and the Deputy Beceiver Generall, and they are all of 
opinion, that 'tis highly necessary for his Majesties service that this 
Commission be superseded, and that the receiveing and bringing in of 
these Forfeitures be put into the charge and management of the 
Commissioners of the Bevenue. 

^* I must crave leave to say to your Lordships upon this occasion, it 
was my opinion from the begining, that the Commissioners of the 
Bevenue should have the management of the forfeited estates, it being 
a part of their worke for which they have settled sallaryes already,, 
besides they are the most proper persons to make contracts and leases 
of these estates. They have already bookes prepared of all th& 
denominations of lands in the severall countys and baronys throughout 
the whole kingdome. They have the value of the lands and the quitt 
rents payable thereout, the ascertaining whereof has bred many disputes 
between them and the Commissioners of Inspection. They have like- 
wise more opportunitys to infoime themselves of the reality of incum- 
brances, and have greater authority with their Collectors, to enforce 
them to account, and when any Commissions of Enquiry are to 
be sped, they may be directed to the Escheator and one of tha 
most eminent judges or lawyers, and some other gentlemen of the* 
countrey to be named by the Commissioners of the Bevenue, who will 
dispatch the buisinesse at ihe expence of little more than their enter-^ 
talnments during the time they are speeding such Commissions, which 
expence may be defrayed by the Collector, who with the clerkes of the 
Commissioners of the Bevenue may be ordered to attend the execution 
thereof, and they by living and being conversant in the countrey will 
- have better opportunitys to find out evidence to make the King's title 
appeare, the want of taking due care in which particulars has bin 
greatly prejudlciall to his Majesties service in the execution of the late 
Commissions. 

^ " It appeared to the late Lords Justices by the account of cash given 
in by the former Commissioners of Inspection, that they had received 
1,800/. of the King's money, 1,700/. whereof was spent in paying 
themselves their own sallaryes and contingent charge[s], which money, 
a 8S428. F 



being most of it rents reserved on lenses, would otherwise have come into 
the Exchequer and helpt to have defrayed the necessary payments for the 
support of the Government. And it appears by the account now sent 
this affaire is not mended by the present Commissioners, there being at 
this day due to them three hundred pounds more then they have brought 
into the Treasury, as I was certified by their Hegister {sic) Mr. Bonnell. 

** Soe that 'tis plainely for the Kings service to have this Oommissitni 
superseded, and the management of the said forfeited estates put into 
the hands of the Commissioners of the Revenue, who by their under 
clerkes and agent [s], which ai*e many and some of them very good ofiicers 
having sallaryes already, will doe the works without any further expense 
to the King. 

"I desire your Lordships will take this matter into your consideration 
and let me know his Majesties or the Lords Justices' pleasure 

herein. . • [P. S.] I had almost forgot to tell 

your Lordships that Mr. Bering the Auditor refused to joy ne with the 
other Commissioners in signeing the representacion inclosed." 

Signed — ' Capell,' this instructive and important letter is endorsed 
** A copy of my Letter to tlie Lords of the Treasury about the Commis- 
sion of Inspection into Forfeitures " ; the signature, body - of the paper, 
and the endorsement being by the same hand. 



Sib William Blathwayte to His Highkess. 



1696, April loth ' Whitehall. " Monseigneur. Le vent est devenu bon 

•cc matin et Le Due de Wirtemberg est parti en mesme temps pour 
Gravesende d'ou il mettra ince.ssament a la voile avec les dix bataillons 
pour Vlissinge. 

'* Samedi se f era Tembarqucment de chevaux de recrue et de I'infanterie. 
II y en aura plus de quinze cents, tous destines a Willemstadt. 

" On met tout en oeuvre icy pour faire tenir de Targent aux Troupes 
en Flandres comme Votre Altesse Eouhaitte par I'honneur de sa lettre 
du 2^ du courant. Nous attendons avec impatience des nouvelles de 
notre Flotte de Cadiz." 



Ralph Eabl of Montague to ... . 

1696, August 11th, London. — " Sir, I am to acknowledg the favor of 
yours wherein you are pleased to give me notice of his Maiestys gracious 
condescention in giving the Lords Justices leave to repreive Thomas 
White and nt the same time to return you my humble thanks for the 
part you had in inctining [sicy ? inciting] his Majesty e to soc greate an 
act of mercye : Mr. Vernon tells me [he] has given you an account at 
large, what the saide Thomas White has discovered, and what services he 
may doe the publick ; his repreive now is but for three weekes. Mr. 
Nuton Warden of the Mint is of opinion that he may deserve his life, 
whereupon I have presumed to write to his Maiestye to beg that he 
maye be repreived till his return which can in noe way be of ill conse- 
quence and [I] entreate you to contribute what you can to it in which 
you will extreamlye oblige, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
Montagu." 

The "Mr. Nuton Warden of the Mint" was Mr. (afterwards. Sir 
Isaac) Newton, who was appointed in 1695 to be Warden of the 
Mint. 



88 



Lord Villiers to Mr. Blithwayt. 

1697, May 25th N. S., Hague. — " 1 have the favour of youra of the 
23rd. I interest my self so much in Mr. Prior's concerns that I thank 
you for the kindness you have done him. I think without troubling his 
Majesty any more in it, the easiest way will be for you to acquaint the 
Justices of Ireland with his Majesty's recommending him. I do not 
doubt but they will dispence {sic) with his absence for some time, and 
give leave that tlie other Secretary may do the duty. I am sure you will 
represent this as favourable as you can for his interest, and this I will 
likewise intimate to my Lord Galloway next post. I find by a letter 
from his Lordship, that an order must first come from his Majesty before 
the Treasury will do anything in our appointments, which I leave to 
your favour to dispatch. I am going to ^he Congress ; if we do 
anything there, you shall have it by the 'first " 



John Dennis, the Critic, to Henry Davenant. 

1706, March 20, London. — " Sir. You will receive together with this 
a little book which I have writt against the new operas which some 
people are endeavouring to produce upon the English stage. I had not 
deferrd writing soe long if I had not staid till this essay was printed, 
the publishing which has been retarded by accidents of which it is need- 
lesse to give an account here. I am at present in a little hurry or else 
I could send you a long account of some alterations and resolutions that 
have happened in the pleasures of this wicked town since I wrote to 
you last, which was about this time twelvemonth. I presume if that 
letter h»d come to your hands, you would have answered it before now.'' 
Addressed to ** Mr. B'Avenant." 



Admiral Sir John Norris to His Excellency Charles, Second 
Viscount Townsend. 

1710, June 10, Renelagk in the Gulph of Ayasso. — "Since my letter 
to Your Lordship from Yaia I sailed from thence the 1st of June, and 
the wind being westerly I passed to the eastward of Corsica. The 3rd 
my cruizers a- head of me gave chace to a French ship, who anchoring 
near the town of Bassur, which being a streight shear, and no port for 
shiping, I ordered the taking of her, in doing which the town fired some 
cannon but did not prejudice : I gained intelligence that the Duke of 
Tursis with his galics were sailed from Corsica to make his dessent upon 
Sardinia, upon which we made the best of our way to that coast ; and 
the 5th in the morning I sailed across the Boke {sic) of Boniface and 
seeing nothing of the ennemy I made sail for the Guiph of Terra Nova 
to gain some intelligence of them, but towards noon being becalmed I 
sent my boat into the said Gulph, who brought me an account there were 
four of ennemy^s sattees in that place, which had brought troops thither. 
In the evening I had the opportunity of the wind which carried me into 
that Gulph, and that night we took the four Sattees, t[w]o of which 
belonging to France and two to Sicilly, and by the examination of the 
prisonners we found they had brou^jht to that place the Count de Castilio, 
and the Marquis de Montalvo with several gentlemen of Sardinia, and 
about 400 troops, all which being landed had taken possession of the 
town of Terra Nova, which stands at the head of a Lake about 6 miles 
further than we could come at with our ships ; I that night held a 

F 2 



84 

Councill of Warr wherein we agreed to laud the troops as soon as it wa» 
dajy which we accordingly did with General Brown, who marching with 
them to the Town, they surrendered according to the Capitulation that 
is herewith, and our troops joining about the said place a party of 70" 
Horse under Major Mabbo, that belongs to King Charles, our troops- 
that day marched back again to reimbarck, and brought with them all 
the prisonners of war, thinking it dangerous to leave them in the Island 
of Sardinia, We understood by the said prisonners, that the Duke of 
Tursis with the rest of the troops was, at the same time they landed, to* 
have attempted landing near Sassara, which is in the Boke (sic) o£ 
Boniface, but that by a violent westerly wind he had been putt back,, 
since which time they could not give account of him. The 7th inst. the 
morning we imbarcked the troops and prisonners, upon which I held a 
Councill of War, which is herewith, where it was agreed for our going 
to Calvari, the Pilots yre had with us declaring they were unable at this, 
season of the year by reason of the calmns and different currents to 
carry us through the Boke of Boniface. We sailed that evening out of 
the Gulph of Terra Nova, and the 8th having a favourable wind easterly^ 
I steered through the Boke of Boniface, where I met a NeopoUtaa 
Felucca, that came from the Port of Bonifacio and gave me account the 
Duke of Tursis was sailed the second time from thence to make hi» 
landing near Sassara, but that upon his meeting with intelligence of my 
being on the coast, he changed his resolution, and that morning was 
sailed along the coast of Corsica to the Westward towards Ayasso. 
I communicated this inteUigence to the Dutch Bear Admirall, and we 
both resolved to pursue them as fast as possible, and endeavour to take 
or destroy them wherever we could find them, though under the cannon 
of any place in Corsica. The wind continued very favourable for us, 
but in our sailing one of the Dutch Men of War struck upon a shoal, 
tho' I hope his damage will not be much. Towards night we got in 
sight of the Gulph of Ayasso, but the winds proving contrary and 
caimn for the night, we were obliged to return into the said Gulph. 
The 9th inst the morning we spoke with a fisherman, who gave us an 
account that the Duke of Tursis with 8 gallys did last night go from 
this Gulph towards Cap Calvi and that his seven Sattees with 600 men 
and his ammunition and provisions were at an anchor near Ayasso. 
The small air of wind we had being northerly we could have no hopes 
to come up with the Gallys. I communicated this intelligence to the 
Dutch Bear Admirall, and proposed to him the taking or destroying the 
Sattees and the 600 troops ; but he had changed his former resolution^ 
by reason that they were not all together, and refused joyning with me 
to attack them by reason of their being in a neutral port. I used what 
arguments I could with him, as that upon considering that without 
destroying their ammunition and provisions and imbarcations it might 
give the ennemy an opportunity of making a further attempt upon 
Sardinia; which would take up so much time as to make the troops we 
had with us useless in Catalonia, and likewise communicated to him Her 
Majesty's commands to me by the hands of the Secretary of State to 
pursue the said Duke of Tursis and use what endeavours I could* to 
disappoint his enterprise. But he having no particular orders from the 
States would not joyn with me in this ; but I understanding it to be Her 
Majesty's intentions that I should undertake it, I sent my Captain to 
the Qt>vernor of Ayasso to acquaint him that I was in pursuit of the 
ennemy, who had attempted twice a descent upon Sardinia, and that I 
desired he would not permitt them to land, and that if he any wise 
attempted to hinder my intentions by fireing from his Castle, I should 
take it to be an act of War, and endeavour to do what I could against 



86 

liim ; upon which he returned me an answer, that he would not permitt 
the troops to land nor lire at us ; but it being little wind before I could 
get in with our 5 English ships, the ennemj had landed their troops 
and taken to the mountains. I took the 7 Sattees who had in them the 
provision and ammunition for their troops ; upon a further message to 
the Goveiiiour, wherein he was told since lie had admitted the ennemj's 
troops to land, we would land ours and pui*sue them, he sent to me 
-several gentlemen to desire we would not land our people, and he would 
answer to us that the ennemj, which had landed against his will, should 
not be received into any of their towns, nor have any subsistence from 
them, upon considering that and the difficulties we should have to come 
■up with them, and the time it would take us up to remain in these 
parts, whereby it might be prejudiciable to the service in Catalonia, 
Oenerall Brown with myself were of opinion it was best not to pursue 
them further ; upon which I held a Council of War, which is here 
inclosed, for our proceeding with the troops* to Barcellona. I have this 
morning got accordingly under sail and shall loose no time in proceeding 
according to the resolution. I pray your Lordship grant me the honour 
of your protection and procure me that of His Highness the Prince and 
Duke 6f Marlborough, for I doubt not but the Genoese will make their 
complaints against me, though the French on all occasions make no 
scruple of doing every thing they can against the Allies on the neutral 
coasts, whenever they have opportunity, as in this war they did on Her 
Majesty's Ship Resolution at Yintimiglia and several other ships, and in 
the former to the late Sir George Rook's couToy under the Castles of 
Portugal . . . ." 

Copy pf the original letter. 



Admiral Sib John Norris to His Excellency Charles, Second 
Viscount Townsend. 

1710, July 7th^ Renelagh in Barcelona Eoad. '^ Herewith you will 
receive duplicates of my last dispatches to your Lordship of the 10th 
past from Ayasso on the coast of Corsica, giving account of our 
proceedings, since we left Yaia. I am now to acquaint your Lordship 
We sailed that day from that place with the fleet and prisonners, and 
next day (the 1 1th) meeting with bad weather, and the small vessels 
not being able to keep in company, I ordered the Summerset and 
Terrible to take care of them, and see them save {sic) to Barcellona, where 
I arrived the 18th with the fleet and set a shoai* the piisonners. That 
day I received a letter from the King, dated the 13th June N.S. at 
Bfdagner from the camp, signifying that it was proper to debarck part 
of the troops from Italy in the neighbourhood of Valencia, to be 
commanded by General! Stanhope, and that it would be of great service, 
that the fleet joyn as soon as possible at Tarragona. I immediately 
called a'Councill of War, a copy of which [ ] herewith, wherein it 

was resolved that in pursuance of His Majesty's commands we should 
forthwith proceed with the fleet and troops to Tarragona, leaving orders 
for Vice-Admiral Baker and nil Commanders of Her Majesty's ships 
that should arrive at Barcellona, to follow us witiiont loss of time to 
Tarragona ; and in pursuance of the same we sailed immediately, 
without comeing to an anchor, for Tarragona, and arrived there the 
20th, where, not meeting Generall Stanhope, nor any orders from His 
Majesty, I landed the troops the 21st. Next day I had a letter from 
the King, signifying his Majesty's pleasure, that after having landed all 
the troops at Tarragona we should endeavour to make ourselves masters 



of Vinaros, a small town on the coast of Valencia, where his Majesty 
was informed, that the ennemj had laid up a ma«^zin, which he 
recommended to ua to take or destroy, as also that I should send a 
convoy to fetch 300 horses from Sardinia to reinforce his army, and 
separate the fleet in two bodies in order to appear both on the coasts of 
Valencia and Boussillon at the same time; upon which I held a 
Councill of War, and came to the result herewith sent your Lordship, 
in pui*8uance of which we sailed the 24th from Tarra«^ona, and that 
afternoon were joyned by Vice- Admiral Baker in the Sterling Castle 
with the Captain, Besolntiofi, Bed/aid, Xassau, and Griffin iire-ship^ 
and the 26th arrived before Vinaros ; I immeiliately ordered as strong 
a detachment as we could spare from our ships, into the boats, and sent 
the small frigatts with them close into the shoar to cover their landing. 
But as we drew near the shoar, we discovered several parties of regular 
Horse and some regular foot posted to oppose our landing, and it being 
a great sea, all the officers were of opinion with me, that it was 
impracticable to land. Upon examination of a Genouese we found in 
the road with King Charles's pass we were assured that the ennemy 
had no magazins there, and that the Governonr of Peniscola, being 
jealous that the inhabitants were in King Charles's interest, allowed 
them to keep only provisions for their bare subsistence ; upon which we 
eame to another resolution, herewith also sent your Lordship, that the 
fleet should proceed to the westward along the coast of Valencia for a 
day or iwo to allarm the ennemy, and then return to Barcellona, and 
having performed the same we arrived here the 30th, but the Summerset 
and Terrible are not yet arrived. Just upon our arrival!, I received a 
letter from Generall Stanhope by express, acquainting me the King had 
given his consent that I should imbarck the regiment of Collonel 
Stanhope from Tarragona and a detachment of 300 men from Port 
Mahon, to execute Mons' Sesan's project in the Gulph of Lyons ; I 
have accordingly gent ships to receive the said regiment from Tarragona, 
and others to fetch the troops from Port Mahon. The 3rd instant the 
ships returned to me from Port Mahon with the 300 troops, and all 
the utensills of war for our project ; upon which I held a Councill of 
Flags, the result of which I herewith send your Lordship, we finding 
it necessary to hire 4 Tartans to carry on our first landing without 
being discovered by the ennemy, I hope to have the same ready and if 
the wind presents sail as tomorrow to attempt our project, at which 
time I shsdl send to acquaint flis Boyal Highness the Duke of Savoy 
of our proceedings, that if H.B.H. sees proper to direct his Army to 
make any motions, that may divert the enemy for our protection. I 
am . . . .'* 

Copy of the original letter. 



Mb, W. Chbtwynd to Mr. A. Cardonnel. 

1711, September 8rd, Genoa. — " Since my last a Catalan bark is 
arrived here in five days from Spain. The letters she has brought do 
not only confirm our army's having taken the field, but also that 
Marshal Staremberg was got the 16th past to St. Colona with the 
greatest part of it, >yhere the Duke of Argyll was to join him that 
night with the English troops. The general conjecture made of oar 
progress was that it could not be very great this campain, both by 
reason we wanted money, and by the enemie's being superiour in Horse. 
As to the first difficulty, it is removed at present by the arrival of two 
Men of War, which sailed from hence the beginning of last week 



87 

carrying down 60" Pistols I put on board in specie, and orders for 
800°^ crowns to be taken out oi the Genoese ships lying at Port Mahon. 
In regard to the enemy's being superiour in Horse, 1 hope the goodness 
of ours joined with the Foot, will give us an equall advantage over 
them. The enemy's army being encamped at Cervera, it was thought 
they might wait there to observe our motion, and repass the Seyre 
according as we draw near them, diserters pretending that they'll avoid 
coming to a general action should we judge fit to offer them battle. 
Mens' De Yendosme by the last account was at Sarragosa indisposed, but 
as some pretend ^more by disgust than any settled distemper. What 

fives occasion likewise for others to think he will not command the 
paniards this campain : The Treaty for a generall exchange of the 
prisoners made at Bristruhga (?) is going to be renewed, Major-G^neraU 
Hamilton being allready named by the King for one of the Commissarys 
on our side. As this gentleman is a particular favorite of the Marshal's, 
you must not expect Mr. Stanhope's exchange but in gros. The King 
remains at Barcelona, and His Majesty keeping the fleet there perhaps 
may have some design in setting his face towards Germany, not 
wanting persons who press His Majesty to make this voyage as soon 
as possible. However he may probably stay till the Election is over. 

" I have received a letter by this bark from the Duke of Moles, in 
which he acknowledges the receipt of my Lord Duke's two letters, one 
for the King and the other for himself. •••.'' 



Mb. W. Ohbttttkd to Mb. A. Cibdonnel. 

1711, September 10th, N.S., Genoa. "A Filuqua arriveing here 
yesterday has brought letters of the 29th past from Barcelona, giveing 
an account that the Duke of Argyll was at St. Goloma with 14 battallions 
and 16 squadrons, Marshall Staremberg being advanced to Puebla 
d'Aiguilla with the body of the army. The enemy continue in tho 
same camp, with their right at Cervera and left at Tarrega^ superiour 
both in number of battalions and squadrons, however ours being more 
compleat and the troops preferable in goodness. The Marshall seemed 
resolved to oblige the enemy to decamp, notwithstanding the place 
where they are is very strong, and advantageously scituated, else bring 
them to a generall engagement. Some dispositions being made for a 
march, I am told the Duke of Argyll sent to stop two Men of War^ 
which were designed for this place, probably in the view of being better 
able to giv'e a farther light into the proceedings of both armys. A 
Dutch captaine being sent out with a party has brought off neer 300 
mules, which he took grazeing neer Lerida : 60 of them belong to^ 
Mens' de Vendosme. These with some wee took before must put the 
enemy to great streights, by the scarcity there is of mules for the 
carriage of their artillery. 

^'Sir John Jennings oonttnueing with the fleet at Barcelona, it was 
made publick that he was to bring the King over. His Majesty, 
preparing all things to embark, may perhaps leave Spain before he 
receives the news of his being elected Emperour. It was resolved in the 
last Gouncell to leave the Queen Kegent in his Majesty's absence what 
makes the Cattalans a little easy. 

" Your last favour is of the 16th past. I wish you joy of having 
surmounted the greatest difficultys before Bouchain. I hope to do as 
much in a post or two for the surrender of that place. • • •" 



B8 



Mr. G. Cole to Mr. A. Cabdonnel. 

1711, September 11th, Venice, — " .... Comandore Mighells 
it sailed from Naples with the 4 Brittish and 2 Dutch men of war &c. 
for Leghorn and Barcelona. Tho' there be no complaints against the 
Viceroy, yet it is thought he will be changed, and the Marquis De Prid 
hopes te gett that post. They write from Rome that Monsignor Herba, 
a Milanese, will be named to goe as Nuntio to Poland, under the name 
of Odeschalco, being a relation of Pope Innocent the Xlth, imd he will 
get the Cardinal's hat, which is alwayes restored to the families of the 
deceased Popes, and there are none of the Odescalchi's left besides the 
Pnnce Don Livio. Monsignor Spinola, a Genouese, who is now Nuntio 
in Poland) will be made Auditore della Camera, and he must then 
consequently become a Cardinal. Monsignor Bentivoglio, a Ferrarese, 
is to go Nuntio to France, and some think that Monsignor Aldobrandini 
will goe to the Duke of Anjou ; but this last is uncertain, and none 
will be declared till after the Election of the Emperor, when there will 
also be a promotion. The Jesuit, who has been a converting, or rather 
perverting the Piince of Saxe, is sent bak from Home for Frankfort. 
He has assured the Pope that said Prince will turn, and in case the 
preliminaries of the King of Spain be too difficult, this Jesuit is to 
declare that the Prince was long in his hart of the Roman faith, and tlie 
Pope is to endeavour he may be chosen ; but this is all metaphisik. A 
courier has arrived at Rome from Monsignor Albani with letters of the 
22th August, who did not please the Pope, and he is sent back, as is 
thought, with a regulation of the ceremonial which will pleasa all, 
though some say Albani will come away, rather than yield anything in 
point of ceremony. 

** On Wednesday morning last came into this port two large Brittish 
galleys, caled the Brice and the Driad^ loaden with sugar and other 
rich merchandise from Lisbon . . . ." 



Mr. W. Chetwtnd to Mr. A. Cardonnel. 

1711, September 13th, N.S., Genoa.— "The two Men of Warr I had 
the honour to mention in my last were to saile from Barcelona, being 
arrived here, enable me to make a farther detail of the present scituation 
of the arrays in S^min. Marshall Starembcrg and the Duke of Argyll 
continue in the same camps, the one at Aiguilla, the other at St. Colomba 
with the main body of the army of the Allys, which consist in 20 
German battallions, 10 English, 3 Palatins, one Portuguese, one Dutch, 
and another Grisons, in 16 German squadrons, 12 Portuguese, 
B Palatins, 6 Dutch and two English. The enemys are encamped at 
Cervera with a body of 15™ men which place they have fortified. Two* 
other bodys of their troops of 5,000 each are one at Agramont, the 
other at Tarrega. Of these 25™ men they reckon 10" are Horse, as 
you will see more particularly specified in the enclosed Lines of Battle. 
The superiority of the enemy is the occasion of the Marshall's not 
advanceing, tho' it is the generall opinion he will be obliged to it soon, 
not only to preserve the country about Tarragona, but likewise that 
behind St. Colomba to the gates of Barcelona, for the subsistence of 
our Horse during the winter, being forced at present to forrage in the 
Plain of Tarragona, about Aiqualiuia and Martorel (?). 

" Monsieur de Vendosme is not yet arrived at the army, but was 
expected every day. The reason of his feigned indispositioui or disgnsty 



89 

was because the Court of France would neither permit him to make a 
siege, nor deliver the Allies battle, haveing wiit that he would doc one ^ 
or the other, in case each was agreeable to that Court, a proposition he 
would scarce have made had he not been assured before hand [it] could 
never be accepted, by the danger he must necessarily have exposed the 
Army to in attempting either. To pass to the Armys in the 
Aimpourdan. Ours was encamped at St. Salvoni, but was to march 
in two or three days to Hostel- Arique, where it was designed to throw 
up some small works, to cover seaven or eight leagues of the country 
we still were in possession of on that side. The body of troops we have 
there is composed of two Begiments of Horse and six foot. The 
enemy 8 hai^'e 8 battalions in garrison at Gironne, 2 at Bascara, 2 at 
Eigueras, and one at Bagnol, with six regiments of Horse cantonned 
in villages on the other side of Gironne. At Tarragona we have left 
2 English battalions, 2 Palatins, and 2 Spannish. 

" The ennemys haveiug desired a conference about the exchange 
of prisoners, the Commissarys named by the King met theirs at 
Meumenaw the 20th past, but finding they insisted upon the Treaty 
made [ ] Lieutenant Generall Stanhope, returned without entring into 
farther measures, so that all is broke off again. King Charles has fixt 
the 20th inst. to embark for Italy. The Queen is to be left Begent| 
whose government perhaps may be more agreable to the Catalans than 
the King's. 

'* Brigadiers Breton and Lcpell are arrived here. The former is 
gone for England post, his cheif business being, I believe, to take care 
of the new Regiment he has bought, so took an occasion to be dis- 
patched with the Duke of Argyll's letters. His Grace does soUicite for 
leave to return home this winter " 



Mr. C. Cole to Mr. A. Cabdonnel. 

1711, September 18th, Venice.—** They write from 

Naples that on the 7th instant a new large gaUey was lanched there, 
and called St, Charles. She is to be the Galera radrona, and will be 
commanded by the Count Fougalada, General of the Neapolitan 
Galleyes. They are building a new Man of War there, and will soon 
lanch another galley. 

** We have from Rome that the Pope had received letters from his 
Nnntio at Barcelona, signifying the great esteem the King of Spain 
has for his Holynes, and an account of the many favours shewed to the 
Nuntio himself. This letter is further an encomium on his Majesty, 
who they feared would have rather shewn a coldnes. Last week 
several Congi^egations were held, and the Pope met himself 13 of the 
most considerable Cardinals on Friday last. They remained four 
hours assembled, and wrote down their resolutions, which were sealed 
up in the house of the Cardinal Marescotti. Now every body expects 
to hear of great matters, tho' some think it will only be a new tax upon 
the people. • 

" On Saturday last al night this Senate resolved, nemine contradiceute, 
to own the King of Spain, and give him all the titles he will have, and 
further to give him the reception due to so great a Monarch, as he 
shall pass over the Terra Firma of the RepublicL I hear they had 
that day received a letter from the Venetian Resident at Milan, who 
wrote that King of Spain would order the Prince Hercolani to come 
away without taking leave, and that he would send the Venetian 
Ministera out of Vienna, Naples, Milan, &c. This resolution of the 



90 

Senat is seDf. to the thre named cities. This GoTemment is in some 
concern for the Cavalier Moeenigo, Bailo at Constantinoplei whilst 
there are no letters from him, tho' others have wrote from where he is, 
and here is a report as if he was pnt in prison, and some saj that he 
is fed in the house of Sir Hoburt Sutton. A Brittish Privateer has 
sent here a Tartane loaden with oil. The eldest son of my Lord Baron 
Price is come to pass the Carneval here. Here is likewise Sir John 
Sealing baronet and Mr. Walters (his Govemour) both Roman 
Catholics " 

Mart of MoDENi, Widow of James the Second of England, 
to ... . 

1712, October 22nd, Chaillot. — " Apres avoir est^e fort longtemps 
sans avoir de vos nouvelles j'aj enfiu eu le plaisir de recevoir vostre 
lettre du 1, par larquelle je vols bien, que vous ne m'aves pas oubliee, 
est sur tout devant Dieu, qui est le lieu, ou je souhaitte le plus, que mes 
amies se souviennent de mois ; cai* j'ay un extresme besoin de prieres, 
pour m'obtenir de Dieu les secours, qui me sont necessaires, dans Testat 
de sou£Prance dans le quel, il lui plaist me tenir depuis longtems ; Si je 
puis recevoir quelque consolation dans ce monde, c'est dans cette sainte 
maison, otS je trouve do ressources, que je ne puis trouver ailleurs ; ainsi 
J7 demeurerai tant que je pourrai, c'est a dire jusques a ce que le froid 
excessif m'oblige d'en sortir : j'ay este incomod^ ces joura pass^es, 
mais je me porte bien k present, Dieu merci, et qui me fait le plus de 
plaieir, ou pour mieus dire le seul, que me reste, c'est d'avoir des 
nouvelles du Roy mon fils trois ou quatre fois la semaiue, qui bones 
pour ce qui regard sa sant^ ; Du reste il attend tousiours les seuretes 
necessaires pour sortir de France, et pour profiter des offres obligeantesy 
que M' le Due de Lorraine lui a fait de demeurer dans son Chasteau de 
Barr. — Je ne puis vous ezprimer combien j'ay est^ sensible k I'honestete 
et generosity de ce Prince envers mon fils, k qui il a envoy^ M' Roveck, 
poor lui faire touttes sortes d'offres obligeantes, je I'ay tesmoigne par une 
lettre k Madame la Duchesse de Lorraine du mieus qu'il m'a est6 possible, 
mais vous me feres un grand plaisir, si, quand vous ires h Luneville 
vous voules bien encore m'aider a le faire, et respondre de mon c<Bur 
que je crois vous conoisses asses, pour qu' il n*est nil ingrat, ni meco« 
noissant ; et plust h Dieu que je pusse avoir des occasions de leur faire 
conoistre; Je suis fasch^e que Madame la Grande Duchesse ne se 
trouve guere soulag^e des eaus. Ton m'avoit dit que Chalons estoit en 
son chemin pour revenir a Paris, cependant elle n'y a pas pass6. Je me 
flatte tousjours que j'aurai le plaisir de vous voir icy cet hjrver, et de 
vous entretenir teste a teste et cocur h, coeur de ce qui regarde nos 
affaires spirituelles et temporcUes ; Je ne me pardone point de ne vous 
avoir plus tost remerciee des beaus et bons livres que vous m'avies 
envoy6 en partant de Paris. Je les eu dans un temps quo je n'estois 
pas tout-ft-fait k moimesme, ils sont relies par merveille, pries Dieu que 
j'eu profitte, et que je comenoe une bone fois k vivre en bone Chres- 
tienne. Je le prie de vous faire une Grande Sainte, et vous doner une 
bon6 sante pour le mieus servir. Je suis en lui de [tout mon coeur a 
vons.^M.R." 

Sib Edward Southwell to ... . 

1736, April 27th, London. — <' Dear Sir, I cannot pay you a greater 
-compliment then writing to you this day, in all my finery and in the 
midst of the hurry. 



91 

" The Princess arrived at Greenwich about one Sunday ; at 5 in the 
afternoon the Prince waited upon her with all his servants, and pro- 
posed being back bj ten at night, but liked her person and conversation 
so well that he supped with her and did not return till two in the 
morning. On Monday he dined with her at a small table, and no 
attendant but a Dumb Waiter, the windows were open and crouds saw 
them, and they half an hour in a balcony which opend into Greenwich 
Park, where 10,000 people were staring at them, and Her Highness 
attended the Prince back in a barge as far as the Bridge. This day 
the Prince went again to wait on her at Greenwich. At half an hour 
after two he introduced her in the Drawing room at St. James's to the 
King and Queen. When she came in and went out she fell on her 
knees and kissed the King and Queen*s hands, and both times they 
raised her up and embraced her. 

** The Princess is no beauty, and marked with the Small Pox, but 
she is of a fine height, a very fair complexion and a fine colour in her 
cheeks. She appears very modest but not out of countenance, and has 
Bome[thing] gracious and agreeable in her conversation and quite easy 
and unaffected, and the Prince likes her extremely. This day she dines 
with the Prince and Princesses in his apartment at 8 at night. She is to 
be married in St. James's Chapelly and there is to be a public supper 
in the Ball room, and tomorrow every one is to be presented to her 
Highness." 



Eeverekd Thomas Morel to ... • 

[Circ. 1764], — "Dear Sir, Dr. Sam Croxall was before my time, 
and I know very little of him, but that, I have heard, he was minister 
of Hampton and the Chappell at Hampton Court, that he was a very 
ingenious man, and a good scholar, though I know nothing of his 
writing, but his justly commended Fables. As an anecdote of him, 
entre nous, — Whe^ I went to Hereford, to preach the sermon, at the 
meeting of the Three Choirs in 1747^ curiosity led me into the present 
Bishop^s garden, to view an old stone building, of which our Society 
(the Antiquarians) had made a print ; the gardiner enquired whether I 
was looking for any thing in particular ; and upon my informing him 
what it was ; < Sir,' says he, * Dr. S. Croxall (who entirely governed the 
Church during the dotage of the Bishop) pulled it down, and with the 
materials built part of that house, in which Mr. Eodney Croxal now 
lives.' 

**I know very little of Baron Mounteney, as he came to Kings 
College in 1725, just as I had left it (for a curacy aud small sine-cure 
at Kelvedon in Essex). His intimacy with Sir Edward Walpole at 
college, and his excellent Dedication of part of Demosthenes to Sir 
Bobert, together with his honesty and great abilities, raised him to the 
honours he so well deserved. 

" And now as to Oratorio's : — ' There was a time (says Mr. Addison), 
' when it was laid down as a maxim, that nothing was capable of being 
* well set to musick, that was not nonsense.' And this I think, though 
it might be wrote before Oratorio's were in fashion, supplies an Oratono- 
writer (if he may be called a writer) with some sort of apology; 
especially if it be considered, what alterations he must submit to, if the 
Composer be of an haughty disposition, and has but an imperfect 
acquaintance with the English language. As to myself^ great a lover 
as I am of music, I should never have thought of such nn undertaking 
(in which, for the reasons above, littte or no credit is to be gained), had 



92 

not Mr. Handell applied to me, when at Kew, in 1746, and added to his 
request the honour of a recommendation from Prince Frederic. Upon 
tliis 1 thought I could do as well as some who had gone before me, and 
within 2 or three days carried him the first Act of Judas Macchab<BUSy 
which he approved of. * Well,' says hs « and how are you to go on ? * 
' Why, we are to suppose an engagement, and that the Israelites have 
< conquered, and so begin with a chorus as 
* Fallen is the Foe 

* or, something like it.' *No, I will have this,' and began working it, 
as it is, upon the Harpsicord. • Well, go on.' * I will bring you more 
to-morrow.' * No, something now, 

< So fall thy Foes, O Lord 

^ that will do," and immediately carried on the composition as we have it 
in that most admirable chorus. 

^^ That incomparable Air, Wise men ^ flattering^ tnay deceive us (which 
was the last he composed, as Sion now his head shall raise, was his 
last chorus) was designed for Belskazzar, but that not being perform'd, 
he happily flung it into Judas Macchahcetts. N.H. The phm of Judas 
Macr.habceus was designed as a compliment to the Duke of Cumber- 
land, upon his returning victorious from Scotland. I had introduced 
several incidents more apropos, but it was thought they would make it 
too long, and were therefore omitted. The Duke however made me a 
handsome present by the hands of Mr. Poyntz. The success of this 
Oratorio was very great. And I have often wished, that at first I had 
a.sk'd in jest, for the benefit of the 30th Night, instead of a 3d. I am 
sure he would have given it me : on which night the [re J was above 400/. 
in the House. He left me a legacy however of 200/. 

*^ The next year he desired another, and I gave him Alexander Belusy 
which follows the history of the foregoing in the Macchabees, In the 
first part there is a very pleasing Air, accompanied with the harp, 
Hark^ Hark he strikes the Golden Lyre, In the 2\ two charming 
duets, What pleasure past expressing, and Hail, wedded Love, 
mysterious Jmw. The 3^ begins with an incomparable Air, in the 
affettuoso style, intermixed with the chorus Recitative that follows it. 
And as to the last Air, I cannot help telling you, that, when 
Mr. Handell first read it, he cried out D — n your Iambics. * Dont put 
yourself in a passion, they are easily Trochees.' Trochees, what are 
Trochees ? * Why, the very reverse of Iambics,' by leaving out a 
syllable in every Jine, as instead of 

* Convey me to some peacefull shore, 

* Lead me to some peacefull shore,' 

* That is what I want.' * I will step into the parlour, and alter them 
immediately.' I went down, and returned with them altered in about 
3 minutes ; when he would have them as they were, and had set tliem, 
most delightfully accompanied with only a quaver, and a rest of 3 
quavers. 

" The next I wrote was Theodora (in 1749), which Mr. Handell 
himself valued more than any Performance of the kind ; and when I 
once ask'd him, whether he did not look upon the Grand Chorus in the 
Messiah as his Master Piece ? ^ No,* says he, ^ / think the Chorus at the 
end of the 2d part in Theodora far beyond it, He saw the lovely 
7onth &c. 

"The 2* night of Theodora was very thin indeed, tho' the Princess 
Amelia was there. I guessed it a losing night, so did not go to 
Mr. Handell as usual ; but seeing him smile, I ventured, when, ' Will 



93 

you be there next Friday night,' says he, * and I will play it to you ? I 
told him I had just seen Sir T. Hankey, and he desired me to t^ you, 
that if you would have it again, he would engage for all the Boxes. He 
U a fool ; the Jews will not come to it (as to Judcts) because it is a 
Christian story; atid the Ladies will not corner because it [is] a 
virtuotAs one, 

" My own favourite is Jeptha^ which I wrote in 1751, and in com- 
posing of which Mr. Handell fell blind. I had the pleasure to hear it 
finely perform'd at Salisbury under Mr. Harris ; and in much greater 
perfection, as to the vocal part, at the Concert in Tottenham Court 
Road. 

•*The Triumph of Time and Truth — in 1757. The words were 
entirely adapted to the music of // Trionfo del Tempo, composed at 
Rome in about 1707. 

** To oblige Mr. Smith, Mr. Handell's successor, I wrote Nabal in 
1764, and Gideon, The music of both are entirely taken from some 
old genuine pieces of Mr. Handell. In the latter is an inimitable 
Chorus — Gloria Patri, Gloria Jilio, which at first sight I despaired of 
setting with proper words ; but at last stinick out Glorious Patron y 
glorious Hero &c. which did mighty well. . . ." 



Elizabeth, Duchess of Kingston to 



1788, April 11th. — "Monsieur. On a fait courir ici un bruit que je 
sois mort ; grace h, Dieu, je me porte bieu, et je vous prie de lo faire 
dire fl mes Banquiers et i ma maison. Je suis, Monsieur, obeissiante 
servante/ '* 

A note of secretarial penmanship, chiefiy remarkable for the autograph 
signature — "E. Duchesse do Kingston, Comtesse de Warth." The 
notorious lady died on 28th August, 1788. 

Together with this curious note with a noteworthy signature, 
Mr. Hodgkin preserves a packet of miscellaneous " Chudleigh Papers,'* 
containing about 96 letters and other documents touching incidents 
of the lady's scarcely edifying story, including her famous trial for 
bigamy. 



III. Writings touching Chakles I. and the Civil War. 

Though they comprise nothing of high moment, the writings of 
this group contain some papers that will interest the lighter students 
of our seventeenth century annals, and several matters that may be 
serviceable to local antiquaries. 

(1) Oixlers (in handwriting of under-mentioned Edward Walker) dated 
at Beverley on 23rd and 24th April 1642, and given by Charles I. to 
George Maynwaring, esq., Richmond Herald, and Edward Walker, esq.^ 
Chester Herald, directing them to go to Kingston-upon-Hull, and proclaim 
Sir John Hotham and his adherents traitors, unless he shall open the 
gates of the town to His Majesty. (2) Two contemporary copies of a 
Memorandum dated from J3everley and headed, '* His Majesty's Message 
'< sent from Beverley to Hull and delivered by George Manwaringe Rich- 
'< mond Herauld and Edward Walker Chester Herauld by his Majesties 
'< command to Sir John Hotham." (3) Memorandum without signature 
or date^ setting forth the King's way of explaining his Printed Declara- 
tion issued at York, on 14th May 11542, whereby His Majesty merely 
designed to signify his acceptance of "the voluutarie offers of those 
'< gentlemen who had or should tender their services to him for the 



94 

" guard of his person." (4) Warrant, dated 15th May 1642, from 
His Majesty to the Constables of Newton and Beningbrough, bidding 
the same Constables cause the soldiers of Sir Bobert Strickland's regi- 
ment meet at Sutton in the Forest on the 17th inst, there to receive 
further commands. (5) Letter from Lord Howard of Escrick to Lord 
Keeper Littleton, dated from York on 16th May 1642, touching his 
Majesty's aforementioned Printed Declaration, issued at York on the 
14th inst., and consequent proceeding thereon, with three enclosures 
respecting the same affair. (6) Collection of Bills and Accounts o£ 
moneys paid, on or between 13th June and 8th August 1642, by 
Edward Walker, esq., Paymaster of His Majesty's Guard, to officers of 
Sir Robert Strickland's regiment co. York, for the maintenance of the 
same regiment. (7) Contemporary copy of a Warrant, dated from Oxford 
on 20th January, 164^, under the sign-manual of Charles I., to the 
Governor or Commander of His Majesty's forces in or near Newark. 
(8) Draft, dated on 6th of April 1643, of the main and active 
clauses of two several commissions, appointing Henry Willmott to be 
Lieutenant-General, and Sir Robert Aston to be Serjeant- Major 
General of His Majesty's forces of horse, raised or to be raised 
for his service in England and Wales, under the command of 
Prince Rupert. (9) Letters and other papers, covering in all 39 
leaves, touching an agreement, made on 29th September 1643, 
between Alexander Downes and William Sandys, for the sale and pur- 
chase of certain arms lying at Dunkirke for the service of Charles I. 
(10) Copy, made in 1644 by Catherine Downes, of Mr. William Sandys's 
note of promise dated to her on 9th October 1643, and offered by 
Catherine Downes in 1644 to the consideration of Queen Henrietta 
Maria, together with a letter of petition written by the same Catherine 
Downes to the said Queen. (11) Rough Draft of a Commission, dated 
27th October 1643, appointing Ralph Lord Hopton to be Field Marshal 
General of the horse, foot, and dragoons raised or to be raised or brought 
by him into cos. Sussex, Surrey and Kent. (12) Copy of the contract 
made between Alexander Downes and S^ Justin CoUemar at Bruxelles 
on 28th November 1643, for the sale and purchase of arms at Dun- 
kirk. (13) Minutes of Proceedings at Councils of War, held on or 
between 28th August and 19th September 1644, at Tavistock, Chard, and 
Exeter. (14) Rough Draft of a Proclamation by the King, dated at 
Bridgenorth on 9th May 1645, "forbiddinge any the officers or 
" souldiers of his Majesties armys to plunder, rob or oppresie his 
" Majesties subjects, uppon payne of death." (16) Letter, dated 
from Derby House on 20th June 1646, from the Committee of 
both Kingdoms to tho Committee of the City of Norwich, requiring the 
Norwich Committee to *^ forthwith send up those recrewts that are 
behind in your county." (16) Rough Draft, dated at Lichfield on 11th 
August [ ], for a Proclamation by the King, ordering the pay- 

ment of sixpence per night, over and above free quarters, to every 
trooper or other horse-soldier in His Majesty's service. (17) Rough 
Draft, dated at Cardiff on 4th August [ ], for a Commission under 
the King's sign-manual, appointing Jacob Lord Asteley, Baron of Read- 
ing and Major-General of His Majesty's army, to be Marshal and Com- 
mander of the counties of Monmouth, Glamorgan, Brecknocke, Radnor, 
Carmarthen, Cardigan and Pembroke. (18) Paper without date of 
" Instructions unto our Commissioners for levying and impresting of 
Souldiers in our county of Carmarthen." (19) Draft, dated at Newark 
[ ], for a Commission under the Sign Manual of Charles I., appoint- 
ing Joseph Rhoades to be Muster- Master General of all His Majesty's 
** forces of Horse, Foote and Dragoones raysed or to be raysed in the 



95 

*' coantjes of Nottingham, Lincolne and Rutland, under the command 
** of Sir Bichard Wyllis, knt., Commander-in-Chief of those parts." 
(20) Bough Draft for a Commission, appointing Balph Lord Hopton 
** to be General of the Ordnance and Artillery of our Armj, now uader 
<' the command of • • • . Patrick, Earl of Brentford and Forth, Lieut* 
'^ General of the same. (21) Paper of Minates of Proceedings at 
Councils of War, dated on 12th September [ ], in cos. Somerset and 
Devon. (22) Letter, dated from Newark, on 31st March 1646, from 
John Cleveland, the Cavalier Poet to the Committee of both Kingdoms. 

Charles I. and Sin John Hotham. 

1642, April 23rd and 24th, Beverley. — Orders (in handwriting of under- 
mentioned Edward Walker) given by Charles I. to Bichmond Herald 
and Chester Herald, << Our Commands to our trusty and our well-beloved 
servants, George Maynwaring, esq. Bichmond Herauld and Edward 
Walker, esq., Chester Herauld, our officers at Armes, before the gates 
of the Towne of Kingston uppon Hull, the 23rd of April, 1642. 
Heraulds I command yee upon your allegiannce to proclayme Sir John 
Hotham and all his adherents trayters, except bee shall open the 
gates and admitt us into the towne within one hower. — Our* Com-^ 
mands to our trusty and welbeloved servants George Maynwaringe 
esq. Bichmond Herauld, and Edward Walker esq. Chester Herauld, our 
officers at Armes sent by us from Beverley to our Towno of Kingston 
uppon Hull the 24th of April 1642. Heraulds I command yee to 
goe instantly to Hull and summon Sir John Hotham and to lett him 
know that Wee hope (hee haveinge slept uppon it and better con- 
sidered) he will not refuse to admitt us into the Towne. And there- 
fore I command yee once more in our name to offer him our grace, 
favor and pardon, if he will let us in, Our intention beinge only to see 
our Magazine there, Otherwise if Wee shalbee enforced to raise the 
County, hee must look for worse condicions. And then give him 
some time to consider and retui-ne his unswere." 

Charles I. and Sir John Hotham. 

1642, April 24th, Beverley. Two comtemporary copies of a 
Memorandum, headed " His Majesty's Message sent from Beverley to 
^< Hull and delivered by George Manwaringe Bichmond Herauld and 
** Edward Walker Chester Herauld by his Majestie's command to Sir 
" John Hotham.'' Setting forth the precise words in which the said 
heralds delivered the King's message, and also the precise words in 
which Sir John Hotham answered them, to wit, " To which Sir 
<* John Hotham answered from the wall, not admittinge us into 
<* the Towne : — Gentlemen, I pray returne my most humble and 
^^ hearty thankes to his Majestic for the great favor, it beinge so full of 
** grace and goodnesse. And, as you ai'e officers of honor, let his MajesUe 
<* know that J have perused all my papers and Orders of Parliament, 
<* and find that I cannot doe without betray inge the great trust reposed 
«* in mee, And therefore I humble beg his Majestie's pardon, hopeingel 
" may live to doe his Majestic service." 

Charles I. and Volunteers to Guard his Person. 

[1642, May, York.] Memorandum, without signature or date ; — 
*^ We waited this day upon His Majestie concerning a printed Declaration 



it 



96 

published the 14th of this instant May humblj to knowe His Majestise 
meaning therein, at which tyme he was gratiouslj pleased to signifie 
unto us That his intention was thereby to accept the voluutarie o£Pers 
of those gentlemen who had or should tender their services unto him 
for the guard of his person, and out of that number that should appeare 
before him at the the tyme prefixed he would chnse such a competent 
number as might serve for the safe guard of his royall person likewise 
telling us that he had declared to those gentlemen whoe did attend him at 
the 1b 8 1 meeting, That he noe wayes intended hereby to encrease the 
number of the trayned Bands." — ^Endorsed '^ His Majesties answeare 
" tucbing the printed payper." 

Charles !• and Sir Robert Strickland's Regiment. 

1642, May 1 5th Order, by virtue of a warrant from His 

Majesty, to the Constables of Newton and Beningbrough, bidding them 
to give order to all the petty constables within their division or hundred to 
cause all ^'the Trayned Bands sowldiers of Sir Robert Strickland's 

regiment with their officers and arms to meet at Sutton in the Forest 
^' on Tuesday next the 17th of this instant May by eight o'clocke in the 
** monunge, there to receive further commands by the Colonell or 
" Serjeant-Major of the said Regiment." — Signed — ^Tho. Gravenor, 



Lord Howard of Escrick to Lord Keeper Littleton. 

1642, May 16th, York. — '* Yesternight somewhat late there came 
to our bunds this paper enclosed which wee conceiveing to bee illegall 
wee wayted this morneing on the Kinge telling him we thought it our 
duty to represent to His Majesty of what dangerous consequence it was 
to recommend the whole county to bring in their horse which would 
bee occasion of great gelousies and might breed great distraccions. His 
Majesty's aunswer was that however it was expressed yet hee never 
intended to have any come in but voluntarily. Wee replyed that this bore 
another sence, and that it would bee our duty to give notice of it to the 
Parliament. When wee were gone, the Marquesse of Hertford, the Lord 
Savile, and uiy Lord Cheife Justice Bancks repayreing to him browght 
us this Paper in answer of what wee had sayd to him, with a comaund 
from the Kinge to wryte up the substance of it to your Lordship, 
but thinkeing it not fitt to take upon us to wryte his Majesty's sence 
least wee should be mistaken, I have here sent you the rery paper 
itself e as wee had it. Theis Lords doe every one of them protest that 
they never knew any thinge of this printed Paper till wee showed it to 
them. I acquainted your Lordship in my last letter that his Majesty 
had Idjd aside the resolncion of rayseing that regiment which was Sir 
Robert Stricklands but this afternoone wee understand that it is to meet 
to morrow by warrants from his Majesty a coppie of one of them I 
send your Lordshipp hereinclosed. I know not what the successe of this 
will be nor what the sheriffe will doe upon it. Hee is newly gone owt 
of Towne. My Lord this [is] what at this tyme I am to acquaynt 
you with." 

With the three following enclosures : — 

(1.) Printed Broadside Proclamation: — " By the King. Whereas, 
upon Summons from Us, divers Gentlemen of this Our County of York 
did attend Us upon Thursday the twelfth of this instant May, when 
We declared Our Resolution (for the Reasons then delivered by Us), 
to have a Ghiard to secure and defend our Person, and desired therein 



97 

the Goncnrrence and Assistance of the Gentry of this County; 
And whereas divers Gentlemen of this County, for many Reasons and 
Occasions, could not then appear to receive Our pleasure on that behalf, 
whereunto divers have subscribed, Wee have therefore thought good 
hereby to give notice as well to those Gentlemen who were not thenr 
present, as to those who did then attend us, that Our Command is, That a» 
well those gentlemen who are charged with Horse, as others, appear at 
York upon Friday the twentieth of this Moneth in such manner and 
equipage as will be convenient for the guard of Our Person. And, We 
re(|uire and conimand that in the interim no other Warrants, Order 
or Command whatsoever shall distract or hinder this Our Service. 
And We further will and command, That this Our Order be forthwith 
published by the Sherifieof this Our County. * For which this shall be 
sufficient Warrant. Given at Our Court at Vork, the fourteenth day 
of Mayj in the eighteenth year of Our Eeign, 1642. Imprinted at 
York by Robert Barker, Printer to the King's most Excellent Majestic r 
and by the Assicnes of John Bill, 1642." 

(2.) Paper of the King's Answer. "Wee waited this day upon hi* 
Majestic concerning a printed DecWacion published the 14th of this 
instant May humbly to knowe his Majesties meaning therein^ at 
which tyme he was gratiouslie pleased to signifie unto us, That his- 
intention was thereby to accept the voluntarie offers of those Gentlemen 
whoe had or should tender their services unto him for the Guard of 
his person, and out of that number that should appeare before him at 
the time prefixed he would chuse such a competent number as might 
serve for the safe guard of bis royall person, likewise telling us. That 
he had declared to those Gentlemen whoe did attend him at the last 
meeting, that he noe wayes intended hereby to encrease the number 
of the ti*ayned Bands." 

(3.) Warrant to the Constables of Newton and Beningborowgh, for 
mustering Sir Eobert Strickland's Regiment. — " To the Constables of 
Newton and Beningborowgh. By vertue of a Warrant from his 
Majesty to mee directed. Uis will and commaund is to givD Order 
to all the severall petty Constables within this division or Hundred 
to cause all the Trayned Bands sowldiers of Sir Robert Strickland*» 
Regiment with their Officers and Armes to meet att Sutton in the* 
Forrest on Tuesday next the 17th of this instant May, by Eight. 
o'Clocke in the morneinge where they shall receive further Commaund! 
and directions by the CoUonell or Serje.nnt Major of the sayd 
Regiment. Fayle not at your perill. Tlio. Gravener." Dated 15th of. 
May 1642. 



Sir Robert Strickland's Regimemt. 

1642, June 13th to August 8th. Bills and accompts (on 24" 
several leaves), of moneys paid, on or between the above-stated days, 
by Edward Walker esq.. Paymaster of His Majesty's Guard, to officers 
of Sir Robert Strickland's regiment co. York, for the maintenance of 
the same regiment : With receipts for the same payments, signed by Sir 
Robert Strickland — Colonell, Edward Duncombe esq. — Lieut Colonell, 
Walter Slingsby esq., Edward Tirwhitt esq., Anthony Wharton esq. — 
Captains of the said regiment, Thomas Frankland esq. — Serjeant- 
Major of the same regiment, and John Hitchinough — Preacher to the- 
same regiment. — It is woi'thy of remark that in these bills Lieut- 
Colonell Edward Duncx)mbe, signing himself "Ed. Duncombe," 19, 
described indifferently by the christian names "Edmonl" an<L 

« 89^3. a 



98 

'* Edward " and that i^'hilst the Colonel spells Ills surname *^ Strykland/* 
his kinsman the Captain spells it ** Strickland." — Also, in the handwriting 
of Edward Walker esq., an account described at its head, ^* Pay Bill of 
'^ the Regiment of Sir H. Griffith, beginnge 19th [ ] endingo 

*' 5th July, 1642." 

OuAULES THE EiBST and HIS Gabbison at Nbwabk. 

1642, January 20tli, Oxford. Contemporary Copy of a Warrant 
under the sign manual of CLarles I., directed to the Grovernor or 
Commander of the King's forces or garrison in or near Newark ; 
Ordering the said Governor or Commander to send forces and assistance 
to Prince Rupert, in accordance with such orders as the same Prince 
shall give, he being ^* imployed in an expedition of importance for " 
the King's " especiall service in Leicestershire." 

Commission to Henby Willmot and Sib Abthub Aston. 

] 643, April 6th, • Draft of the main and active clauses for 

two several Commissions in the army of Charles I., to wit (1) Com- 
mission appointing Henry Willmott to be Lieutenant Generall '^of all 
" Our Forces of Horse, as ivell Troopcs of Horse and Curasiers as 
'* X>ragooniers and Carabineers, and of all and all maner of Horse 
" Forces already raysed or which hereafter shall be raysed for our 
^* service within this our Kingdome of England and dominion of Wales 
" for the defence of the true Protestant Religion, our Person, the Two 
^' Houses of Parliament and their just privileges, and the Liberties and 
" proprietyea of Our Subjects, To command immediately and in Cheif 
" next under our Dearest nephew Prince Rupert, Generall of our 
** Horse ;" and (2) a Commission to Sir Arthur Aston to be Serjeant 
Major General of the same forces. 

Spubious Sale of Abms at Dunkibk. 

1643, September 29(h to . Letters and other Papers 
(covering in all 39 leaves), touching the Agreement, made on September 
29th, 1643, between Alexander Downes and William Sandys, for the 
sale and purchase of certain arms lying at Dunkirk for the service of 
his Majesty Charles I., King of Great ^j^ritain, and also touching the 
subsequent claims made by Madame Stamfort (in later time styled 
Madame Downe alias Downes, and in still later time described as the 
vsdfo of the Earl of Castlehaven) upon the said William Sandys, for the 
pei*formanco of promises made by him, in consideration of her pains in 
bringing about the said agreement for the said sale of arms. — N.B, For 
notes touching and extracts from the later of this series of writings, 
students must search Papers Sfc, touching Charles II, in Exile of this 
lleport. 



William Sandys and Kathebine Stamfobt. 

1643, October 9th, Brussels. — Copy made in November 1644 by 
Catherine Downes of Mr. William Sandys's note of promise to her 
dated on Oct. 9th, 1643 (and offered to Queen Henrietta Maria's 
consideration by Catherine Downes on 26th November 1644, together 
with a letter written by same Catherine Downes to the said Queen on 



99 

the same last given date) and running thus : — " Whereas Mrs. 
Katherin Stamfort hath with verj much affection to h's Majesties 
service, disposed Mr. Downe to part with his Armes for his Majesties 
servis, and whereby his Majesties servis hath beene only advanced 
through her ontier and discreete diligence and fidelity therein, I have 
thoaght fit to promise her one thousand Gilders to be paid tomorrow 
as a gift from her Majestie, as allsoe doe undertake by these to 
procuro a pension of fowre hundred Guilders yearly to be paid her 
during her life, and this I undertake shalbe under the Greate Seale 
of England as a hansom character of her good service to the Kinge 
and Croune, ^nd this I doe hereby oblige my self to perform well 
and truly : Witness my hand this 9th of Octobre 1643, Bruxells, 
Signed WiU : Sandys." 

Commission to Balph Lord Hopton. 

1643, October 27th, . Bough Draft for a Commission, ap- 
pointing Balph Lord Hopton to be '' Field Marshall Generall of such 
" forces of the Trayned Bands volontiers or others of horse, foote and 
'^ diagooniers, raised or to be raised or brought" by the said Lord 
Hopton or by his direction ^' into all or any our counties of Sussex, 
^< Surrey and Kent and into all or any the citties, townes and fortes 
*' therein." 

Another Spurious Sale op Arms at Dunkirk. ^ 

. 1643, November 28th, Brussels. — Copy of the Contract made between 
Alexander Downed and S^ Justin Collemar on the said day, for the sale 
and purchase of the arms at Dunkirk : a writing in which the surname 
"Downes " is curiously misspelt " Doiere." 

Proceedings at Councils op War, 

1644, August 28th to September 19th. Minutes of proceedings at 
Councils of War, on two discolored and worn sheets of paper, that in 
their present condition still afford the- following particulars, to wit. 
** 28th August, (1) Some officer to goe into sevcrall parishes to view 
what come there is in severall parishes about, and to have the same 
ground and brought into several! places for the use of the Army. 

(2) Another Order to the Sheriffe for the sendinge in of straglers 
inviteing the contrey to consider of theire condition in the doeinge thereof. 

(3) Sir Edward AValdegrave to send out small paitips to apprehend all 
straylinge {sic) souldiers, and to retome them with their names and regi- 
ments to the Lord Generall, that so they may bee punished for their disor- 
ders. (4) A Writ to theMaiorof Liskerd to entertayue and quarter all 
such sicke officers as the Lord Generall shall send thither. 29th August, 
(5) The Commissioners doe undertake that 12 carriadges a-peice both 
at Liskerd and Bodmin shall constantly attend at eyther magazine, to 
bringe provisions to the Armies, and 2 parties of horse to attend to 
convey them safe to and fro. (6) A Proclamation that no officer uppon 
payne of death shall take any of these horses and carts. 2nd September, 
(7) Advertise Goreing perticulars sent Sir Kichard G. Horse and foote 
and 1,000 musqueteers more to take all advantage of pursueinge and 
fallinge on the horse and soldiers att Plymouth, G to command next. 
3rd l^ptember, (8) An Order to the Sheriffe to signify to the centre 
about Listethiell to bring in. all the armes or left • • • . by the 

a 2 



100 

rebells. (9) Another for a tbankesgivinge through this county for the 
late victory to bee Tuesday next, and a prayer to that purpose. (10) Sir 
John Browne to Tisitt all the carriadges carefully forthwith to see if 
there bee any pistells or armes, because we have not many, to doe what 
hee can without breach of Articles . . . . (11) To march 
to-morrow early to Liskerd, all the foote before Munketh Quithecke, the 
next night at Tavestocke. (12) Prince Maurice to make marche for to 
bringe uppe the straglcrs of east and west. (13) Colonel Sir F ... n 
to raise 50 men and to pay them out of the estates of John and Richard 
Daley. 6th September, 1644, (14) Ordered that 500 musqueteers out 
of eyther army should be drawn out, to follow the rebells horse under 
the command .... (15) A despatch to G. Goreinge to give an 
accompt thereof. The Bandevous to bee at Brent for to-morrow at 8 of the 
clock, the way from Sheine to Ledford ; . . . . Exceter 2,000, Tiverton 
1,000, Ferington 1,000, Dartmouth 500, Totnesse 1,000, Biddeford 500, 
OateHampton 200, Hatherley 200, Crediton 400, Huniton 500. 7th Sep- 
tember, (16) Ordered that notice bee given to both armies to march on 
Monday. 8th September, (17) Ordered that K[ing's] Army draw out 
to-morrow on the south side of the towne, and the Prince Maurice 
betweene Brent and this towne at that time. (18) All the Trayned 
Bands of Comewall to bee at Mount Edgcombe^ for the Assault of 
Plymouth by Wednesday next . . . 11th September, 

(19) Resolved not to fall in to-morrrow, to get provisions and the 
men to be sent for uppe." Also (20) The following dateless order, 
touching a negotiation for an exchange of prisoners : ^' Whereas it was 
ordered uppon the question at Westminster the 5th of August past, that 
they ddk approve of the exchange of Captain Barker, prisoner at 
Lambeth, for Captaine Hercules Huncks prisoner to his Majestic at 
Bel voir Castle, That Exchange is not at all agreed unto, not for many 
reasons thought equall, but if they will deliver and sett at liberty Adrian 
May, Esq., his Majesties servant now prisoner with them at Lambeth 
House, Uppon notice thereof speedy order shalbee given for the release 
of Captain Huncks out of Belvoir Castle, or if this will not bee accepted 
the said Captaine shalbee released for Colonell Thomas Bedinglyld, 
prisoner in Lyme, which if refused he must not expect any Exchange." 



Council of War at Tavistock. 

1644, September 5th, Tavistock. — Minutes (in the handwriting of 
Edward Walker esq., afterwards Sir Edward Walker knt.) of Orders 
** made at a Councell of War at Tavistock," running in these words, 
** It was then ordered that his highnesse Prince Maurice should send 
for for to repaire unto the Annie all such regiments in the County of 
Comewall, who are not now in the Armie, and likewise to place, 
where they were wanting, fittinge officers to command them, and 
to determayne and to settle any disputes that are about the com- 
mand of any the same regiments. It was farther ordered that his 
Highnesse should by his comissions authorise John Tavemer to be 
Provost Marshall G-enerall of the East Division of the County of 
Comewall and David Howes of the West, with power to apprehend 
all straglinge officers and souldiers of any of his Majesties Armies, 
and to bringe or send them to the Armies, and power of Marshall 
Law to execute some of them beinge wilfull, where they shallbe 
found, and for there assistance each of them to have 30 men out of the 
Sheriffes. — Likewise, his Highnese to make choyse of 2 filt pei'sons 
to bee Pi'ovost Marshalls of Devon agaynst to to-morrow, with the 



101 

same power. — It was then ordered that the Sheriffe Commissioners and 
Justices of the Peace of the County of Cornewall should cause 
•stronge watches and guards to bee placed in all the passes betweene 
Cornewall and Devon lo hinder the returne of stragUnge souldiers, 
^aud to have such guards order[ed] not to permitt any oflScer or 
eooldier to come into the county without a passe from his Greneittll or 
an officer of the field, nor any contreyman to come in without a passe 
from a Justice of the f eace, nor any who have brought provisions 
without a note under a Comissaries hands. These they and every of 
them are to put carefully in execution." 



Orders at Councils of War. 

[1644] September 19th to 29th, .r-On a worn and discoloured 
sheet of paper, Minutes of Orders made at Councils of War, to wit, 
** 19th September, (1) [of] Cornewall to send all shoees and stockinges 
with speed and to Mr. Bligh ; 2,O0Q payre of shoees divided between 
the two Armies, the rest to bee shod at Chard; cloathed then if 
possibly. (2) To march satterday to Huniton, and Sunday to Chard. 
(3) The Maior of Exeter to send half lo Sir Ja. Asteley to 
Collompton, to deliver the rest to Prince Maurice. (4) The Prince 
Maurice his Army satterday at St. Marie Auterie, the next day to 
Axmister, 3 to Crewkherne. (4) Sir Francis Doddington to have his 
Eeght (?) out of the Army to blocke Taunton. (6) Lord Hopton, 
Sir Jonn Berkeley, Mr. Holies, Lord Brislell, I^rd Digby, Sir 
Francis Doddington, GK)nerall Goreinge, to meet 4 this afternoone at 
Lord Bristell's Chamber about blockingeof Lyme and Taunton. The 
K[ing] at Chard, monday. (6) An Order to the Sheriffe and 
Conestables to apprehend all straglinge souldiers of the Kinges 
Army, to keepe alle of Essex Army to Bridge water or next garrison. 

(7) A Comission to take the accompts of Prince Maurice's army. 

(8) The Comissaries to bee sent unto, to make provisions for the 
Army at Chard and Huniton. (9) To speake to the Kingo about 
Lt. Colonell Nesbitt. (10) Jephsou and Gervaso sonnes taken at 
Basinge bee [ ] for Lorid Edward Stawell by the Grovernor, and to bee 
released for no other. — 24th of September, (11) The Comissaries to 
bee sent unto and to agree uppon such hundreds, whence provision 
may be sent for the supply of eyther armies, and the Comissaries of 
the Horse and T)[ragoon] Trayne, and to the Waggon-Master for the 
Trayne. (12) The Commyssaries of Somersett and Dorsett that are 
there at Exeter to attend heere. (18) An other letter about the 
imprested men. (14) That every Colonell shall keepe a booke of the 
imprest men and the parishes they are of, that so if they run away 
they may be sent for and punished. (15) The Quarter-Master 
Gencndl to quarter all Blagg's trein in the town ; and to lye all in 
houses .... where Blaggs is. (16) Sir Jo: Berkley to draw 
in all the gunsmiths of the countrey to ^x armes. (17) Lord (?) of 
Hayter co. Devon to be excused from all taxes, to levy and maynteyne 
one Begiment of 1,000 officers includell, still to maynteyne and 

. • on all occasions under the command of Sir Henry Carle, 
uppon the motion made to his Majestic by Sir H. Carle. (18) 300 
foote of that garrison at Exeter to lye at Huniton, and Sir John 
Berkeley to come and attend heere, and his Begiment of horse toward 
Colleton. (19) A letter to the Governor of Bridgwater, to make all 
expedition in blockinge uppe Taunton. (20) Beserve all the con- 
sideration of the quarteringe the horse untill the afternoone. 



102 

(21) The Quarter-Master Generall Lloyd to attend his Majestic 
about the quartering the Princes Trayne. (22) The King to 
have notes of the Quarters dayly from the Quarter- Master General!, 
and some to attend the King constantly on ordera [ ] an 
Adjutant-General and house provided, and 2 of our regiments there. 
28th September, (23) Prince Maurices Army to march on tuesday 
to Eversholt and therejibouts, the next day to Cerne Abby. (24) A 
Regiment of horse to be quartered at Bridport, and 120 musquetcers 
at Chiderooke, and the horse to keepe a guard at Chidestre. 

(25) The Kings Army on Monday to South Perrott or thereaboutes, 
on tuesday lo Mayden Newton, on Wednesday to Dorchester. 

(26) Letters to Greenvile to send away the Princes foote, to Wendham 
to advertise him of our march to proceed in the blocking of Taun- 
ton, — Colonell James Longe, Lt.-Coionell Richard 'Bowles, Major 
The : Lister of Horse. . ... 29th September : (27) To resume 
the debate of the proposition of Somersett and Devon at Dorchester 
on thursday morning." 



Council of War at Exeteb. 

[1644] September 19th, Exeter.— '* At a Councell of War at 
Exceter, the 19th September, his Majestie and his Councel! of War 
being present : It was ordered that the Enrle of Bristell, the Lord 
I^ighy, the Lord Hopton, Generall Goreinge, the Master of the Rolles, 
Sir John Berkeley, calling to them Sir Francis Dodington and such 
other gentlemen as they shall conceive fitt, should meet this afternoon e 
at 3 of the clocke at the Earle of BrLstcll's Chamber, and should then 
and there debate of and resolve, what force they conceive will bee 
sufficient to blocke uppe Lyme and Taunton, when his Majesties 
Army shalbee drawn out of these partes, uppon whose reportes his 
Majestic will give further direction therein." 



Council of War at Chard. 

1644, September 24th, Chard. — Minutes of Proceedings at a Council 
of War at Chard, running thus: **It was then ordered that Quarter- 
Master Generall Lloyd should speedily quarter all Colonell Blagg*8 
Train in the towne, so as they may lye in houses, and to place them in 
the lower roomes of any houses, where any persons whatsoever are 
quartered, except the King's and Prince's houses, and then to quarter 
all Colonel Lisles' Trein on the place where Colonel Blaggs Treiu is 
now quartered. — (2.) It was then ordered that the Comissnries 
Generall of the Kinges Trayne of Artilery and the Comissary 
Generall of Prince Maurices should meet to-mon-ow the 25th at 
Prince Maurices or the Lord Hopton's Quarters there to divide the 
hundred, out of which to send for carriadges for the avoydcing of 
future differences. — (3.) His Majestie was then gratiously pleased to 
declare his sense of the great service donne him by the Petitioner's 
husband and of his death for the same, and therefore he commanded 
mee to signify his expresse pleasure to the Honorable the Governor 
of the Citty of Exceter, and to the Commissioners for sequestrations, 
that they should with all care and expedition take into theire con- 
sideracion the condition of the Petiticioner with her request, and to 
settle some such course for her support, as they shall find to be« 
just and necessary, either out of the estate desired or by any other 
meanes. (4.) It was then ordered that the Commissaries Generall 



103 

of victuals of the horse, foote and Trayne of his Majesties Army, and 
the Comysssary of Prince Maurices Army should meet to-morrow 
morneinge the 25th at the Lord Generalls or Prince Maurices Quarter 
in this towne, and there to agree upon «nd divide the severall 
Hundreds of the Counties, that are to supply provisions for both 
armies, that so there may bee no mistakes or differences for the 
future." 



Colonel's Commission to Thomas Walker. 

1644, November 3rd, Oxford. — Commission, under the sign-manual 
(not autograph) of Charles the First, and subscribed by Sir Edward 
Walker : Appointing Thomas Walker to be Colone of a regiment of foot in 
the place of Sir Eichard Cholmeley deceased, who was appointed Colonel 
of the same regiment on the resignation of John Lord Pawlett, formerly 
Colonel of the same. The Commission opens with this preamble, 
'' Whereas a great and rebellious Ai*my hath bin raised against us under 
" the name of King and Parliament and under the command of Robert 
^' Devereux lateEarle of Essex which army hath not only in set battailes 
*^ endeavoured to take our life from us but the same and other forces 
** raysed by divers brayterous and seditious persons and cherished and 
maintayned by the disloyall and rebellious citty of London have 
** oomitted all the acts of outrage, robbery and murther upon our good 
'' subjects and doe still continue the same, thereby intending to alter 
'' and change the government of Church and State and to introduce 
*' anarchy, tyranny, and confusion, for prevention whereof and for the 
" defence of our own Royall Person and posterity, the lawes of the land, 
" the liberty and propriety of the subject, the Protestant religion and just 
" priviledges of Parliament, &c." — The sign-manual, not being in the 
King*s penmanship, may be presumed to have been placed on the 
parchment by some person or persons duly deputed and commissioned 
for that purpose. 



Cathebine Downe to QuEKN Henrietta Mabia. 

1644, November 26th, Brussels. " Madame, Je supply e tres humble- 
ment vostre Majeste de me pardonner si je prend la hardiese de luy 
escrire, mais j'y suis constraignt pour ma justification centre les 
mauvaises impretions que j'ay appris qu'on luy veut doner de moy et 
cest par une lettre de Mons. Sandys escrit a certaine persone en ceste 
ville, en la quelle il me menasse du desplaisir de vostre Majeste, 
qnelque chose Madame ay peu ou pouroit sugerer a vostre Majeste au 
contraire, 11 est trescertain que J'ay faict tout ce qui m'a este possible 
pour servir vcz Majestez en ce que Monsr. Sandys a requis de 
moy, toucliant les Armes quo Mr, Downe avoit achete (comme 
Vostre Majesta poura veoir par ceste copie de son obligation 
que je prend la liberte de vous presenter) quoy que d'abord j*ay trouve 
qu'il avoit grande aversion centre le diet Sandys, le croyant tele qu'il 
at experimente du depuis (homme de peu de promesse et fort 
dangereux en ces procedures), cest a ceste seulle cause et non autre, 
qu'on peut et doit imputer le mauvais succes de ceste important affaire, 
par le mauvais succes de ceste important affaire, par le mauvais 
menage duquel, en la personne du diet Mons^ Sandys, les Eebelles 
de voz Majestez ont eu leur dedrs, voz Majestez out este deservis 
et Mons' Downe est moi ruinez en la perte que nous avons fi&ict 



104 

d'enviroD de quarante mille livres tournois que par contract 
nous devoyent estre payez pour les dits Armes, que si apres 
tan des paines que le diet S^ Sandjs m'a donne ot pour une perte si 
notable je vien a reclamer du diet Sr. Sandys ce peu que par contract 
il me doit, j'espere que Vostre Majeste le trouvera raysonable, dont 
j'en supplie treshumblement vostre Majeste, comme I'unique moyen, 
qui me reste pour vivre, et le Gicl d*augmenter de jour en jour vostre 
Sante, donnant a voz Majestez racomplisement de tons cea desirs 
aynsi prie, Madame, de voetre Majeste la treshumble et tres obeisante 
;servante, Catherine Downe." 

l?BOCLAMATioN by Chakles I. to Hxs Abmies. 

1645, May 9th, Bridgnorth. — ^Rough Draft for ** A Proclamation 
^ by the Kinge, forbiddinge any the Officers or Souldiers of his Majesties 
■** armys to plunder, rob or oppress his Majesties subjects uppon payne 
^^ of death." Concluding with these words, to wit, *' And VVce doe 
*' farther signify and declare that, if any eyther officer [or] souldier [of] 
''*' our army shalbee taken after the publicacion hereof eyther plunderinge 
^^ or doeing any other such act to the prejudice of our people, Wee shall 
*^ cause all such to bee immediately put to death without mercy, to the 
" terror of others and the satisfaction of Justice and our owne conscience, 
^' and wee do farther straightly require and command all officers of 
"*' respective [ ] not to conceale or protect any such officers, 

^ but to brlnge [them] to justice as they will answere the same." 



Committee of both Kingdoms to The Co3£Mitte£ op Norwich. 

1645, June 20th, Derby House. — " Gentlemen, It haveing pleased 
God to give soe great successe and victory to the Army under comand 
-of Sir Thomas Fairfax as thereby to take of [f] your feares, and 
•remove that danger that for some tyme threatened your partes, and 
to put our affaires thereby into soe good and hopefull a posture as 
now they are, Wee doubt not but you are dayly («c) affected there 
with, and that all thankes will be given to the giver of all victoryes 
^by all those that have their shares in it. That the Army may be 
better enabled to prosecute this successe, and by the blessing of God 
to put a happy and desireable end to these sad distractions, our desire 
is that it may be compleated in numbers accoi*ding to the Ordinance, 
and that you doe forth^vith send up those recreuts that are behinde 
in your County according to our former letters, and to returne us a 
speedy answere of what you doe therein, that the Army may be put 
into a state fitt to doe the expected service.'' — Signed in the name 
and by the warrant of the Committee of both Kingdoms by " your very 
loveing friends. Manchester, Loudoun." 



Fboclamation for Payment of Horse Soldiers. 

\ ], August 1 1th, Lichfield. — Rough Draft for a Proclamation by 
the King, for the payment to every trooper or other horse-soldier in 
the King's service of 6cf. per night over and above free quarters ; the 
said 6cf. per night for every trooper to be required and had of the 
constable or tithing-man of the parish where the soldier is quartered^ 
and ** to bee disposed'* of for "the providing" of the horseman "with 
fittinge necessaries." 



105 



Commission to Jacob Lord Astelbt, Baron of Beading. 

[ ]y August 4th, Cardiff. — ^Bough Draft for a Commission, under 
tbe Sign Manual of Charles I., appointing Jacob Lord Astley, Baron 
of Beading and Major General of his Majesty's army, to be Marsbal 
G^eral and Commander of the counties of Monmouth, Glamorgan, 
Brecknock, Badnor, Carmarthen, Cardigan and Pembroke, and of all 
the forces raised or to be raised within the same counties, with full 
authority to move, order and marshal the same forces raised or to be 
raised within the same counties, and in so doing to ^' chase, pursue, kill 
and destroy as tray tors and rebells " all persons '' banded together and 
in arms within the said counties, against his Majesty's regal authority." 
N.B. — This Bough Draft of a Commission shows that Sir Jacob Astley 
gained his Barony before the date of the new Letters Patent for the 
same dignity, that were dated on 4th November 1664. The barony 
was one of the several peerages granted by Charles I. at Oxford. 



iNSTaucxiONS to Commissioners fob Becruiting thb King's Army 
IN Camarthbnshire. 

[ ]. — Paper of "Instructions unto our Commissioners' for 
*< levying and impresting of Souldiers in our County of Carmarthen 
** for the recrewting of our Army according to our Commission of the 
" date of these presents,** — a fair but dateless copy. Opening with this 
order, to wit, " First, for the persons whome you are to imprest for our 
** service, you shall make choyce — Of such as are of able bodyes, — Of 
" such as are for their quality fitt to be Common Souldiers, — Of such 
" as are fitt by the age betweene 20 and 60 yeares, — Of such as being 
" single are not housekeepers, — Of such as not being housekeepers are 
^ out of service rather than such as are in service. — Of such as are 
** Mechanicks rather then husbandmen," these Instructions close with 
an order, that "the meniall servants" of members, or assistants, or 
officers of the House of Lords or of the House of Commons, assembled 
at Oxford, ''shall not be Imprested without the consent of their 
Masters." 



Commission to Joseph Beoades. 

[ ], Newarke. — ^Draft for a Commission under the Sign Manual 
of Charles I. appointing Joseph Bhoades to be Muster-Master General 
of all the King's "forces of Horse, Foote and Dragoones raysed or to 
'' be raysed in his countyes of Nottingham, Lincolne, and Butland 
** under the command of ... . Sir Bichard Wyllis knt., 
" Commander-in-Ohiefe of those parts," the Muster-Master General so 
appointed being by the terms of the Commission enjoined to observe 
and obey all orders that he may from time to time " receive from Our 
Selfe, our dearest sonne Prince Charles, and his other superior 
officers." 



Commission to Lord Balph Hofton. 

[ ], September 20th, . — ^Bough Draft for a Commission, 

appointing Balph Lord Hopton ''to be Generall of the Ordnance and 
<< ArtiUery of our Army, now under the command of our &e, Patrick, 
<' Earle of Brentford and Forth, Lieut.-General of the same." — ^Also, a 



106 

fair but dateless draft of the principal and active clauses of a Commission, 
granted by Charles I., appointing the same Balph Lord Hopton *^ to bee 
** Generall of the Ordinance and Artillery of our Armyes throughout 
'' our Kingdome of England, Dominion of Wales and towne of Barwicke, 
<' under the command of our dearest sonno Charles, Prince of Great 
** Britaine, First Captaine Generall of all our Forces, raised or to bee 
" raised therein, and of our right deare and entirely beloved nephew 
^' Piince Bupert, Lieutenant Generall of all the said forces, . . . ." 

Council op War, 

[ ] September 12th. — Paper of Minutes, endorsed "Notes of 
Gouncells of Warr," so worn and discoloured that some of the brief 
memoranda are much less than perfectly legible. — *^ 12 September. — (1) 
The 1,600 imprested men of Somersett Shire to be brought to llchester, 
30 September. — (2) The posse of Devon East and North to appeare 
friday 20 September at Cullampton. — (3) 900 of the 2 impresse to appear 
at Hamton the 24 September. — (4) Ptn. for Gertrude Dennis of Orley 

widdow sister to Sir Greeante in Devon : no violence to bee — 

(5) Barnard Asteley to send .... to get the men imprested lately in 

— (6) William Blythe of Armington co. Devon, the 200/. debt ; 

send the . • . . Roberts, to require him to pay it immediately for his 
Majesties use. — (7) Letter to She : Cornewall taken with notice-order 
this day . . . • to have the prest men by Satterday next, receive 300 
pikes, to accommodate officers, to presse none of the posse there .... 

may be accomptable for parishes. — (8) Writ (?) to the Officers 

of the lief Guard to have and accommodation there and in every 

place till they come to the Army. — (9) Mareston neere Tavistocke. 
Lord Norton to come awav, Commander to quarter them neer Halberton 
Bampton. — (10) To speake with the Kinge about Lt. Col. Nesbitt.-— 
Also, on the same discoloured sheet, this Order," Mr. Walker is desired 
by Prince Charles to prepare proteccion for Mathew Edgcombe and 
Richard Edgcombe his soune of Tavistock which Highness himselfe will 
procure to be signed, — Jo : Asbaldston. 

John Cleveland, the Cavalier Poet, to The Committee op both 

Kingdoms. 

1646, March 31, Newark. — " Having received a paper subscribed by 
the Comittee of [both] Kingdoms, directed as to a Comittee Gover by 
putinge the Gent and Corporacion in equal commission with ma 
though the joyninge us together was with the intencion to devide us, I 
shall in answere thereof desire to reflect upon Kinges letter on the 23 of 
March sent to the two Houses of Parliament (which I received from 
your owne qrl) where in a full compliance with their desires upon the 
most gracious .condicions that ever Prince expounded, He ofEers to 
disband his forces and to dismantle his garrisons, to what end then doe 
you demand that if the steward whereof the Lord and Master make« a 
voluntarye tender I conceive it my dewtye to trace his commands not to 
out slip them, soe that though honor and conscience would permitt the 
deliverie yet fidelitye would retard it least his Majesties Act of Grace be 
frustrated by my over hastye speed I shall wave the arguments where- 
with you endeavour to evince my consent. I am neitheire to be stroaked 
into Apostacie by mencion of faire condicions mistic nation (?), nor to be 
frighted into dishonour by runinge devision upon the faite of Chester^* 
for tfs I doe not measure my alleagiance for the former, soe I doe disdaine 
that povertie of spirit as by resemblance of Chester to suffer by example. 



107 

I can be lojall without that copie, and I hoope the gaiiison sh^ll never 
be the transcript of tlieire calamitie. You may doe well to use your 
fortune modestlye, and thinke not that God Almightie doth applaud 
your cause by reason of your victories, or that he hath not blessinge in 
store tor ours. Whereas you urge the expence of the seidge and the 
presence of the Countrie in supportinge your charge theire since 
occasioned by your selves, I am not yet consemed in order to theire 
ease. If you will grant a passe for some gentleman to goe to the Kiuge 
and returne, I may then know his Majesties pleasure whether accordinge 
to his letter he will wind up the busines in generall or leave me to steai-e 
my owne course. Then I shall know what to determine. Otherwise I 
desire you to take notice, that when I received my commission for the 
government of this place, I annexed my life as a labell to my trust. 



IV. — Writings touching Charles II in Exile. 

Opening with a letter, dated from Rotterdam on 15th December 1648, 
from John Ball to H.H. Prince Rupert at '' Helfued^Sleuse," and closing 
with documents dated in 1659, touching the payment of the officers 
of regiments in the service of Charles II. in the closing term of 
his exile, this group of writings affords a welcome addition to our 
information respecting the movements, vicissitudes, and financial 
circumstances of the Prince and young King, from a date shortly before 
his father's death to the eve of the Restoration. 

(1) Letter, dated on 15th December 1648, from John Ball to 
H.H. Prince Rupert, in which the writer speaks of a report from 
Flushing, that eight regiments of the rebel army in England have 
declared for the City against Cromwell, and also refers to the discontent 
that has been caused by the recent pawning and reported sale of the 
Ordnance of the Antilope ; (2) Petition, dated at the Hague on 
29th December 1648, from certain creditors of H.R.H. the Duke 
of York there residing, to the Prince of Wales, praying the same 
Prince of Wales to take order for the payment of their claims, 
amounting to 14,065 livres, for goods furnished and delivered to the 
Duke of York in May, June, and July last past; (3) Letter, dated 
from the Haghe on 3 1st December 1648, from William Boswell to 
H.H. Prince Rupert at Helvoettscluse, in which the Prince is entreated 
to order his Commanders, that they cause neither harm nor hindrance to 
the ship Mary and Ann of Aldborough on her way to Amsterdam ; 
(4) Letter, dated from Hage on 26th January 1649, from Loi*d 
Craven to H.H. Prince Rupert, in which the writer says : " Heere they 
'' are dispaching away Paw that was at Munster and endeavour the 
** Kinges safetie ; but I rely more uppon the rhetorique of my Lord 
<^ Duke, Marquis Harford, Southampton, Lindsey, and Darell, that are 
<< allowed to appeare att the committee for the Kinge in justification of 
^< all his proceedinges and gouvernment since the beginning of his 
'^ raiue. But if that has not success, c'estfaU de luy I feare, considering 
<' what persons now rule the rost " ; (5) Letter, dated from the Haghe on 
17th March 1649, from Charles II. to Prince Rupert, under his Majesty's 
sign manual and signet, in behalf of Richard Foorde of Rotterdam, 
merchant, who has by his Majesty's '^ speciall desire lately freighted a 
" shipp, called the Fortune of Roterdam, with wheate, rye, strong 
<< waters and tobaccoe, and hath ordered the same to passe immediately 
/' into Ireland, under the charge of his agent Henry Prigg, who is to 
^. vent the said commodities in that kingdome " ; (6) Memorandum, 



108 

without* date, but penned bj Sir Edward Walker in 1649, described in 
the heading as '^A Perticular of what is owing hy his Majestic for 
" horsmeate, footmen and groomes cloaths, for mourning, for covering 
** of the coche, with other necessary bills belonginge to the staWe " ; 
(7) "A Perticular" in Sir Edward Walker's handwriting "of his 
" Highnes the Duke of Yorkes debts, which his Majestie stands 
" engaged for to pay '* ; (8) Order (without date but penned in 1649 
and signed by Robert Long) for the payment of 100 guelders, at his 
Majesty's command, to Colonel Waite ; (9) ReceFpt, without date, of 
Captain William Courtenay, for 4/. delivered to him by Captain Legge ; 
(10) Warrant, dated at the Eagh on 6th June 1649, under the sign 
manual and signet of Charles II., directing Sir Edward Walker to pay 
divers sums of money to divers persons, specified in an annexed 
schedule, that is especially deserving of attention ; (11) Letter, dated 
from Bruxelles on 23rd September 1649, from Timothy Paulden to his 
mother, Mrs. Susan Paulden, in which the writer says inter alia : " I 
" can give very little hopes of seing you in England in that condicion 
'* we was hoped for^ unles the busines of Ireland prosper, which we 
*' are confident is not so desperate, as our enemies report it. The 
*' King is safely arrived in Jersey ^here I beleeve he will stay, expecting 
" the issue cf Ireland"; (12) Letter, dated on some day of 1649 and 
addressed to Sir Edward Walker, touching the writer's petition to 
King in respect to '' the undue practice of one Mrs. Katherin Stamforte, 
widow to one Downes and now wife unto the Earl of Castlehaven,'* 
who during the writer's absence on important affairs wi'ongfuily caused 
certain of his goods to be sold, to his great injuiy; (13) Statement (1649) 
of the case of Mr. William Sandys against the same curious adventuress, 
who in the papers, touching her attempt to extort money from Queen 
Henrietta Maria, figures successively as Mrs. Katherine Stanforte, 
Mrs. Katherine Downes, and the wife of the Earl of Castlehaven ; 

(14) The same case ^1649) of Mr. William Sandys against the same 
lady, put into French for use in a court of law by a notary of Brussels ; 

(15) Three imperfect and most remarkable rough drafts (1660) in the 
handwriting of Mr. William Sandys, for a letter in which he designed 
to set forth his labour and charges in several journeys made in France, 
Holland, Germany, Muscovy, Scotland, and Norway, for the purpose of 
procuring money for the use of Cbarlcs the Second ; (15) Copy of the 
Memorial, dated on 19th March 1650, of " Thomas Elliot, esquire, 
** gentleman of the bedchamber of his Royal Majesty, the Kinge of 
** Great Brittaine, and espetially sent from his sayd Majesty the Kinge 
•* of Great Brittaine to his most illustrious Majesty John, the fourth of 
*' that name, King of Portugall"; (16) Humble and plaintive letter, 
without date but probably written in 1651, by the same Thomas 
Elyott, esq. to Charles the Second ; (17) Writ, dated from Paris on 
18th January 1651, under the Sign Manual of Queen Henrietta Maria^ 
certifying that a certain frigate j named Ze Soleil and now lying at Havre 
de Grace, belongs to her son King Charles II.; (18) Letter, dated 
from Paris on 27th April 1652, from Lord Gerard of Brandon, to 

who is advised by the writer to contrive to live in France as 

well as Holland and to appear more often before the King ; (19) Lettery 
dated from the Palais Eoyal in Paris on 12th September 1653, from 
Charles II. to the Earl of Glencairne, who is cordially thanked for his 
services by the writer, and is assured that ** Lieutenant-Generall 
^' Middlpton will make all possible hast to you himself, as soone as he 
** can procure any reasonable supplyes to carry with him " ; (20) Draft, 
dated at Bruges on loth December [1668 ?], in Sir Edward Walker's 
handwriting, for a letter to be prepared for the sign-manual of 



109 

Charles 11., beginning, '' Whereas our Begiment of Guards now 
*' quartered at Dixmeede is forthwith to passe muster and accordingly 
'* enter our pay, . . ." ; (21) Memoranda, penned at Bruxelles on 
four half -sheets of .letter-paper by Sir Edward Walker, respecting the 
petty sums, due to him by way of allowances on Commissions, from 
Lord Taafe and other officers of the troops maintained by Charles IT., 
during his exile; (22.) Rough Draft in Sir Edward Walker's hand- 
writing, dated at Bruxelles on 24th March 165|, of a letter to be 
prepared for the sign-manual of Charles II., to confirm to Sir Edward 
the grant, rofule to him by the King's order on 15th February 1658, for his 
support in His Majesty's service of, ^^ 4 rations dayly out of the 50 rations 
" allowed for Beformed Officers in eveiy regiment in our service, except 
*• our regiment of Guards " ; (23) Letters under the Sign Manual of 
Charles II., dated at Bruxelles on. 18th March 1659, requiring Colonel 
William Taafe, the Colonel of the Duke of Gloucester's regiment, to 
deduct 108 patacoons and 20 styvers out of the first '' liberance " or 
month*s pay by him received for himself and all the officers and soldiers 
of his said regiment, and to pay the same 108 patacoons and 20 styvers 
to Sir Edward Walker in accordance with a concession made to him 
some two years since, and also, in accordance with a certain order made 
His Majesty on 15th February 1658, to the same Sir Edward Walker 
often patacons out of every month's liberance ; (24) Ordinance^ dated at 
Bruxelles on 20th July 1659, for the adequate provision and payment 
of Sir John Knight, Master-Surgeon of the six regiments of soldiers, 
in the service of King Chaples the Second ; (25) Memorandum, not 
dated, in the handwriting of Sir Edward, certifying that, in accordance 
with an order made by H.R.H. the Duke of Gloucester, the said Sir 
Edward is content to receive out of tlio next liberance the sum of 
36 patacoons in lieu and full satisfaction of the four rations daily, to which 
he was entitled under his Majesty's order, "out of the 50 pays 
graunted for Reformed Officers." 



John Ball to H.H. Pkincb Rupert. 

1648, December 15th, Rotterdam. — "May it please your Highenes, 
According to youre commands I noe sooner came to Rotterdame, but I 
went and delivered your letter unto Monseure de Reusse, whoe haith 
promised that all your provisions shalbe shipt from hence to-mon'owe. 
Conceminge the porcke he tells me that he dothe not thinke there can 
be soe great a quantity provided suddenly but .... haith sent about it 
already, but yet he demands howo he shalbe paed : for the poorke will 
amount (as lie sayth) unto 4,000^. at the rate of 4 stivers per pound: 
he haith not as yet provided any sherees (? shirts) nor apparell for 
your men, and the reasoa he saith he haith noe order aboute it, but 
dothe expecte to receave it when Sir Frances Dorrington shall returne 
from the Haye. The pawninge of the Antilops Ordinans dothe give 
greate distast not only to the merchants, but alsoe to the gentelmen 
that are heero, they being informed some day that they are sould. 
Mounseur De Reuse tells me he dothe not thinke he shall gett above 
30y?. per cent, for the Ordinance, yet the Englishe doe informe mo that 
[they] are worth 7/. 10*. per cent. If I can finde any way to secure 
them from being sould, I shall doe it. Heere is newes that there is 
greate division in the Rebells army in England, 8 regiments being in 
opposition against 6 regiments, "who have declared for the citty against 
Cromwell : it comes from Flushinge, but I can not learne any certainty 
of ;t. Sir Francis Dorrington wilbo heero to-morrow, and Sir John 



110 

Minnes lies sick at Sleysdam (?). Captain Allen f«lls me that he can 
procure porke 3 stivers the pound, only this weather will hinder it from 
taking. . . . • To-morrow I will speake with Monsieur de Reuse 
again about your buisnes, and then I shalbe able further to give you an 
accompt of all thinges. .,..'' This letter, so frayed and defaced 
as to be illegible at* the places indicated by the dots^ is addressed to 
Prince Rupert at " Helfuedsleuse." , 

H.R.H. THE Duke op York's Debts at the Hague. 

1648, December 29th, The Hague.— Petition to H.R.H. the Prince 
of Wales by Isaac Van Lier, Antoine Mottieu, Josias de Vigne^ and the 
widow of the late Jean Herwy, merchants residing at La Heye: 
Praying the said Prince of Wales to take order for the prompt payment 
of their respective claims, amounting to 14,065 livres, for goods furnished 
and delivered to H.R.H. the Duke of York in the months of May, June 
and July. At the foot of the petition appears the following beautifully 
written memorandum of the Prince of Wales's promise to satisfy the 
claims of tiie petitioners with all possible promptitude, to wit, — 
" A La Haye le 29 de Decembre, 1648. Son Altesse Royalle a 
" oonsider6 cette supplication, et estime les debts de son fr^re Le Due 
^* d' Yorke comme les siennes propres, et declare, qu'il sefForcera a donner 
** juste satisfaction aux Suppliants avec autant promptitude que ses 
^< affaires le pourront permettre • . . . Rob : Long." 

William Boswell to H.ll. Prince Rupert. 

1 648, December 31st, Hague. " May i t please your Highnes prepareth 
speedily for sea. I take leave to beseech your Highnes to take the. . . . 
heer inclosed into your favour .... commend it so unto the 
Commanders under your Highnes, as that the shippe therein named 
(the Mary and Ann of Alborough) may receive noe damage or hindrance 
by them, in her way to Amdam (sic), whether shee is bound. It con- 
cernes especially a very great friend of mine there, evermore a most 
faithfuU and ready servant of His Majestic. Your Highnes shall heerby 
honour and oblige whom you shall always command . . . [P.S.] I 
have bin tyed to my bed and chambre this month, which hath kept mee 
from wayting upon your Highnes, which I doe most humbly pray may be 
excused upon my indisposition." 

Addressed to Prince Rupert " at Helvoettscluse." 



Lord Craven to H.H. Prince Rupert. 

1649, January 26th, Hague. — ** Sir. Your Highnesses commands 
shalbee punctualiio obeyed by me : and if I were at the same condition as 
[ ] Alexander Blak could have a cittie erected for to lodge him 

in, att least hee shall now bee as carefully looked unto untill your 
Highness bee pleased to command him agayne and that [ ] 

and what 1 have besides in my power shalbee att your service, 
unless your brother Prince Edward in the meane time disfournish me 
nowithat hee has taken an imploy (?) of horse under the Prince of 
Conte (?) and Monsieur de Longeville who are all the heads of the 
Parisiens, and will certainlie come all before you, if the Queene does not 
accept the offer they now make unto her, her armies having alreadie 
abandoned the post of Charington, which makes the way [to] Orleans 



Ill 

and the [ ] to be open. Heere they are disi>aching avr^ Paw that 
waa alt Munster and endeavour the Kinges safeiie: but Irely more 
uppon the rhetorique of my Lord Duke, Marquis Harford, Southampton, 
Lindsey and Darell that are allowed to appeare att the committee for 
the Kinge in justification of all his proceedinges and gouvernement since 
the beginninge of his raine. But if that has not success, c'est fait de lay 
I feare, considering what persons now rule the rost. Yett God per- 
chance may direct you and doe that which wee doe not deserve, and 
make us happey in the re-establishment of the Kinge and his, which 
truly has ever bin and is the prayer of him, who ever has had all the 
doutie that may bee in his heart for the Kinge, and shall alwaies continue 
itt because alsoe in his interest yours is soe much concerned to whom 
I am with all the seale that may bee ever devoted and with all obedience 
y'our Highnesses most dutifull and most obliged servant." 

Holograph : so frayed and decayed as to be illegible at the points 
indicated by brackets in the foregoing transcript. 

Chaslks the Skcomd to H.H. Pbincb Rupert. 

16*9, March 17th, The Hague. — " Charles R. Right deare and right 
intirely beloved cousin, We greet you well. Whereas our trusty and wel- 
beloved Richard Foorde of Roterdam^ Marchant, hath, by our special! desire, 
lately freighted a shipp from hence, called the Fortune . of Roterdam 
with wheate, rye, strong waters, and tobaccoe, and hath ordered the 
same to passe immediately into Irland, under the charge of his Agent 
Henry Prigg («c), who is to vent the said commodities in that Kingdome, 
being sucli as we conceive are wanting there ; and to make his returne 
in marchandizo and commodities from thence, or otherwise, as he shall 
think fitt : And for as much as the said Richard Foord hath assured us^ 
whatsoever gx>ods shall be delivered to the said Henry Prlggs («tc), by 
your Order, that he will pay the valew thereof in money to us heere, 
upon bills of Exchange from the said Prigg {sic\ according to such 
rates and prices, as shall be agreed upon, Wee intreate you therefore, in 
the first place, to supply us with as much money as you may, for the 
reliefe of our great and pressing necessities heere ; and to deliver the 
goods in kind to the said Henry Prigg, at reasonable prices, taking bills 
of Exchange from him upon the said Richard Foord : who will carefully 
pay the money to us heere. And whereas the said Richard Foord, 
being a person of knowen good affection to us, and one who hath 
suffered much for his loyalty to the King our late father of blessed 
memory, hath informed us that a shipp called the Henry of Dartmouth, 
belonging to him and his brother, (and whereof John Stafford was 
Master) was lately taken at sea, in her returne from the Canaries, by one 
Captain Peach, and carried into the port of Wexford in the Kingdome 
of Ireland : We being very desirous to gratifie the said Ricliard Foord 
by me[anes] in our power, as one that hath deserved extremely well of 
us, doe recommend him very earnestly to you ; that, if the said Captain 
Peach have authority from you, or be under your command, all favour 
be shewed to the said Richard Foord concerning his shipp, and goods, 
taken as aforesaid. Given under our signet, at the Haghe, the 17tli 
day of March 1649, And in the first year of our Reigne." 

Note of Charles the Second's Debts fob Horsemeat, &c. 

[1649]. A Particular of what is owing by his Majesty for horsemeat 
footmen's and grooms' clothes, for mourning, covering the coach, with 



112 

other necessary bills belougingc to the stable. A single sheet, endorsed 
'*The Stable Accompts," in Sir Edward Walker's handwriting. No 
date. 



Note op certain op the Duke op York's Debts. 

[1649]. A Particular of his Highness the Duke of York's debts, 
which his Majesty stands engaged for to pay. A Schedule in Sir 
Edward Walker's handwriting. No date. 



Order for a Payment. 

[1649]. Order for the payment of 100 guilders, at his Majesty's 
command, ''to this gentleman. Col. Waite," — signed, Robert Long. 
No date. 



Receipt for a Payment. 

[1649]. Receipt of Captain William Courteney for 4Z, delivered to 
him by Captain Legge. Signed — William Coartenay ; and endorsed by 
Sir Edward Walker, " Capt. Courtenay's receipt for fower pounds out 
of the 500/., delivered mee by Capt. Legge." No date. 



List of Charles thk Second^s Principal Debts. 

[1649, June ]. A Particular of his Majesty's Debts. A list on a 
single sheet of paper, containing the principal items, set out in the 
bcliedule, annexed to a letter under Charles the Second's sign-manual, 
and addressed to Sir Edward Walker under date '< 1 649, June 6th, 
The Hagh." 



KiNQ Charles the Second to Sir Edward Walker Knt., 
Clerk of the Council. 

1649, June 6th, The Hagh.— " Charles R Our will and pleasure is 
that out of such moneys as you shall receive that you immediately 
pay to the severall persons specified in the annexed schedule the 
severall sammes sett on theire names respectively and for your so 
doeing theise shalbee your sufficient Warrant. Given under oure 
Signe Manuall at the Hagh this sixt day of June 1649." 

The annexed schedule runs thus : — 

" Chailes R. Grs. s. d. 
" To Richard Roades and William Armorer our 

Equerries to provide coach horses, sumpter 

horses, saddles, &c. - - - - ],680 00 

To the Graver for fower scales - - . 0,165 00 

For casting the great scale by estimate - - 1,(X)0 00 

To Captain Cook sent to Mr. Denham - - 0,250 00 
To Lieut.-Colonell Dik for his jorney to 

Sweaden - . - . . 0,500 00 

To Mr. Henry Seymour - - - 0,500 00 
To Mr. Bacon for the charges of the baggage 

by sea - - - - - 0,300 00 



113 

Grs. s. d. 

To Sir Edward Walker - - - 0,500 00 

To the Lord Gerrard - - - 2,000 00 

To the Earle of Cleveland - - - 1,000 00 

To Sir Marmaduke Langdale - - - 0,500 00 

To ColoneU Culpeper - - - - 0,300 00 

To Major Jackson ... - 0,300 00 

To Captain Lendall - - - - - 0,400 00 

To Mr. Read ' - " - - -' - 0,200 00 

To Major Rowley - • . - - 0,200 00 

To Mr. Paramore - " - - ' - 0,200 00 

To Mr. Tredewey - - - - - 0,200 00 

To remoove his Majesties liunen and plate - 0,100 00 

To Colonel Gee " - - - - 0,200 00 

ToCutbert Ordesumpterman ' - - 0,084 00 

To the Coachman's man - - - 0,054 00 

To Colonell Hamilton - - - 0,200 00 

To Mr. Jackson - - - - 0,300 00 

To Mr. Herbert Price - - - 0,500 00 

To Sir Henry Manwaring - - - 0,300 00 

To Captain Cowell - - - - 0,300 00 

To Captain Yonger - - - - 0,100 00 

To Captain Mohun - - - - 0,050 00 

To Captain Lee - - - - 0,100 00 

To Captain Fawcett - - - 0,200 00 

To the Mariners of the Antilop - - 0,100 00 

To Mr. Brissenden - - - 0,380 00 

The Lord Hoptons debts - - - 6,106 08 

To a coachmaker .... 0,138 00 

To a poore man at Hetforsluce for his ship - 0,350 00 

To the apothecary .... 0,506 00 

To the two chirurgeons - - - 0,400 00 

To Jnmes Jacke .... 0,487 00 

To Mr. Eedes ... . 1,099 00 

To Sir Thomas Glemham - - - 2,000 00 

To Sir William Vavasor - - - 2,000 00 

To Captain Griffith - - - 1,546 00 

To Sir Robert Stone - - - 1,100 00 

To Mr. Goddard .... 1,000 00 

To Lieut.-Colonell Jones - - - 100 00 



29,900 0* 



Each item of this interesting schedale of moneys to be paid is ticked 
with " pd." At the foot of the account appears the following memoran- 
dum in Sir Edward Walker's handwriting : — 

Grs. 
"Received ... - 30,000 

Totall . - - . 29,900 

Remayne - - - - 100" 



a 88428. 



114 

The paper also exhibits the following list of additional payments 
made by Sir Edward Walker out of the sum of 500 Grs. assigned to 
the estimated charges for making the Great Seal. 

" Out of the 500 Grs. designed for the Great Seale :— 





Grs. 8. 


d. 


To 4 seamens wives . - • 


. 0,020 00 





To Dr. Wiiitacre - - • 


- 0,200 00 





To Colonel Wayte - 


- 0,100 00 





To Captain Newby - • - 


- 0,010 00 





To Midleton's wife 


. 0,010 00 





To Captain Briscoe - 


- 0,020 00 





To 2 poore women 


. 0,010 00 





To Mr. Killinghall 


. 0,010 00 





To Major Payne - - . 


- 0,030 00 





To Captain Jennys - - - 


- 0,020 00 





To The. Woococke and H. Browne - 


- 0,010 00 





To Mr. Forster and Andrewes 


. 0,010 00 


0" 



As each of these additional items of Sir Edward Walker's disburse- 
ments is «* ticked" with "pd" it follows that 450 of the 500 guilders, 
assigned to the charges for making the Great Seal, were paid away for 
other purposes by the Clerk of the Council. 

Further evidence touching the payments is afforded by the five 
leaves of acknowledgments on the three successive days of 7th, 8th, and 
9th of June jnade by the payees, preserved in the Hodgkin MSS., each 
receipt being perfected with the recipient's signature by name or mark. 
Of these receipts the following are in some degi'eo desei*ving of 
attention : — 

(a.) Beceived by raee Lieut. -Colonell Wm. Dick of Sir Edward 
Walker, the somme of 500 grs. for his jorney to Sweaden by his 
Majesties appointment. — William Dick. 

(b.) Received by mee Sir William Vavasor of Sir Edward Walker the 
somme of 2,000 grs. in part of 3,000, by his Majesties order. — Will. 
Vavasour. 

(c.) Received by mee John Tredewey in part payment of 6,106 grs., 
for Sir M. Langdale 500 grs., and for myself 200 grs. of Sir Edward 
Walker by his Majesties order. — John Trethewy. 

(e.) Received by mee James Potley for the use of My Master Sir 
Thomas Glemham in part of 3,368 grs. the somme of 2,000 grs. of 
Sir Edward Walker by his Majesties order.^James Pottle. 

{/,) Received by me Tsabell Brissenden for my husband's Enter teyn- 
ment as Commissary and Pui-ser in the Navy of Sir Edward Walker by 
his Majesties order the somme of 38Q grs« — Isabell Brissenden. 

{g.) Received by mee Mr. Chase his Majesty's apothecary of Sir 
Edward Walker, by his Majesty's order, 0,506 grs. — J, Chase. 

(A.) Received by us Richard Pyle and Richard Wiseman his 
Majesties chirurgeons from Sir Edward Walker by his Majesties order 
400 grs. — Rich. Pile, Rich. Wiseman. 

(f .) Received by mee Tho. Chiffinch for to defray all charges for the 
Gi*eat Seale a cap and^cabbinett for his Majestic of Sir Edward Walker 
by his Majesties order, 500 grs. — Tho. Chiffinch. 

(A.) Received by me Dr. Whitacre from Sir. Edward Walker by his 
Majesties order, 200 grs. — Tobias Whitaker. 

(/.) Received by mee Walter Strickland of Sir E. W. for the use of 
Captaine Moone, 50 gri. — ^Wat. Strickland. 



115 



Captain Timothy Paulden to his Mother, Mrs. Susan Paulden. 

1649, September 23rd, N.S., Brussels.— " Dear Mother. I have 
sent many letters but never received any from you, but one from my 
father, and one from Greg :, which I much wonder at, unles they have 
miscarried. In my father's you desired to know of my health, which 
has continued resonable well (God be praised) and my arme grows 
stronger^ only I have lost most of my heire of my heady which I thinke 
was occasioned by my sicknes, I was scarce recovered on when I left 
England^ but it now begins to grow againe. I can give you very litle 
hopes of seing you in England in that condicion we was hoped for, unles 
the busines of Ireland prosper, which wee are confident is not so 
desperate, i\s our enemies report it. The King is safely arrived in 
Jersey where I beleeve he will stay, expecting the issue of Ireland. 
My Lord Mountrosses designe for Scotland goes on, with whom I had 
thought to have gone, but that Collonell Gilbee is raysing a regiment 
under the Duke of Loraine, and wee ar in hopes to get some imploy- 
ment under him (if it goe on), the certainte whereof you shall know in 
my next. I am sorry to heare of the unfortunate death of Morris and 
Blackburne, and of Mrs. Morris being distracted. I desire to know 
whether Captain Clayton ha\e paid the money or not. If he have I 
desire we may have it if possible, for that money wee brought over with 
us is allmost spent, our lying so long at sea being exceeding chargeable, 
and traveling after the Court, before we could possiblely resolve of setling 
ourselves, else the place we are now in is as cheap as England. I pray 
remember me kindly to my sister Susan and very many thanks for her 
care and paines with me in my extremitie, which at this time is all the 
acknowledgement I can make ; my love to Greg : Mai : my Cooz Gas- 
coigne and all with you, to all my freinds at Newhall. Thus ' beging 
my Fathers and your blessings and prayers I rest Your dutifull son 
Rob. Jackson." 

An endorsement of this letter runs thus.—-" This of Captain Timothy 
" Paulden (under a borrowed name, was given me by his aged sister 
" 1710. He was slain at Wiggin ;" — a distinctly inaccurate endorse- 
ment, the fight at Wigan having been an incident of August 1648, some 
thirteen months prior to the date of the letter. Captain Timothy 
Paulden was the author of MS. History of the Third Siege of Ponte- 
fract Castle, (Clarendon State Papers : 2978, Bodleian Library). The 
words of the letter, here printed in italics, are underscored in the docu- 
ment ; but it may be questioned whether the words were underlined by 
the writer of the epistle. 



WiLUAM Sandys to Sir Edward Walker. 

1649 [ ]. — " Sir, I am informed by my Lord Jarrett {sic), 
that uppon the delivery of a petition in my name unto his Majestye, 
Our Master hath been pleased to referre the prayer of the petition unto 
Mr. Secretary Nicolas your selfe and Mr. Heath Sollictor-Generall. My 
petition, which I have not scene, is I presume to this purpose, that, there 
being household stuff and other goodes sold of mine by tike undue 
practice of one Mris. Katherin Stamforte, widow to one Downes and 
now wife unto the Earl of Castelhaven, the which goods having cost 
me above 6,000 Grs. were sold for 1,325 Grs. or thereabout uppon a 
pretense, in my absence from Bruxells on his Majesties aifayres^ that 
the goodes were perishable goodes " 

H 2 



116 

Statement of the Case op William Sandys. 

1649. [ ]. Written by Mr. William Sandys for the 

instruction of his lawyer at Bruxelles, this prolix and carefully 
constructed paper contains in its closing section these words, ''Now 
** upon the whole matter you are to obserTO, that my Bill and 
** Obligation under my own hand was dated the 9th of October, 
" 1643 ; and whereas she alledgeth that she hath don her part in 
^' disposeing Mr. Downes her husband .... yet the hath by undue 
" practices surreptitiously obtained the sale of my goods, and levying, 
** the same money es ; whereby not onely I, but the honour of the King's 
'* (my Master's) service hath been affronted and greivously damaged, 
*^ and by a persone of whome J [have] known not to have reparation, 
** having neither goods nor house, but only a sojourner with her 
** mother, who keepes an Ordinary of 12 stivers a meale, and lodging at 
** 3 stivers the night. Observe that there ought to be security before 
" proces be commenced; especially before selling of my goods, when as 
'' it appeal's I demand a 1,000 gulders of them. Next consider that what 
*^ I have don is but ministerially for the King, and concernes mee no 
'* otherwise ; as by a letter from the Queene to Marquis Castle Roderigo 
** may appeare ; " the Queen, lo whom reference is made, being Henrietta 
Maria, who was personally concerned in the negotiations for obtaining 
possession of the arms which the impostor Downes pretended to be 
selling to Charles I. of Great Britain. From this statement of William 
Sandys's case by his own hand it also appears that, before offering the 
arms (which he had no authority to sell) to Henrietta Maria's servant 
Sandys, Downes had on 14th September contracted to sell the same 
arms to Sir Henry De Vic. Consequently it appears that the impostor 
Downes made no less than three several sham contracts for selling the 
arms, which belonged to his employers, Messrs. Hill and Pannoyer. It 
also appears that, when Downes contracted to deliver the arms to 
Mr. Sandys at Dunkirk, they were not even in the custody of the scamp, 
**as they ^^ele under seazure by the Finances, for being offered to be 
transported by Downes without licence." 

Case op William Sandys in French. 
1649, Drawn by a notary of Brussels, this statement of 

William Sandys' case runs thus: — ** Le 29°'« du moy de Septembre, 
1643, Alexandre Downes accord&st avec Monsieur Sandys de luy 
delivrer au sus dit Mr. Sandys au Dunquirke, pour le service de sa 
Majestic de tres-heureuso memoire, 5320 mousquets, 445 paires de 
pistolettes avec leurs fourreaux, 360 carabines avec leur ceinctures, 
500 piques, 180 d'armes de corps pour les Cuirassiers, et 500 pour les 
Gens de pied. Les quelles en toutes il avoit prisees a 50,000 guld : et 
d'estre payez en divers jours du payment. Par le quel accord le Roy 
pouroit estre servis avec les dites Armes, done demeurantes a Dun- 
quirke, et tout prestes d'estre transpprtees pour le service sus dit, les 
quelles estoient preparees centre luy pour le Parliament. Le mesme 
•contract estoit d'avantage confirme par Downes par seconde subscrip- 
tion le 9°*® d'Octobre 1643 : sur la quelle Mr. Sandys qui avoit promis 
A Madame Stamfort (a present la femme du dit Downes) que si Mr. 
Downes perform&st son contract, donner a elle 1000 guld : pour sa 
negotiation avec le dit Downes, en avan9ant le service du Roy, condi- 
tionast aussy de luy procurer de sa 'Majestic Charles le pieniier une 
pension annuelle de 400 guld : durante sa vie. Done immediatement 
apres la derniere soubscription du dit Downes le 19°*« d'Octobre, elle 
importunast d'avoir le lOOO guld, et aussy de luy donner un billet pour 



117 

la Pension Annnelle de 400 gnld: qui aussj etayt faict par le dit 
Sandys sur le fidell promis de Tun et de I'autre de performer le contract. 
Mais en cas do manquer, le 1000 guld avec le Billet du promis d'estre 
tons deux retoornez : ainsi confiant en I'honeste do I'un et de Pautre, le 
dit Sandys pay&st a elle le 1000 guld : et aussy a luy donnast uu Billet 
du promis escrit, de procurer du Eoy la dite Pension annuelle pour 
terme de sa vie. Mais peu de temps apres le mesme receipt Downes 
nia a Mr. Sandys de proceder plus en avant an contract : et sc defiant 
de I'accord avec Mr. Sandys vendit les dites Armes a un certain 
Marchand d'Anvers nomme Justine Colomore en Novembre 1643, pour 
nouvelles conditions et luy mesme plus advantagieuse. Sur le quel Mr. 
Sandys demanddst son argent qu'il avoitayance, etle Billet de quatre cents 
guld : per annum, d'estre retonrne par !MadamStamfort ; qu'elle luy promit 
redonnertous deux, en cas Mr. Downes ne performerapos ees conditions sur 
mentionneez. Quand Mr. Colomore vint a Dunquirke au commencement 
du Jan. 1644, recevoir les dites Armes, premierement vendus a Sandys 
comme les Armes de Duwnes : et apres par le dit Downes au Colomore : 
luy le dit Colomore trouvd^st ces Armes arrestees par Ordre de Mr. Hil 
et Mr. Pannoyer marchands de Londre, qui avoient imployez le dit 
Downes comme leur Facteur acheter les dites Armes avec leur Argent 
et pour leur usage : et que nullement elles appartenoint a Downes. Le 
quel est manifesto par un Proces commence au noms des dits marchands 
par quel ils ont recouvrez leurs Ai'mes par le jugement de le courte a 
Dunquirke, et les mesmes Armes estoyent employees contre le Hoy par 
le Parliament, au quel elles estoient delivrees. Pour quoy le dit Sandys 
aiant souventes fois demande de Madame Downes les JOOO gulders en 
I'annee 1644. Au moy de Septembre de le mesme annee, le dit Sandys 
receut Order de sa Majestie pour attendre la Raine sa Femine en 
France: Qaand Madam Downes saisante cette occasion d'arrester au 
Bruxelles quelques Biens de meoubles, et des Habits a sa femme, et luy 
appartenants de bonne valeur, qui estoient laissez a Bruxelles au 
Monastere Angloise : et pour cet fin seulement pour satisfaire le promis 
en procurant la Pension annuelle de 400 guld : Ce qui estoit fait a 
propos de prevenir le dit Sandys en pours uivant le 1000 guld : et pour 
faire le dit Sandys faire un accord de composition avec elle. Au moy 
de Juillet 1647 Mr. Sandys examinllst ses tesmoins et par sa requeste 
demanda au Counceil secret, que Madame Downes pouroit estre 
ordonne produire sa Procuration par la quelle elle estant Femme pent 
common cer un Proces, et aussy mettre suffisante seurete d'estre 
responsible pour tout le dammage que le dit Sandys avoit, ou pouroit 
avoir a cause d'elle, en le Proses injuste, et I'arrest de ses Biens, Et 
encore pour ces demandes contre elle pour le 1000 guld : par quel elle 
estoit ordonnee mettre en seurete, et produire sa Procuration cc qui 
n'estoit pas fait. £t d'autant que depuis Juliette 1647 Madame Downes 
n'a procedee pas en sa Proces, ny le dit Sandys inquiete ou importun^, 
Mr. Downes ayant souventes fois desire que la Cause seroit rapportee a 
quelques amis le quel estoit mesprise par Sandys : le dit Dowues offert 
d'avoir quitte son Arrest et proces, si le dit Sandys veuloit avoir donn6 
a Madame Downes quelque peu d'argent pour ses despenz, le quel estoit 
aussy mesprise par Mr. Sandys. Neantmoins il n'estoit pas quelque 
advancement en le Proces, ny a Tune partie ny a Tautre. 

^'Mais au moy Septembre 1649 Madame Downes trouvant le dit 
Sandys d'estre employe en quelques affaires d'importance en Almaigne, 
elle prise I'opportunite d'abuser la Conceil, en disant que les Biens 
seroient peris et pour cela d'estre vendus a prevenir d'estre gaster, 
quand le dit Sandys estoit hors du pays: et avec le meame argent 
continuer le Proces contre luy, et par ce moyen elle obtint de les vendre. 



118 

Sur quel, il estoit une Petition presentee au Coneeil en Tafattence de 
Sandys, pour demander le temps de deux mojs j usque a son ret our, la 
quelle estoit octrojee et insinuee a Madame Downes avant la vendition 
et non obstant elle la dite Madame Downes yenda les Biens deux jours 
apres. 

<^0n pent aussj observer que Madame Downes n'a pas mise en 
seurete quil falloit pour respondre a la Daumage en vendante les Biena, 
et aussj devant la vendition. 

" Et que la dite Madame Downes failloit d'avoir insinuee tous ses 
Ordres et appostiles a Mr. Maurisson le Frocureur du dit Sandys, le 
quel elle connue bien d'estre son Frocureur, neantmoins il nestoit pas 
fait que Madame Downes vendue les Biens sans quelque insinuation du 
t^mps a aucune personne, qui estoit employee par Sandys en ses affaires ; 
tellement qu'il n'estoit par la aucun pour escrire pour Mr. Sandys le 
pr5x des choses vendues, ou observer que droit seroit fait. 

^^ Que le Counceil ordonnera les Biens d'estre retoumez depuis que 
ils estoient vendue pour le terme de six sepmaines : et que 1' argent 
n'estoit pas receu : qu'elle pent en 24 heures mettre en seurete, a 
repondre a tous les dammages et demandes du dit Sandys ; ou autre- 
ment le dit Sandys d'estre decharge de ses pretextes, et qu'elle pent 
estre en garde jusques a ce seurete sera donnee; et qu'elle ne pent pns 
lever Targent par quelque seurete qu'elle soit. 

" Que cet affront en vendant les Biens du dit Sandys, qui n'est pas 
autrement concern^ qui (sic) comme un ministre de sa Majestie pent 
estre vindicate, qu'il ne sera pas besoin pour sa Majestie de la presenter 
a I'Arcbduc pour reparation. 

" II pent estre considere, en cas que Sandys n'est pas deebarge par 
breche du Contract a la partie de Madame Downes : et qu'aussy il n'ait 
pas quelque consideration que se soit pour le 1000 guld et Fension 
annuelle, laquelle la loy et Pequite requierent, puisquo le Roy est mort 
qui devoit octroyer la Pension, et devant que la sentence fust passee 
centre Sandys ; si Sandys n'est pas quitte et descharg6 de toutes obliga- 
tions, en cas quMl seroit obligatoire, et en telle condition que tout ne 
fust pas que pure firaude et tromperie. 

" Et pour cela Mr. Sandys, &c." 

Willi Alt Sandys's Journeting and Labour in Charles the 
Second's Service. 

1650. — Tbree rougb drafts, in tbe handwriting of William Sandys, 
for a letter in which he designed to set forth his labour and 
charges in several journeys about France, Holland, Germany, 
Muscovy, Scotland and Norway, in the exiled King's interests, 
and to impress on his correspondent (probably Sir Edward Walker) 
how zealously and honourably, albeit inefiectually, he had acted 
in those journeys for his Majesty's advantage. ^' Upon my em- 
" ployment for procuring money for his Majestye," says the writer, 
** I have only received as foUoweth. That my endeavours had no 
^' greater effect was occasioned through the greate change of his 
'< Majesty's affayrs, which were prosperous at the graunting of my 
^^ commission, which was about the middle of August 1649, are now so 
'^ very much distressed, that many, who had showed greate readiness to 
*^ his Majestyes service, wholy draw back. The aforesaid 2,200 
*^ guilders is all the money I have received for his Majestye from aay 
^ person whatsover through any commission or employment of that 
^' nature, or ever by or from his Majestye or any other for his Majestyes 
.** service or account; in any manner of wayes, for anj service or 



119 

^' services hj me done, except only one hundred patticones, which hj 
" the Kings order Mr. Long payd me, for my expences from Breda to 
V Paris post with letters to the Qneene in June '49, and 500 guilders 
" which I received of Mr. Crafts at Wersonge (?) towards my journey 
'' to Scotland. For the trueth of all which 1 am ready to take my oath 
" thereupon. Now the 2,200 guilders current money of Holland, 
' *' received as above, hath been payd as I told, one thousand gelders 
•* uppon the King's warrant, to the which Lord Culpeper hath accounted 
. '* for in his accompts of the Mcscovy embassage and hath a discharge 
** thereuppon." In the same rough narrative, Mr. Sandys speaks of 
journeying "from Paris to Bruxelles, from thence to the towns of 
'^ Brabant and Flanders, thence to Middleborough and several! places 
** in Holland, and from thence to Franckfort marte to meete with 
** marchants there, from thence back to Liege and Antwerpe, and from 
** thence through Flamlcrs, Zeland and Holland to Hamberge, Danse- 
" wick and Riga, all by land except 8 days jomey, and from thence 
** went lo Moscovy to my Lord Culpeper, visiting all places probable to 
** serve his Majestye in that afiayr. When," he continues, ** I parted 
** from Storting with his Majestyes dispatches into Poland, and to 
** Mr. Crafts and to some persons in ... . and Germany, his 
" Majesty gave me warrant to Mr. Crafts to pay me what I should be 
** in disburse for coming from Wersong (?) overland to Hamberge and 
** from thence overland to Bergen in Norway, from thence hiring a shipp 
** to land me in Orkney, from thence landing in Murrey Frith, wayting 
.** uppon his Majestye there for my dispatch, hiring my passage over' 
** from the north of Scotland to the .... of Norway, and from 
^' thence to Hamburgh by land, where after some stay for his Majesties 
** service came to Paris to receive his further orders. From Paris I 
** was sent with a 2nd warrant to Mr. Crafts for all the aforesaid 
" journey, alsoe with a commission to Danemarke concerning the 
** ammunition there, which ingaged me to severall journeys between 
** Copenhaven and Hamberge, which is neer 300 English miles, and 
** afterwards returned post from Hamburg to Paris, to give his Majestye 
** an account thereof, for which I had also a warrant to be reimbursed. 
*' Besides all these particulars, I have made severall disbursements to 
** sevei-all persons for his Majestyes service, the which I have warrant 
** to be repayd. And when his Majestye parted from Paris, he was 
" pleased then to direct a way for that." 

In the second of the rough drafts, William Sandyt says, " Upon my 
" employment for getting money for his Majestye, I received only the 
** sumes following, through the change of his Majestyes affaires, which 
** followed in immediately after the date of my orders, which were the 
** middle of August, which induced almost every one to excuse them- 
** selves from that pointe, whereby my endeavours through the unseason- 
*' ableness of the conjuncture of time rendered little fruit, the whole 
*' being as followeth in Holland's money — 

Grs. 
** Of Sir J ohn Holland at Utreck -» - - 1,000 

Of Mr. Gibson yet living in Bruxelles - - - 500 

Of George Hackett merchant in Danswick, since dead - 500 
Of Sir George Winter of the county of Worcester, then 
in Utreck, who promised 1,500 grs. and to expresse 
his forwardness to make payment, as £oon as bills 
from England came, sent only - - - 200 

assuring the rest should follow within a month, 
which was received by Colonel Grey for me in my 
absence. 



120 

" Which is all the money I have received for his Majestje from any 
'< person whatsoever, through any commission or employment of that 
<* nature, or ever by or from any one for his Majestyes service in 
'< any manner of wages except only 500 gilders Mr. Crafts hath perhaps 
'* charged uppon me for soe much as he had of mine, and one 
'^ hundred patticones paid me by Mr. Longe, for the payment of post 
•' horses from Breda to Paris to give her Majestye an account of iher 
" day of the King's coming to St. German's in July *49, the which I 
'^ declare, and with desire that I may uppon my oath justify my accomp% 
<< as being readye to make oath hereuppon." 

Thomas Elyott to John IV. of Portugal. 

1650, March 19th, N.S. — Copy of a memorial, signed Thomas Elyott, 
and running thus, " The Memoire of Thomas Elliot (Wc), esquire, gentle- 
man of the bedchamber of his royall Majesty, the Einge of Great 
Briitaine, and espctially sent from his sayd Majesty the Kinge of Great 
Brittaine, to his most illustrious Majesty John, the fourth of that name» 
Kinge of Portugall, presented to his sayd Mnjestie the Kinge of Portugal! 
the 19th of March in the yeare of our Lorde 1650 stilo novo. That in 
reguard there hath beene for many [ ] precedent for the most part held a 
firmo peace amitie and correspondence betweenethe glorious predicessouirs 
of the King of Great Brittaine and Portugall; and that in the time of 
his late Majestic Charles the First of that name King of Great Brittaine 
of ever famous memory, in a treaty held at London the 29th day of 
January in the yeare of our Lorde 1642, between the Commissioners 
procuratorss or agents of the said respective Kinges, the said Com- 
missioners did conclude, consent, and agree to certeine articles and 
capitulations of peace betweene the said kings, theyr heires and 
succcssours, which weare afterwards allowed and confirmed by the said 
respective kings ; Therefore his sacred Majesty Charles the Second of 
that name, the undoubted sonne, heyre, and succe^sour of his father King 
Charles the First, and now King of Great Brittaine, imitatinge the 
worthy acts of his most royal progenitours for a more firme and perfect 
setlement of peace, correspondence and mutuall amity and ftiendshippe 
between the Crownes of England and Portugall, hath thought fitt to 
recommend to us his agent or minister these articles and capitulations 
following, to be proposed to his Majesty the Kinge of Portugall. First 
it is the desire of his sayd M^esty the Kinge of Great Brittaine, that all 
former articles and capitulations of peace between the Crownes of 
England and Portugall, and espetially the before mentioned treaty of 
peace betweene his royall father King Charles the First of that name 
and his Majesty the King of Portugall may be renued, allowed, and 
confirmed. Secondly, that in reguard it is evident that the said treaty 
of peace last mentioned doth in all reason and constmction of law meane, 
intend, and comprehend such persons livinge in the dominions of his 
sayd Majesty the Kin^e of Great Brittaine as are leige people, vassals, and 
obedient subjects to his sayd Majesty the Kinge of Great Brittaine, and 
that it is most notorious to the whole world, that those that have now 
the power and sway in the realme of England and many other parts of 
his Majesty's dominions have not only trayterously for many years past 
taken up armes against his sayd Majesty Kinge Charles the First, but 
have most barbarously and inhumanly murthered him, and by force of 
ormes usurped from his gratious Majesty now hvinge, the undoubted 
heyre and successor of his royall father, all the nghts of his Crowne. 
Therefore his sayd Majesty, the King of Great Brittaine now livinge^ 



121 

doth hereby declare all the sayd persons, now bearinge sway in the 
realme of England and other parts of his dominions, who by force of 
armes resist his lawfull authoritie, to be tray tors and rebells to his sayd 
Majestic, his Crowne and Dlgnitie, and doth desire of his illustrious 
Majesty the Kinge of Portugall, tliat, in pursuance of the intent and 
meaninge of the aforesayd articles and capitulations of peace, so had and 
made betweene the Crownes of England and Portugall as aforesaid, noe 
favour, connivance, or allowance may be given to any thing that may be 
attempted by them or theyr ministers, or any other havinge power or 
authoritie from by or under them in the dominions of his Majesty the 
King of Portugall, which may any way tend to the prejudice of the 
authority and undoubted right of his sayd Majesty, the Kinge of Great 
Brittaine, or any of his party that have power, authority, and commission 
from him, and it is more particulai'ly desired by his sayd Majesty the 
Kinge of Great Brittaine, of his said Majesty the Kinge of Portugall, that 
he would not admitt of any Agent, Orator, or Embassador that may be 
sent unto, him from the said rebells, under the colour or notion of a free 
state. Thirdly, that in reguard of the confederacy between the Crownes of 
England and Portugall, which doth imply a mutuall helpe and assistance 
of each other ; there haith been an other treaty, had and made in the 
name of his Majesty the Kinge of Great Brittaine by one Sir Arnould da 
Lisle, a gentleman of his said Majesty his privy chamber, and his said 
illustrous Majesty the King of Portugal, about the liberty of ports and 
other things incident thereunto. It is likewise desired by his said 
Majesty the Kinge of Greate Brittaine, that the said treaty had and 
made with the said Sir Arnould du Lisle may be now again renewed, 
allowed, and confirmed. — To all which I, the said Thomas Elliott (sic), in 
the name and on behalfe of his Majesty, the Kinge of Great Brittaine, 
doe humbly crave and implore of his illustrious Majesty the King of 
Portugall a suddaine and positive answeare, that I may give to his said 
Majesty the Kinge of Great Brittaine a satisfactory accompt thereof 
according to the trust reposed in me — Thomas Elyott («ic)." 

Thomas Elyott to Charles the Second. 

[1650?]: — " . . . that ray enemies are . . . that notwith- 
standing all ... . promises to me I continue .... the 
same condition, I think e it . ... unnecessary for me to 
represent to your Majestic, how faithfully I have served you, since, 
if they have prevailed soe fer to make your Majestic willing to forget 
me, noe arguments that I can use will have that forse to restore me 
to your memory, and I doe now only bege this justis from your 
Majestic, that, if my ruin be resolved on, I may soe speedily know 
it, that those that have bin the authors of it may not have the 
pleasure of seeing me in necessity here, and this. Sir, is a justis that, 
if I had bin an actor in contributing to your Majesties misfortunes 
(upon my repentans) your charity might have afforded me, and. Sir, I 
thinke I may confidently say that I am the first person that eaver 
lost a Master for having only served him . . . • that .... 
Majestic it be . • . . I am not partic .... I hope your 
Majestic .... at this fate, which is ... . my fate, 
which depending .... on your Majestic, whateaver it be, 
shall .... receaved with that duty, which he owes and shall 
eaver pay, who is your Majesties most dutifull and most obedient 
faithfull humble servant— Tho : Elyott." r: L.J''* ^ "7 

A letter so frayed and wasted as to be illegible in the places indicated 
by the dots of this printed Qopy. 



122 

QuEEK Henrietta Maria awd the Frigate Le Soleil. 

1651, January 18th, Paris. Cerlificatory Writ by Henrietta Maria 
late the Queen Consort of Charles I. — *^ Henriette Marie B Henriette 
Marie par la grace de Dieu Beine de la &rande Bretagne &c. — A tous 
ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront Salut, Ayant e«te suppli^e de 
teamoigner la connoidsance que Nous avons touchant la propriete d^une 
Fregale avec ses appurtenances nommee Le Soleil etant k present au 
Havre de Grace ; Et ayant veu une Declaration de nostre trescher et 
treshonore tils le Boy lors Prince de Galles du 9™« Kovembre 1646 : 
Ortifions en conformity d'icelle que la ditte Fregrate luy appai-tient ; 
Et que Le S' Haesdoncq n'y a que le soing charge et la permission de 
la vendre pour le service et au profit de nostre dit trescher et tre honore 
filg. C'est pourquoy Prions tous gens de Justice, tous gouvemeurs de 
provinces et villes, et leurs lieutenants, et tous autres qu'il nppartiendra, 
de ne pas souffrir qu'aucun trouble ou empeschement soit donne au dit 
S' Haesdoncq dane la poursuitte des ordres de nostre dit trescher et 
treshonore fils touchant la ditte Fi-egate. Donne a Paris ce 18°»» 
Janvier 1651." 



Charles Gerard, Lord Gerard of Brandon, to . • . 

1652 April 27th, Paris. — " Sir. I have spoke too the King concerning 
you and tho another wayte in your place it is in regard of your absence ; 
hee is now infinitly sik and when well not fitt for it. If you could 
contrive living in France as well as Holland, I would advise it you, 
and soe dos Docter Fraiser, but if you shoe (sic) not your selfe, I 
concey ve you will bee left out. If you doe not bring tho King that boxe 

of perfume, send it derekted to him. Sir, I am '' 

Endorsed *' Lord Gerard to mee 27 April '52." 



Charles the Sboond akd Lieutenant-general Middleton. 

1652, December 30th, Paris. — Blank Commission, under the signet 
and sign-manual of Charles the Second, appointing Captain .... 
to be a captain in the regiment under the command of Colonell . . . 
with all the rights and privileges appertaining to the office of a captain, 
provided that be '* obey and pursue all such orders and commandjB 
*« as he shall from time to time receive from Lieutenant Generall 
" Middleton, from his Colonell and other superior officers." 



Charles the Second to the Earl of Glencatrne. 

1653, September 12th,Palais Royal in Paris.— Charles R Right trusty 
and welbeloved Cosen, We gi-eet you well. We have seene your letter of 
the 12th of July to the Lord Newburgh and are soe well pleased withall 
that you have done, that We returne you our very hearty thankes for 
your Boe doeing, and you may be confident We shall never forgett the 
affection and alacrity you have soe seasonably expressed in our service, 
in which we doubt not, God will blesse yon and make you a principall 
instrument for the vindication of our rights and your country from the 
slavery and oppression it groanes under. We have written severall 
letters by this bearer to such persons who we hope will be ready to 
joyne with you, all which you will cause to be delivered in such seasons 
as you judge most necessary. We have given direccion to the Lord 



123 

Wentworth, our Ambassador in Denmarke, to doe all the offices he can 
with that King for jour assistance, and the like to Sir William Bellenden 
in Sweden, and We are sure Lieutenant Gronerall Middle ton will make 
all posable hast to jou himselfe, as soone as he can procure any reason- 
able supply es to carry with him : in the meane time you will receive by 
degrees such helpe as can be gotten^ And we hope it will not be long 
before you be assured that the Treaty betweene the Dutch and the 
Bebells be absolutely broken off and then you will finde We shall noe 
longer sit still, which We have been hitherto compelled to doe upon such 
reasons as have not been in our power to avoyde. We shall be glad as 
often as is possible to heare from you, of whose proceedings we yet 
know noe more, then by the London Prints. You are to commend us 
to all those who are with you in armes, and assure them We will reward 
their courage and jQdelity as soone as We are able, and so we bid heartily 
farewell." 

The letter is addressed to " William Earle of Glencame," the titular 
name being spelt as it was pronounced. 

Charles the Second's Regiment of Guabds. 

[1658 ?], December 16th, Bruges. — Draft, in Sir Edward Walker's 
handwriting, of a letter to be prepared for the sign-manunl of Charles II., 
running in these words, " Whereas our Regiment of Guards now quar- 
tered at Dixmeede is forthwith to passe muster and accordingly to enter 
into our pay, our Will and Pleasure thereupon is that only the officers of 
such companies of our said Regiment, as shall upon the musters produce 
and passe thirty effective soldiers besides officers shall bee admitted to 
receive Entertainment or Pay, and for the overplus of such entertainment 
as shall remaine, that you deteyne the same upon accompt, to the end it 
may bee disposed or the advancement of the sayd Regiment, according 
to such directions as wee shall give you therein ; heareof you are not to 
fayle. — Given at our Court at Bruges this 15 day of December. To 
our trusty and welbeloved servant, Colonel Blagge, Lieutenant-Colonel 
of our Regiment of Guards." 

Troops maintained by the same King in Exile. 

1658, Bruxelles. — Memoranda, on four half-sheets of letter-paper, 
in Sir Edward Walker's hand writing, vespecting the petty sums due to 
him by way of allowances on Commissions from Lord Taafe and other 
officers of the troops maintained by Charles II. during his exile. 



Allowances to the same King's Secretary at War. 

1658-9, March 24th, Brussels.— Rough Draft, in Sir Edward 
Walker's handwriting, of a letter to be prepared for the King's sign- 
manual, running in these words, — " Whereas wee have by our orders 
the 15th of February 1658 graunted unto our trusty and welbeloved 
servant Sir Edward Walker knt., our Secretaiy at War, towards his 
support in our service 4 rations dayly out of the 50 rations allowed for 
Reformed Officers in every Regiment in our service, excepting our 
Regiment of Guards, Wee are thereupon graciously pleased and doe 
beareby assigne him also fewer rations out of the 50 rations allowed for 
Reformed Officers in our said Regiment, Our will and pleasure therefore 
i8> that out of the first moneths pay or liberaunce, that you shall receive 



124 

for our sayd itegiment, that 70a deduct and pay him the sayd 4 
rations dajlj out of the sajd 50 rations, and to continue the payment 
thereof unto him out of every liberaunce or moneths pay you shall 
hereafter receive : Hereof you are not to fayle, And for your so doeing 
this shaihee your sufficient authority. Given at our Court of Bruxelles, 

this 24th of March 1659 To our trusty and welbeloved 

Colonel Thomas Blagge, Lieut. -Colonel of our Begiment of Guards." 



Charles the Second to Colonel William Taafe. 

1659, March 18th, Brussels. — " Charles R. Whereas wee did above 
two yeares past constitute our trusty and welbeloved servant Sir Edward 
Walker knt. to bee our Secretary at Warr and for his service and 
principall support therein did also with the approbation of most of the 
Colonels of our forces assigne him to receive from all the officers of our 
regiments proportionable fees for preparing our comissions for every 
of them, part whereof by our order in June 1657 was payd unto him, 
and the remaynder by the same order was to bee deducted out of the 
first liberances payable in the year 1658, At which time the payment 
thereof was suspended (notwithstanding which) Wee doe hold it to bee 
equally just that our sayd servant should yet receive what is still due 
uuto him seeing every officer enjoyes a support by virtue of our sayd 
commissions. Our expresse will and command therefore is, and we doe 
hereby require and authorise you out of the first Liberance or moneths 
pay you shall receive for yourselfe, and all the officers and soldiers of the 
regiment under your comand to deduct and pay unto our sayd servant 
the full summe of 108 patacous and 20 styvers being the remaynder due 
unto him from yourselfe, and all the officers of your regiment for our 
commissions prepared by him appearing by his accompt hereunto 
annexed, and after in the payment of your regiment that you abate the 
same in perticuler from your selfe, and all the officers of your said 
regiment, and our farther will and pleasure ia, that of the fifty rations 
allowed for reformed officers that you deduct and pay him according to 
our order of the 15th of February, 1658, out of every moneths pay or 
liberance 10 Fatacons, and if you shall receive 2 liberances together, then 
to pay for 2 moneths according to his accompt, and to continue the same 
unto him as often as you shall receive any liberances. Hereunto Wee 
expect and require due obedience to bee given as being just, and our 
pleasure to have it done accordingly, and for your so doing this shall 
bee your sufficient authority. Given at Our Court at Bruxelles this 18th 
day of March 1659." — Countersigned " Edw. Nicholas " and directed to 
'* Colonel William Taafe, Colonel of the regiment of our most deare and 
most entirely beloved brother Henry Duke of Glocester.'* 



The Mastee-Sorgeon of the King's Six Regiments 
OF Soldiers. 

1659, July 20th, Brussels. — Ordinance for the adequate provision 
and payment of Sir John Knight, Master-Surgeon of the six regiments 
of soldiers, in the service of King Charles IL, running thus, '<B est 
ordonnd a tons les Colonels et Commandants des six Kegimens 
du Roy de la Grande Bretagne Monsieur mon fr^re de fair payer 
a S' Jean Knfgh (sic) M^ Chirurgien en la somme de cinq cens et novant 
noeuf florins et cinq sols de premier argent qui recoiverent de leur 



125 

plaquittes, pajant tons en la conformite de la relation qui s'en suit &it a 
Bruzelles le vingtiesme do Juillet I'an mil six cent cinquante noeuf. 

Le Regiment du Roy doit payer k raison de 13 
Compagnies at sept florins et un sol par Compagnie 
la somme de florins - - - - 91 13 

Mon Regiment payera a raison de dix-neuf Com- 
pagnies a sept florins et un sol par Compagnie la 
somroe de florins - - • - - 133 19 

Le Regiment du Due de Griocester mon f rere pay- 
eray a raison de seize Compagnies a sept florins et 
un sol par Compagnie, ]a somme de florins - 112 16 

Le Regiment du Milord Neubrnge payera a raison 
de dix Compagnies a sept florins et un sol par 
Compagnie, la somme de florins - - - 70 10 

Le R^ment du Colonel G^race payera a raison de 
quartorze Compagnies a sept florins et un sol par 
Compagnie, la somme de florins - - - 98 14 

Le Regiment du Colonel Farrell payera a raison de 
quatorze Compaemies a sept florins et un sol par 
Compagnie, la somme de florins - - - 98 14 

La somme de tons est de florins - - - 599 5 *' 



H.R.H. The Duke of Gloucester and Colonel William Taafe. 

[1659?], Memorandum, in Sir Edward Walker's handwriting, in these 
words, " His Royall Highnes the Duke of Glocester haveing found it 
fitt hath accordingly ordered Colonel William Taaffe, Colonel of his 
Royall Highnes Regiment, in liew of 4 rations dayly, that by bis 
Majesties order I was to receive out of the 50 pays graunted for Reformed 
Officers, to deduct and pay mee out of the next liberaunce the abatements 
I had made of one patacoon from all inferior officers, being in all 36 
patacootts, which I am contented to receive in full satisfaction for the 
said 4 rations above-mentioned. Whereupon the full some to bee deducted 
and paid mee out of the next liberaunce by his Majesties order and his 
Ro^al Highnes command to Colonel William Taafi*e wilbee 138 pata- 
coons, to bee divided as followeth," thef?e words being followed by a 
tabular statement of the contributions to be received from the several 
officers. Endorsed, " The Duke of Gloucester's directions to Colonel 
'' Taaffe to pay mee the deductions I made from inferior officers in lieu 
of 4 rations from the 50 reformed Pays." 

V. — Draft Letters of Sir Bernard Gascoignb. 

These draft letters — some of them being rough drafts in Sir Bernard's 
handwriting, whilst the others are fair drafts or " copies " by a secre- 
tarial hand — add considerably to our knowledge of a military adventurer 
and diplomatic agent, who was a notable personage of English Bociety 
in the times of Charles I., Charles II., and James II. An Italian by 
birth and education, though he was by his paternal ancestry a member 
of an ancient English family, Bernard Gascoigne had distinguished 
himself in the military service of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, when he 
<»me to England in an early time of the Civil War and espoused the 
cause of Charles the First. There is no need to remind students 
that the adventurer played a conspicuous part in the conflict of the 
royalist and parliamentarian forces, was sentenced to be shot on the fall 



126 

of Colchester, and narrowly escaped the ezecntion of the sentence. 
Having returned to Florence on the utter defeat of the English royalists, 
Sir Bernard Gascoigne rea(>peared in what he had come to regard as his 
proper country on Charles the Second's restoration, and was rewarded 
for his services to the triumphant party with gifts, diplomatic employ- 
ment, and a considerable share of the King's confideaoe. Favoured by 
Charles, he won the regard of Catherine of Braganza ; and it appears 
from two of the draft letters now offered to the consideration of readers, 
that when he had succeeded to the throno, James the Second looked to 
the clever and charming adventurer for counsel and even for guidance 
in affairs of state. 

As he had entered his thirtieth year before he came to England for 
the first time, and passed the greater part of the eleven yeai-s from 1649 
to 1660 in the land of his birth, it is not surprising that Sir Bernard 
thought in Italian and spoke English fn' a way that reminded critical 
hearers of his Italian extraction. That the denizen of Charies the 
Second's England was to the last more familiar with his mother-tongue 
than with the language of his adopted country appears from the fact 
that he drafted his letters to English correspondents in Italian before he 
put the compositions into an English dress. Together with the English 
drafts, printed in the ensuing calendar, Mr. J. Eliot Kodgkin preserves 
numerous examples of the original Italian drafts of the same compositions.. 
Epistolary labour was no easy work to Sir Bernard, who sometimes 
produced with his own pen three versions of an Italian draft, before he 
was satisfied with the performance ; and when he had completed an Italian 
draft to his mind, he used to translate it into En^ish with his own 
hand, before he handed the English draft over to a skillful secretary, 
who was authorised to amend the faulty spelling and idiomatic 
solecisms of the composition, whilst he produced a fair and fluent copy 
of the writing. 

Sir Beunard Gascoione to Lobb Arlington. 

[1666 or 1667], Lisbon. — '^The small time that I have bin in this 
Court will not afford me knowledge enough of their present condition 
to enable me to give your Lordshipp any account of itt, as Sir Bobert 
Southwell certainly will doe soe well knoweing and soe long habituated 
in this countrey, but this will nut hinder me to informe your Lordshipp 
of some things that I have observed. 

" And in the first place I find that proverbe to be very true that the 
world governs himselfe, for if Kingdoms should not now and then 
subsist in that manner, this for certain would be converted into a Cahos. 
Since there is not heare the leaste forme of settle [d] government ; they 
acting in general as they only are constraint by the violence of the 
people, or according to the present necessityes that happens dayly or in 
particular every Gi'andee according to his owne intrest. 

** The Prince in his owne name rules all, but is constantly besieged by 
4 or 5, which doth not lett him speake with any without knowing the 
business, and lodges with 

" The Qneene out of the Court in the Marques de Costel Rodrigos 
house 

'^ The King is a prisoner in his owne pallace and since his hard usage 
is very sensible of his present condition and as the inferiour nobility 
reports in a very good understanding, the common people publickly 
murmurs and blames that he should be soe use<1. 

" Those whose fortunes were sustained upon the King's person are all 
or prisoners or banisht or fled for their own safetys, and tis unknowne 



127 

heare where they are. The Conde de Caatel Melhor ia thought to be 
in Spaine, and generally believed that it is not impossible but that he 
hath with him some remonstrances and declarations from the King to 
foreign Princes. 

'^When the Peace was concluded, to please the people that had 
concurred with them in the deposing of the King, they took away all 
the impositions that were npon the Kingdom, without consideration that 
they were in debt 3 millions of crowns, and that it was impossible that 
the Army could be disbanded and particularly the strangers presently 
after the conclusion of the peace without payeing them their due, and 
that they had not moneys for the plresent necessitys to maintain the 
King and Princes Courts. Now by experience they are sensible of this 
fault, and to mend itt, they have putt on againe the imposition of papeli 
Salado, and are endeayouring to sett on some others. 

*^ 6 dayes agoe news was spread that Spain was willing to breake 
againe and upon this commanded all the officers and soldiers oye[r] the 
Kingdom to their own quarters, and the very next, day was committed 
prisoners in Castle of Beslin Don Salvador Correa de Sa an eminent coun- 
oelor of warr and State, and his two sons banisht, and likewise coramited 
Don Simon de Sansa de Vas Concellas, a brother of Conde Castel de 
Melhor and a Colonel of horse. Don Manuell de Sansa banished Don 
Matios de Cugna a brother-in-law of Sansa banished, and as he was 
colonel of the regiment of gards, his command was taken away from him 
and given to the Count St. Juan's brother. Don Alvarez de Worogna 
governor of St. John Castle banisht, and another brother of the Cotide 
de Castel Melhor that is a Churchman and somegliere (?) della Cortina of 
the Prince banisht only from Court, Don Bodrigo Fernandez de Almada 
president of the Chamber likewise banished. The report of the 
Spanish motions being now vanished, evei7 body is persuaded that the 
banishing of soe many persons of quality was the cause of that rumour, 
or some other intention that they had to establishe some more impositions 
which is not yet done. » 

** The chief favourites and the persons in the highest power with the 
Prince are — ^the Conde della Torre, the Conde St. Juan and the old 
Secretary Pedro de Neva de Silva (which last was as long as he could 
against the marriage of the Prince with the Queene) and his opinion 
was to differr itt, which if they had done I am confident never had 
succeeded, the people of this countrey haveing generally a great 
hatred against the French as ever the Castillans could have in time of 
^ warr. 

^^ And in confirmation of this I will acquaint yonr Lordshipp of what 
happned to Senor Don Antonio de Cordova and me [the] other day when 
being together to see the Catedrall Church of this towne, where many 
gentlemen of quality were walkings to take the fresco, some of them out 
of civility looking upon us as strangers came to 4is and with great curtesy 
shewing all the rarities of that place, and at length haveing perceived 
Senor Don Antonio to be a Castillan cavalier asked him boldly if the 
peace between Spain and them were firmly made and he answerd him 
that certainly itt was soe, the other replyed then if it be so I hope that 
heareafter our Kings shall not be constraint never more to provide them- 
selves of wifes amongst their ennemys, which made me much admire 
that persons of quality so small a time after the marriage should have the 
boldness to ezpresse themselves so openly against the Queene regnante. 

^* The great confident of the Queene is the Marquiss de Marialva, 
and likewise is well affected to her the Marquis de Nissa, who is pretty 
so well with the Prince. 



128 

** As your Lordshipp can very well remember, when this Prince tooke 
the government, the people were very urgent that he should take upon 
him the title of King, expressing their unwillingness in deposing the 
King except the Prince would take upon hiin this carecter, to which 
never the less he would never concurr to, and wee could never imagine 
the reasons of his refusal!. 

'' But now after consideration I perceive that his Highness, being 
entirely governed by Torre and St. Juan, itt had bin to their great 
prejudice that the Prince had bin declared King for these reasons, that 
the great charges of the Court being hereditary in the great familyes 
and not in the King's disposal! (as for example the Duke of Cadavall 
Great Constable and the Marquess of C^ovea (?) Major Domo, Maior, 
and likewise many others that I doe not know ; that in the same time 
of making him king they had come in their places they being persons 
of high quality and good understanding and the prince very easy to be 
persuaded from those that are neare him, the two first would be in 
great danger of a totall ruine or att least of much lessening their 
authority which makes me believe that was the only cau^e of his not 
assuming the title, since att this very time the great application of those 
two is to keepe every body as farr as they can firom the Princes 
confidence and amongst these last banisht gentilmen, there are some 
that their greatest crime was the Princes inclination towards them. 
The common people as well as those some of better quality murmurs of 
the Kings imprisonment and in divers occasions that I have had in 
meeting with Portegheses but not courtiers, I asked them. Since they 
were displeased of the Kings restrainement, what their intentions were 
when they were resolved to take away the authority out of his hands, 
they did answer me, that it had bin enough that the Prince had governd 
as a Curatore to his brother without takeing from the King nny 
thing else but the manegement of buisinesse and leave him the 
honour and liberty of a King, I did answer them that this had bin 
possible to have bin done (yet with great difficulty) if in this change noe 
body else had bin conceiiied but the King and the Prince, but haveing 
with the Regal authority overthrowne that of the Minister and 
favourites of the King that then did rule all, and with them all their 
kindred and creatures (a considerable part of the nobility) and settling 
others of the Princes faction in the ruines of the former, how could itt 
be possible that such an alteration could be without the Kings restraint 
and the banishment or imprisonment of those that were of his party, in 
which businesse so many of the nobility being concerned certainly tis 
like they will endeavour by all meanes imaginable to recover their former 
power, itt being impossible but that the Princes authority must be 
wavering as long as the hopes of the King's Party is sustain'd by the 
person and the name of a King. This answer of mine satisfyed the 

company From this your Lordship can perceive that in 

this great metamorphosis every particular man hath drawne the water 
to bis mill as the occasion then was without any further consideration 
what ill effect could prejudice the authority of a King in a person that 
the King when the regnant King is liveing though a prisoner, and when 
the loss of the authority of that King does involve with him the loosing 
of the authority of halfa the nobility of the Kingdom, ingaged either In the 
sex vice of the King or in the failour of those that were the chif^f rulers 
of the kingdom that are now or impresoned or banished or put out of 
imploiment, from when I make this conclusion that the wisest of all 
men liveing scarce would be soe bold as to give his jugement de futuris 
contingentibus of this kingdom, hardly possible to have a general 



129 

quietness establisht, without there happens of some kind or other some 
considerable accident as yet unthought of. 

" And soe much the more that, except the Queens own party (which 
is rery small), there is none in the Kingdome that is satisfyed with this 
marriage, and because the courtier docs esteeme itt a great motive for 
the publick content to have successors to the Crowne, they have spread 
abroad that the Queene is with child, a thing believed by some and not 
by others, that if itt does not prove soe att last itt cannot be but to her 
great disadvantage. 

** The day before yesterday Sir R. S. had his Audience from the 
Prince and was nobly accompanied, there being there above a hundred 
of the Nation makeing their court to him, goeing before in severall 
•coaches as well of the Princes and Queens as others, and was reccaved 
with much curtesy and with testimonyes of greate esteeme and I can 
well perceive that the name of the King of England is here in a great 
veneration because they are persuaded that he can doe them either a 
great deale of good or a great deale of harme, and I make noo question 
that within this 3 or 4 dayes S[ir] R[t)ber]t will bring to an agreement 
the buisiness of the soldiers and procure for them a sufficient payment. 
" Yesterday Sir R[obert] was with the Queene which T found is 
very jealous how this marriage hath bin received in England and 
particularly by our Queene being that two indiscreet fryers of hers 
arrived heare and have related her aversion to itt, a thing very indis- 
creetly done, when I am neer confident to believe her Majesty never 
«poke a word of itt to them. 

" The Court is very sensible of their negligence in not haveing 
imparted to our King and Queene of all the transactions of this 
Kingdome and impute^ all the fault to the old Secretary ['s] forgetful- 
ness the Queene herself acknowledges itt in Sir Robert Southwell[s} 
audience and I am credibly informed that tbey have [or had] fraited 
an ambusyes [?] shipp heare to transport in England a g^ntilman for 
this purpose as soon as itt will be possible being very confident this 
court will oraitt nothing to comply with our Majestys of England in 
this very instant I heare that Captain Trelawny, a Commander of a 
great Merchantman of Plimouth, who is to depart next Monday is to 
carry over the abovesayd Envoye. 

^* I was 2 dayes agoe to a private audience with the Queene, who 
commanded her Secretary Mr. Nerjus to bring me to her, where I was 
above 1 houre, and the greatest part of our discourse was of the sence 
that she had of the obmission done in not giveing an account into 
England of ail the last transactions of this Court, and att last shee told 
me, that in the pi*esent happy condition she is in now, nothing more is 
wanting to her intire content but to heare our King and Queenes 
approbation of what is passed and a mutual loveing coiTespondeocy 
betwixt our Queene of England and her selfe, which shee will cultivate 
with all her best endeavours and she urged me to promise her to make 
these expressions to her Majesty att my returne to England and by 
letters as I have already done not to fayle of my promise. 

" I had forgott a difficulty that the Ambassadors of this Kingdome 
are like to find in every Court for their traittment, because being 
Ambassadors of a Prince and their credential letters being signed by a 
Pnnce. in his owne name, it is possible that the Ambassadora of other 
Kings as well as the King himself to who he is sent to will neither use 
him nor receave him as a Ambassador from a King, and this will 
presently appeare att the arrivall of this Portugall Ambassador at 
Madrid." 

a 88428. I 



130 

Cop7 of letter in secretarial penmanship, docketed on the outer leaf 
" My Lord Arlington — Lisbonn," in Sir Bernard Gascoigne's hand- . 
writinor. 



Sib Bernard Gascoigne to Catherine of Braqanza, Queen 
Consort of King Charles II. 

[Lisbon] **Alla Regina. I should begin my journey for Castille 
very ill, if first 1 did not pay the duty of my humble devotion to your 
Majesty, with imparting to your Majesty my arrivall and my stay in 
this citty, which was 24 days after my departure from London, yet not 
without some apparent danger of shipwrack by the way upon the rock 
of the Barlinges. I can witness with how much estime and respect 
Sir Robert Southwell hath bin received in this Court, a certain 
testimony of the great veneration towards your Majestyes. Upon the 
occasion of bis first audience I waited upon him, and he presented 
me to the Prince and to the Qneene, and two days after I went in 
particular to pay my respects to her Majestye, which desire of hers was 
occasioned by the knowledge that her Majesty had of my great devotion 
to your Majesty, and it was her pleasure to take time enough to 
exaggerate the sence of the fault commited in not haveing before now 
imparted to your Majestyes the alterations of this Kingdom. Her 
Majesty assures me that the Court writt imediately after all these 
affaires hapned to give an account into England, and for confirmation 
did assure me that the letters att this present are registred in the 
Secretary [s] office, and that certainly they were lost by the way. But 
howsoever this is certain that it will bee very hard for me to express to 
your Majesty the desire that this Queene hath of an intire freindshtpp 
with your Majesty and told me that in the good condition and great 
content that she finds her selfe to be in their (sic) present state for the 
blessing that God hath given her to be 4 months gone with cbild that 
no thing is remaneing for her to desire, but the satisfaction and 
aprobation of your Majesty of what hath succeeded and a mutual 
correspondency of affection which she will ever cultivate towards your 
Majesty, and I can assure that shee did expresse itt with soe much 
tendernesse, that I have just reason to believe that i^t came from her 
very hart, and her Majesty made me promiso her that I should lett 
your Majesty know these her sentiments att my return tf> your Majesty's 
presence ; or that I should write, which I promised her, and in order 
thereunto I have made this relation to your Majesty. 

" Don Feliciano Dorato Disin Bariotore is chosen to goe Envoye to 
your Majestyes, but will staye heare yet these 10 days not haveing bin 
able to make him selfe ready sooner for that imployment. 

" It remaines me to beseech your Majesty to be pleased to doe me 
the favour, if your Majesty thinks convenient, when this envoye comes 
to tell him soo much, that he may make knowne to this Queene, that I 
have not fay led of my promise in representing to your Majesty though 
at a great distance what this Majesty had commanded me. 

*^ 1 have bin in your Majestyes name to visitt La Signora Donna 
Maria della Cruz in Alcantara, which renders your Majesty a thousand 
thanks for the favour done to her in recommending me to wait upon 
her, and made me soe many expressions of her love to your Majesty, 
that is easily perceived to be much more then ordinary, and smilling 
said, and with all this her Majesty does not answer my letters, I 
replyed to her that Senor Don Franco de Melo would bring her answer, 
since your Majesty was not then in a humour to write into Portugal* 



131 

I have found her to be a Lady of a very great witt and most excellent 
conversation, and I would have given much that your Majesty could 
have heard, with how much mirth and how wee passed 3 lioui*s times, 
there being alsoe in company Senor Don Antonio de Cordova, and 
letting her know that your Majesty had told me (that though she letts 
her selfe never seene by any one) shee would not have denyed me that 
came from your Majesty, wee had very pleasant passages upon this with 
her and the Mother Abbesse, and amongst other reasons that she gave me 
for not being seen one (?) was that after the departure of your Majesty, 
the trouble and the grief that she haith had continue for the losse of 
your Majestyes presence had soe dejected her^and made her grow old 
that shee was ashamed to show her selfe, In soe much that att last I 
was persuaded that the vivacity of her witt, and her galant way of 
speaking did proceed much from the length of time that shee had lived 
and that shee was in age ; but att her appearance at the doore I found 
her handsome and fresch, and with i*eason I told her, that soe afflicted 
as ehee was, I judged that if she came one only time to dance with your 
Majesty, she would be in a condition to find as many admirers of her 
beuty and gracefulness, as I thought she found now of her Sanctity. 
There was much laughing and the Mother Abbesse was resolved, that 
if Donna Maria went to England she would alsoe follow her and would 
doe every thing except dancing. 

" When I went to visitt this Lady, to appearo handsomer I putt on 
my perewigg (which otherwise I never ware) and being att the doore 
they asked me if itt was my owne haire, I answered with my ingenuity 
that itt was uott, and that they might see itt I took itt of, which 
caused much laughter, and being seen by the Mother Abbesse she told 
me that my owne haire became me better then my perewigg, and that 
it would be much better to putt it upon a great old bald Saint that was 
placed mthin the dore of the Porteria newly mad very handsom, to 
which most readily I made a very devout present and returned without 
itt. 

** I have mett with your Majestyes old porter att Court, still in his 
old employment with this queene, and I assure your Majesty since his 
departure from England the gravity of liis beard is much encreased, 
he was very glad to heare that your Majesty had not forgotten him, 
and told me that he would take the boldness to write to your Majesty 
and h^s office and his presence so necessary att Court that he could not 
spare soe much time as to goe with me to give a visitt to Donna 
Helena, who he told me lives very retired in a convent, 

'' I have taken the boldness to send your Majesty a flascheva part 
water of Cordova and part Orange flower water, which I heare esteemed 
very good. 

'^ I shall depart from hence within 3 days, and shall goe directly ta 
Villa Viciosa, where there shall not be any thing of rare but I will see 
and particolariy the Palace where your Majesty was borne, and from* 
Madrid I shall give my selfe the honour to write to your Majesty 
againe, remaineing for ever.'' 

This fair and finely finished translation into English of the letter 
written from Lisbon (1666 or 1667) to Queen Catherine of Braganza 
by Sir Bernard Gascoigne ii preserved in the same folio, together with 
Sir Bernard's rough draft (Italian) of the same epistle. 

Sib Bernard Gascoigne to Lord Arlington. 

[1667 or 1668, Madrid].— " Itt is fifteen days agoe that I arrived m 
this towne. 

I 2 



132 

" I am arrived in this city fifteen days agoe, where I wan in hopes to 
find empty my Lord Ambassadors house, and to take up lodgings there 
till Mr. Godolphins' arrival!, but I found that presently after my Lord's 
departure it was disposed to another Ambassador, soe that since my 
resolution was to stay hearc 3 or 4 months I was constraint to take 
another for halfe a yeare,- being willing to take a particolar observation 
of what this great Court intends to doe specialy in this time that itt is very 
necessary that neither their prudence and diligence should be wanting to 
remedy to several considerable dangers in Flanders and Italy, that seemes 
to threaten this Monarchy. I hare as yet scarse been abroad, by reason 
that neither my Grollilla (?) nor my coach is yet ready, things without 
which there is noe appearing amongst the great persons. I have only 
visited my old acquaintance the Baron de Baltevelle, and I have bin 
with Senor Pedro Fernandez del Campo, who att first sight I take him 
to be a very obh'ging Cavalier and of a very good parts. He professes 
himselfe to be much a servant to your Lordship and freind to 
Mr. Godolphin who gave me a letter for him, and was very inquisitive 
to know how soone he would come to this Court, and he was expecting 
as I could perceive to receave likewise a letter from your Lordship. 

"For that litle I could leame in these few days the affaires of this 
government runs as followeth : — 

" The Inquisitor Generall by the Queens favour is the first Minister 
and one of ^he Junto, and is a roan that gives great satisfaction with 
good words, and is very patient in hearing those that have business with 
him, but is not lookt upon as a man of resolution or knowledge in State 
Affaires. 

" The Cardinal d'Aragon is another of the Junto, a man of a very 
good nature, civil according to the Roman fashion, but neither is he 
taken to be one of deep understanding, 

" The Count of Digneranda (sic) is another of the Junto, and is 
without question tho most expert in State affaires and speaks best of any 
of them, but he hath so great a hatred for the Emperors Court, for 
those reasons that your Lordship must know, and veryly it is believed 
that if it was in his power itt would produce very ill Effects, but the 
Duke of Medina de las Torres and Cardinal Moreada (?) that ever 
ware for the German side doth much moderate all the inconveniences 
that might dayly happen thereby, but the same Duke being a great 
enemy of the Confessor is not in soe much credit as he was before, and 
it hath likewise bin very prejudicial to the Cardinall in leaving his place 
of Majordomo to the Queen for the red Cap, because htare was none 
that could pretend more than him to be the Kings Governour, for his 
personal! abilyty (?) as well as his quality. 

" The Marquess d'Ayetona is a man much inclin'd to devotion and 
generally well beloved, he is newly entered in a good friendship with the 
Cardinal d'Aragon. 

" The Bishop of Oviedo, newly made of Flacencia and President of 
CJastilla, though he be newly made of the Junto, he is a man very under- 
6tanding in the buisinesses of the countrey, but not soe well in State • 
And foreign affaires, he is a. Creature of the Confessor and the only man 
that is his true friend, all the rest being his enemys, and the very 
-women of the Court ever doeing all their endeavours to insinuate in the 
yong Kings brest a hatred against him, and realy the King is very 
witty and bold and commonly takes the liberty to tell the Queenn in 
severall occasions no quievo which gives great hope of him. 

" From tliis your Lordship may see that the Junto, that resolves all 
.things of consequences, are all divided amongst themselves, though they 
seeme otherwise in the appearances. 



133 

^'But that which is worst of nil thej are yet persuaded heare that the 
French ^vill have warr and not peace, and upon this ground they are 
not preparing such remedyes as to strenghten their party with other 
princes and gain only them with moneys and other necessary meaner to 
make use of their forces. 

" They can never imagine that itt is possible the King of France may 
make a resolution to passe the next spring into Italy, though the 
Italians theare are in a great aprehension and particolarly if the Duke of 
Savoye takes the Generallissimo (?) sliippe and collegattes (?) himself e 
with him, as every body thinkes it is nlreadio agread upon, I cannot 
imagine, if it should be soe, how they will bo able to assist that countrey 
from Spain, neither by land nor by sea without the helpe of foreign 
Pn'ncesses (^tc), and the cold correspondency, that passes between this 
and the Emperours Court, gires little likelyhood of any succours that 
might come by the way of Germany. 

" Don Juan d' Austria is commanded to be att his Priory of Malta att 
Consegra, for not iiaveing obeyd to goe into Flandere, and it is believed 
he will make a remonstrance in the way of a manifesto, he hath some 
freinds att Court, but the great grandees wiH have att a distance. 

'^ They, are makeing every day constant counsclls about the buianess 
of Flandres, since the arrivall hear of Don Juan de Toledo sent hearo 
express from the Marquess Castelrodrigo to bring account of the present 
condition of those provinces, and a[n] offer from them to maintain five 
and thirty thousand men by them selves, with a proviso that it may be 
altogether maneged by them, a thing that hath bin offered often before, 
but never accepted, the Governors haveing allway bin very willing to rule 
and robe the countrey att their pleasure, but now it is believed it will be 
accepted, being proposed by a Governor that is goeing away and in 
time of such necessity. 

** Heare Castelrodrigo is lost of esteeme in this Court, they being soe 
ill satisfyed of his government, attributing to him all the last mis- 
carriages of thai countrey. 

" Senor Conde de Malina presses very much heare to gett leave for 
his return, and though in a letter of his that I received this day he tells 
me that he hath it already, the Secretary of State told me yesterday 
there was no resolution as yet taken about him ; and I find that after the 
disposall of the affaires of Flanders they will accordingly give him his 
leave or not, and particolarly they are expecting with what carecter 
lilr. Godolphin comes heare, which, if it be with the only carecter of 
Envoye, they will possibly send in the same condition into England one 
Spinola, a Spaniard, that is now Under Genei-al in Flanders, as I am 
informed, a fine gentilman, though Senor Moledo (?) who was ther 
formerly is in hopes to be chosen, he being protected by the Due de 
Medina de las Torres. 

'' If I can introduce my selfe amongst these persons of quality I shall 
be better able to give your Lordship an information of what passes, but 
as your Lordship knows in this countrey there is no great conver 
sation. 

"If your Lordship does not thinck improper to writt a letter to 
Senor Conde de Digneranda {sic) to make me knowne to him for your 
Lordship's friend and servant, itt will be of great [ ] io me as 

well as to SSnor Don Pedro Fernandez who r^ly hath ane greate 
honour for your Lordship. 

" My Lord, your Lordship is heare in a greatest esteeme, and more 
then any other Minister of whatsoever other prince, and if heare they 
take care of their owne inti^est with those only meanes that can be 



134 

effectual to them (wliich are only a legae with the Northern Princes) 

Copy in secretarial penmanship of a letter from Sir Bernard Gas- 
coigne to Lord Arlington^ of which transcript the remainder is missing. 



Sib Bebnabd Gascoionb to Lord [Ablikoton]^ 

1668, October 18, Madrid. — *' I have bin severall tjme with the 
Marques de Lick (?), by wich I was vere civily entretelned ntt this 
country Fncion, and as I can judge he pretends to have much respect 
for your Lordship. The Duke Medina de las Torres like wyse, I did 
waite upon him, wich truly ist a Fyne man and speke vere well, and was 
vere civill with me, bott I have never mitt siccy a dip Spanice 
gravity before. 

" This weeke ist hapened some in this Court, that can in tyme bring 
great pins (?), the 14 istant att foro of the clock in the after nune, 
the Quin with the King was to goo out to visite a Fest in San 
Francis Cerch. Just att this tyme arreyved a soldier to Court in bout-s 
and epurrs, and going up spoke to Maiques de Salines, Capitan ot 
the Gardes, telling him that he must speke with the Quin. The 
Marques told him, that was not fitt tyme ; he was vere pressant, bott 
the will nott admitte him. The Quin comming out, he did boldly goo 
on and speke fewe words to her. Sche presently did go back nella 
<)ala quadra, and was with him for one alfa houre, and then send for 
Signore Don BIasco, Secretarye of the « . iversal Despaccio, and 
delivered the man to him according to his deseyre. 

" The same naight the commidit prisoner, the Brother of Signer Don 
Matteo Patigno, Signer Don Giovanni Secretarie, and seized all his 
letters that was in Madrid, and sended out one Alcalde de Corte with 
one hundert man, for Toledo, and ist belived ist gone to take prisoner 
the same Signer Matteo Partigno, wich ist attualy with Signer Don 
Giovanni at Consegra, and ist possibile some body else. 

" I have bin told by a person of credit, that the have pott upon the 
rack that Secretario brother, Evere body is vere curious to hiere the 
truth of this bisinesse. 

" The Prince of Florence ist nott itt come to Madrid. Signer Conte 
de Pignoranda (sic) ist no worse then he was, and ist vere much if att 
siccy one age, hee recover his ealt. The Duke Medina de las Torres did 
visite him yesterday morning.'* 
Bough draft : Holograph. 



Sir Bernard Gascoigne to Lord [Arlington], 

1668, October 24, Madrid. — " My Lord, In my antecedent letter I 
acqueintcd your Lordship with the discovery maket by a Capitan 
Reformado the the Quin, of which the sustance was, that Don 
Giovanni had plotted to carry a way the Inquisitor one naight, wen 
he was late comming from the Court ; his secretarye Partigno, brother, 
that was in Madrid, was presently apprended ; and he without torment 
confessed all the plott ; the Consell did send Consuegi'a, one alcalde 
of the Court, to apprend Don Matteo Partigno ; bott Don Giovanni refused 
to delivere the man, and upon the retourne of the Alcalde with out 
him, and the relation of the resistance to him the Queen send the 
Marques of Salines thether, to apprend Signer Don Giovanni himselfe, 
with order it ist sayd to carrie him to a Castel of the Kingdome i of 



135 

which Daa Giovanni having notice did go away att the same tyme the 
the Marques was comming out of Madrid ; so well he was advejrsed at 
the proceedings of the Court. 1st itt unnon in what part ist gonof. 
Some believe in Aragon, others the last naight told me he was gone in 
Andalusia. 

** At his departing from Oonsuegra, he sended tho the Queen a letter 
or better a Manifest, in vere high terms as jour Lordship can see bj 
the oopie of it, and tells her that, as sune as he ist arrejned to he will 
goo, be will write more particularly his intention. 

** The Queen ist so sensible of this accident, that sche was bledded 
yesterday and before yestei-day [ ] and itt no body can forsee 

wat effect this resolution of Don John can produce. 

** The Inquisitor have nott carried in my oppinion this biscnesse with 
siccy circumspe[c]tion as I had done, if I had bin him, bott have done 
the same as he had bin a Spaniard borne, and noting less that was to 
vindicate the creyme of making veyolence to a Cif Gouveniour of a 
State, that ist viere nere Crimen lese Majesty, this bisinesse have bin 
carryed so. 

'' Asune as that reformad ofi&cer discovered the plott, the Quin 
remitted tho the Junto, and accordingly by ther direction Fartigno 
brother was apprended, he confessed all ; the Junto send for liis brother, 
one Alcalde, Don Gian refused to deliver the man. Upon this refusal! 
the Junto alon began to debate, wath was to be done concerning Don 
Jovanni person. 

''One of the Junto proposed that the Inquisitour bing one interessed 
person, was nott only fitt that he sciould nott rote in this bisinesse, 
bott nether bin present at the debate. 

" The President of Aragon stud up and answerr, that this was nott 
a crime agaynst the Inquisitour only, bott against them all, and against 
the King, and that in siccy case the Junto was bott one body, and that 
was fitt he sciould be not only present botfc vote as well as any of them. 
So the nott aggrivingh was remitted tho the Queen, to decide, if the 
Inquisitour sciould be present and vote ther or nott, and tho Queen 
declared that he sciould be present and vote and so was done. 

" The issu of the debate of the Junto was, that Don Jonh sciould be 
apprended, and accordingly the markes of Salines sended, in wich ist 
sayd the Inquisitour did his part vere well, with a Gernan {sic) 
ingenuyty. 

" After the Junto hard Don Giovanni retreate, and thatt could nott 
be apprended, the adveys the Queen to call to the Consell of State, for 
his advise wath to doo in itt. The Consell, that was nott privat in the 
former resolution, answer evere body his oppinion, the most of them 
condenning wath had bin done, as rascely and [ ] done, the queen 

comanded Castviglio (sic) to attend the Consell as he did [ ] tyme, 

and the are still making long consells upon this bisinesse, and I see, in 
a great perplexity wath doo in itt. 

Pigneranda (sic) bing itt much sike, the Queen send Don Ulasco to 
him . . . ." 

Portion of rough drnft : Holograph. 

SiK Bernard Gascoignr to Catherine of Bragansca, 
Queen Consort of King Charles II. 

[ Madrid]. — ** .... Wath so ever I make no question that 

Your Magesty ist well advised from Lisbone, Never the lesse I will nott 

' ommitt to lett Your Magesty know wath from thence I have, that 



136 

Monsieur de Vergue (sic), the Queen Secretary and Confident Sen* 
vant, ist comming in England, only to make the same expressions te 
your Magesty in her name as I have done, and to procure that your 
Magesty moved by the esteeme respect and love that eche has toward 
your Real! (sic) person generosly will bD pleased to retorne to her your 
friendscip and corrispondence, nott that wich oi^dinaily the Princes doo, 
that ist to answer to one anothers letters, bott the other that come from 
a kindnessc of the hart, becomming tew so high a Princesses and so 
nieare a kin, as your Magesty and her. Your Magesty ist so good as to 
nott fergott any ommission that can have bin done toward your 
Majesty and the much more att this present tyme that His HoliuessA 
have approved and confirmed all that have bin don in that kingdome. I 
have take the confidence to make a niu this expression to your Magesty, 
to nott bin wantingh no craves to the pressant deseyre and comands 
laid upon me in Portugall from that Queen, and to my promise to her, 
and because I doo nott know, how long my ill fortune will kipe me ia 
this dull corner of the worlde, since windes and wether are conjured 
against me. I most humble entreate your Magesty in case Monsieur 
Vergius (sic) come before my retonrne, to have the goodnesse for me 
that he sciould some waes know that I have performed my promesse to 
that Princesse. 

**I wisch your Magesty much better tyme then I have hiere, since I 
can verely say I never had worst, and the greatest galanterye of this 
towne ist that all gentilmans and oMinarye woman pouer or rich smoke 
as much tabacco as any seaman doo, . . . ." 
Holograph : single leaf of a rough draft. 



Sir Bernabd Gascoigke to • . . . 

[ ]. " Mr. Sr. — Our grevances have hitherto detained us from 

thinking upon the important businef^se of War or Peace with Holland. 
His Magesty iti his last gracious t^pech gave it us in charge as the Chii 
of those thinges, upon wicb depends the good or evil of his people. 

^' I for my part do not see wath we can do in this businesse, being not 
in the least informed, to wath point the state of his Magesties negocia- 
tions may be advanced toward peace. He was pleased graciously to 
ofier in last speech, that he would impart to a Committee of His 
parlament the articles made in the league with France, wich through 
our imployement in other affaires we have ommitted. 

" Mr. Sr. — ^Neither can I forbear to tell you that common report and 
private letters from Holland give us to understand, that of six Articles, 
demanded by his Magesty in order to Peace, the Hollanders have fully 
submitted unto five, and stop not but at the last, demanding some 
annual acknowledgement for the fishing. His Magesty doubtelesse must 
be fully informed whither there have been any such overtures or no, and 
wath has been the succerse, an Espresso being lately arrived from 
Cologne, who can not but have brought his Magesty both the letter of 
the States of Holland, written to the English Plenipotentiarys, in 
answarc to his Magesty answer upon the propositions given him of the 
Queen of Spaine by her ambassadour att this Court and the Articles of 
Peace thereupon by the sayd States retourned, for so they write out of 
HoUand. 

"Mr. Sr. — It seamcs reasonable to me, that in pursuance of his 
Magesty gracious offers, this House by an humble addresse ought not 
only to pray his Magesty would vouch face us a sight of the Aiticles of 
his Alliance with France, but (if in his wisdome it seemes good) also to 



137 

impart to us both the letter, writen to his Plenipotentiarys, and the 
Capitulations of Peace thereupon returned, tho the end that, if it 
appeare there be anithingh in them not for the dignity of his Magesty or 
the good of his people, we may forth with apply ourselves to the carry- 
ing on of the war vigorously, and to the raj sing of such raonys as may 
be the run to necessarye, that in so doing we may not onely pi-event 
being suprised by our enemy, but (wich is to us of great importance) 
make a cleare demonstration unto the whole people that if we have 
consented to rayse new supplys and go on with the war it could not be 
otherwise but with losse of honour to his Magesty, detriment to tlie 
people and damage of trade." 

Holograph translation into English by Sir Bernard Gascoigne of a 
rough holograph draft in Italian for a letter written by him. — Also, a 
secretarial copy of the same translation. 



Sir Bernard Gascoigne to Charles the Second. 

'* Charles IT. — . It ist so hard a matter to introduce obbediencc 

and feare in one people, fierce by nature and accostumed to a more then 
one ordinarie libertie, that a vere great prudence and circumspection ist 
neeessarie to bringh them to it, and to avoide, for as much as possible 
will be, the hopen violence of the surd and effusion of blod. 

'^ Upon wich point I take the boldnesse to represente wath I should 
tinck fitt to doe in our present condition, as the affaires stand, to ad* 
vance the Boyall Autoride and to impresse in the people the feare of 
the lawe, without being contreint to make use of the force. 

^' Thise last condescension of the France King, to have removed (for 
your Magesty's intercession) the blocco of Luxemborgh, has freed your 
Magesty of some ingagement, that you could have had of a soden cal- 
ling of a parlament, and putt you att libertie to deferre it untill sicci 
time as your Magesty shall thincke fitt, wich in my oppinion should not 
be, untill the Uoyall Autoritie shall be repared, and augmented, and to 
have empresse some feare in those mutinous spirits, wich at this time 
make laf uU as well of speking as writingh, and (as the can) actingli 
rebellion. 

** 1 shiould begin from doing some tingh of yoyr particular autoritie 
according to justice ; and this was to relasee presently my Lord Damby 
(sic)y wich lai in prison, because the Parlament denied to him your 
Magestys pcidon to be good, wich in some measure make appare 
that the autoritie of the Parlament ist superiour of the Hoyall, since 
that perdon was in Parlament declared by your Magestye in both houses. 
And for the other papist lords, I should nott tinck fitt to relesse them 
by Plenitudine Potestatis, bot lett them have comun bencfitt of the 
Habeas Corpus in the nerst terme 

** In the second place, if your IS^Iagesty have nnie officers of wathsoe ver 
qualltici in your court or in anie other civill office, dependent from 
you, ill affected or to your selfe or to the governament, remove them 
presently from ther respective ciargcs, all togheter nott one by one, to 
lett more vigorously appare yoai* resolution to the publike. 

** And wen anie Lord or gentelman of a contrarie faction come to your 
Mageity or his Boyall Highnesse presence, take a particular care to use 
them with rigour and despise them, and much different from those that 
your Magesty know to be well affected to you and yourgovernameni, to 
lett all the Kindome know that your Magesty will nott ceriice (sic) 
serpents in your bosome, and that your Magesty know those that 
love you, and those that hate you, and that you estime the ferst and 



138 

despise tbo second ; a point of sicci importance, that bj esperience jou 
will flnden, that will comfort your friend and terrifie your enemies. 

'< In the next place, haying his Magesty a body of soldiers for his gardes 
garanted to him; Reforme them in the maner alreadi declared, and 
having purged that well of false moster (sic) and of unable officers, or 
suspected to be Wiggs, reduce (?) every compagnie of tenne Eoldiers, 
without beate of dromme, but only by a particular order to the 
capitaus. 

** Doo the same in the cavallerie, wich being purged, make the same 
augmentation of tenne soldiers, for every compagnie as in the Infanterie 



Fragment (two leaves) of a rough draft : Holograph. 



Sir Bern4Bd Gascoione to King Charlbs 1 1. 

[ ] — " Your Magestie has raised one armie, hot I doo 

nott see anie beginnin to gouverne the same, and submittc to those fitt 
laues for governement of the soldiers and vere necessaries to make them 
obbedient to ther officers, and strong enough to kepe them in that good 
order, wich broken and despeised could be no commandemant of the 
Kindome sure in his one house and will render impracticabile and 
impossible to quartier them in publike housis, as at present your 
Majestie doo, w ith nott fewe present compleintes of the people of those 
places, in wich att present the are quartiered. 

" That Concell of Warre, wich is to be the only Agent and Primom 
Mobile of this governementi under the implicitte and expltccite order of 
your Magestie, I can not se yet him named, wich consell isl to be every 
post-day without faile exactely infoinned of wath the soldiers doo, or in 
ther camp, or in ther quartier, or in garrisons, or in wath so ever imploie« 
ment the are, to order that wich ist to be done, or to rcmedie to wath the 
have done amisse or any other desorder, or insolence or robbing that the 
had done, because it ist the greate interesse of your Majestie (and greater 
than att the first saitli [? sight] can apparejthat all your truppes shall be 
well paied from your Magesty, and that the shiall kepo sicci good orders 
in ther quartiers, or in the feild, wer they -shiall be, that the countrie shiould 
be suuuer the better for the monie that the shiall spend ther, then 
offended by the insolencies or unlafull liberties that the shiould take. 

''For wich militarie lawes your Magisti ist to establisse, I have a 
little boke maket with the occasion of this last rebellion, consistent in 
69 Articles vere fitt for this porpose (of which mai be some can be 
retained) wich articles will be vere fitt for cstabillissing the Militarie 
lawes, to wich all the officers and soldiers of the armie are to be sog- 
gett, and wich the are to take ther solemn othes to manteine 
inviolabile. 

'< Bot Sire, I must represente to your Magestie that to those militarie 
lawes and ordinances one only ist wantingh, of sicci great importance 
to the interesse of your Magestie, and to make (for as much as ist 
possibile) the soldiers and officers dependent from your Magesty, and 
separed from the interesse of the people, and ferm and ready to 
your Magestys obbedience, that without thise I am much afraide, 
that, if ever occasion come to your Magesty to make use in earnest 
of this your armie^ by esperience it ist possibile that your Magestie 
will finden that alfha the soldiers shiall not be to serve the corone, 
bot will prove against and in liuo of feitingh for your Magestie the 
Bhiall be for the people. And the article ist this subsequent. 



. 139 

''That shiall not be lafull io any comon soldier, Corpcrall, Sar- 
giant, Qoartier Master and every under one Ensigne or Oomett, to 
mary or take wyfe, without expresse licence of the Capitaine of his 
compaynie or truppe; wich licence must be ferst approved by the 
Coronell or of fote or of horse or dragons or granadiers, under the 
punissement of bin presently casclered, and one other unmarried 
taket in his place. 

''And for the officers, shiall not be lafull to mari, with out your 
Magestie permission and appro vation, under the same pena." 

Holograph : rough draft. 

Also a somewhat amended transcript in clerical penmanship of the 
same rough draft. 

Sm Bernard Gascoigjvb to King Charles II. 

[ ] — " In wich opinion upon my reasons if your 

Majesty concorre, it ist convenient to thinck to some other remedie, 
widi vigorous operations can assure your Majesty person and interesse 
from anie revolution. 

" And thise att my judgement in nott anie other maner can be done 
but by joyning your selfe with some other powerfull Prince, and make 
use of his fi*endiscip, and his forces, in case of nccessitie, and before that 
too, if your Mageste shiould tinck fitt so to do. 

" Sire, the great Politicians teach us that one Prince most never 
repose his confidence in foren assistance and frindescip of another Prince 
to be manteined in his Estates or to be elphet in his necessities hot wen 
the Prince in want know vere well that his one greatenesse consist with 
the other Prince interesse, and his ruine can pott the other in probable 
danger, and the same politicians conclude that in succi case one Prince 
can in policic pnidentlei trust the other, wen the interesse of both are 
as if they were leaning one upon the other, therefore to chiuse to wath 
Prince your Magesty can addresse your selfe must be taket into 
consideration, to wath Prince shiould be more dangerous your Magesty 
ruine, in case that thise kindome shiould fall from a Monarkie to a 
Eepublike, and more is to be considered, wich ist that Prince, wich 
having interesse and advantage in your preservation has strengt enoug 
to do it, wen he will and to debate thise point. 

" I tinck I can afferme without ecception (?) that the powerfull 
Prince in Europe att the present time in Christendome ist the King of 
France, wich going now were vigorouslie upon the steps of the 
conquestes could nott hape to him so dangerous, one accident in his 
present condition, as the ciange of governamcnt in this kindome from 
one Monarchic to a Republike and thise ist the reason, because in succi 
case this Eepublike joining with the States of Holland could make 
togheter succi Navall Forces that with out question would over power 
that of France, and could be sufficient motive to have joined with them 
in one lega all those Christian Princes which looke upon the greatte- 
nesse of France as dangerous to them selfes, and I for may part verelei 
believe that in all occasion, that could hape to your Magesty of a 
rebellion in the Kindome, the King of France shiould offer his assistance 
o you wath so ever your Majesty could not asked, being his greatv 
interesse to hinder that this mutinous people shiould nott gett the upper 
hand upon the Monarcliie. Bot because no lesee I take in considera^on 
how well fitt the France interesse, our present condition full of diffidence 
betwixt the King and the Parlament and the People, in wich time 
France enlarge without great obstacle her conquestes, that for this 



140 

reason it was possibile that tbe King will nott engage him selfe in jour 
Magesty bisincsse before be could sec you in one urgent necessitie. 

** And being possibile to be more convenient for your Magesty 
interesse to loose no more time, bot to endeavour to surprise your 
enemies wen tbe little expected and wen tbe Prince tbat shiall elphe 
you in it, ist free from anie urgent engagement to so doe, as well by 
land forces as by sea, and so powerfull as your Magesty occorrencies 
can require, I shiould judge convenient att present to moove this 
negociation to him and to be readic to pott the same in esecution wen 
your Magesty sbiall tinck fitt, and att my oppinion the suuner the better. 

" Lett me now begg from your Magesty tbe libertie of opening to 
you my harrte and to tell wath by my obser\'ation of your Magesty 
action in thise last ten yeares I bave in meselfe concluded, to be your 
Magesty fixed maxime, wicb if by ciance ist a truth, without question 
could contribute vere much to the performance of thise project. 

" Madam, your Magesty sister (if I remember well) some tenn yeares 
agoe under the protest to give to your bot[h] Magesties a visite come 
in England, Bot as that was a Princesse endowed by nature of one 
transcendant sprite^ and fitt to undertake great things, So I have 
persuaded me selfe that, besaide the compliment of a visite, she did 
maket to your Magesty propositions (or Motu Proprio or by direction 
of the King of Fraunce) to fixt a personall frendiscip, and one union of 
interessis betwixt you two Kings, and a^ untill from that time could be 
forseen the ill intentions of the Pre£biterians and Fanatikes and the 
fresc memorie of the late rebellion, I conceive those reasons had bin 
motive strong enong to your Magesty to barken to succi propositions 
and that by the management of that Princesse was then contracted a 
ferme personall frendiscip and union of interessis betwixt you two 
Kings, with a reall promesse and engagement of that King to assist 
your Magesty with all necessary forces in case your Magesty shiould 
require, and that in regard of thise ferme promise of him, your Magesty 
did obblige your selfe to nott elphe cffettuallie his enemies against him. 
Thise had bin my immagination only, in wich I have bin some mesure 
confirmed by the consideration of wath ist passed in thise tenne yeares 
in our governement and some other reason besaides I have to be 
persuaded so, which for this time I ommitt to acqueint your Majesty. 

'' All I have said in this particular, I have only done to let your 
Magesty know my concepetion nott that I expect to Esact from your 
Magesty the knoledge of it. 

llests only now to your Magesty to well consider and aftter resolve 
in the ferst place if my reasons are veritable or nott, and if ist 
convenient and necessarie to provide before hand to wath can aftter 
hape, and if ist nott much better to surprise your enemies then to be 
surprised by them and wen your Magesty shall concorre in thise 
oppinion and resolution then to consider how succi important jelous 
negotiation can be raaneged with succi precaution that this secrete 
shiould nott be known bot to you two Kings and the single person that 
your Magesty shall chiuse for it. 

^* Nott that I judge convenient, in the vere beginnin to make use, of 
those Foren Forces, because I have a great reason to belive, that 
ordering our one troopes in the maner as above, having with us one 
valiant expert Generall, reclusing (?) the same troopes, and making use 
(or in part, or in all) of those in I that will be vere probable to doo our 
bisinesse with out foren assistance, bot never the lease most necessarie it 
ist to aggrive (sic) and concerte all the affaires beforhand in F. ; that 
in case of necessitie ther Forces should be readie for our assistaunce." 
Impeifect rough draft : holograph. 



141 



Sib Bernard Oasooione to King Charles II. 

[ ] — " Haveing for many yeares lived in this kingdome has 

given to me sufficient knowledg of the same, and my obligations are 
urgent motives to my duty to declare my senee in this conjuncture of 
time, in which me thinkes, wee doe not take care enough, how to remedy 
the present disturbances, and to prevent greaters that could arrive. 
Therefore upon this poynt I take the confidence. to tell your m. 

^' That in my opinion it is not a resonable thing to trust and hope 
to gaine the will of the Parliament and the People by fair meanes and 
compliance with them, being reasonable to be beleived that the Par- 
liaments, that hereafter shall be called in this present conjuncture 
of time, and as the posture of the kingdome stands, will be of the same 
humore that the last parliament was, being to be elected by the same 
persons that choosed the others, and by consequence the same members 
that were chosen before for the greater part will be elected againe. 

" Which if it is probable to be soe, no other greater care is to be 
taken, but to put ourselves in posture of defence, in case that necessity 
should come, before we were ready to make use of those expedients 
that in prudence I will believe you M have projected in your mind, it 
being impossible to have walked all this while in the dark, without 
thoughts of what remedies to make use of, for oureing those evills, in 
which insensibly we are fallen and att present we are in. 

''For which reasons I judg totally necessary to putt in better 
order and better government the troops that are att present for the 
Guards, and to take in consideracion that being commanded-in-cheife 
by a young gentleman without experience of millitary affaires, in case of 
necessity cannot act them with sicci a vigour, which need will be, 
when with a few souldiers, it ist possibile you shall be constrained to 
attache a great many. 

- ''No less convenient I judg to examine stricktly the quality, the 
inclinacion and valour of all the officers, as well captaines, lieutenants 
and other inferiors from the first to the last, and if any are amongst them 
unfitt for their command, change them, and in perticular if they are any 
suspected to be inclined or to Presbitery or Phanaticks, or in a word 
Friend to the other Partie, nothing being so much dangerous, when the 
dissensions and civill warrs are amongst the same nation, as to have in 
your troops officers ill-afTected, which can stirr up the minds of your 
souldiers against yourselfe, in favour of the other partie. 

" And not only I conceive it necessary to take such a care with the 
officers, superiors and inferiors, but likewise amongst the private souldiers, 
and to examine if they are souldiers or Faggotts, if they are inclined 
to the other partie, or if they are mutinous, which both are things, 
that can bring great disorders amongst the troops, cashire all them 
and put others in their places. 

" Of no less importance, and of a great convenience I judg it to 
be, for as much as is possible, to have your troopes composed of 
souldiers, young fellowes that are not married, and fitt to endure any 
labour, none that I intend that old experimented souldiers should be 
-cashired, but haveing reason to beleive, and being credibly informed, 
that in these present troops there are many souldiers, which are listed 
there by the officers for their owne benefitt, which haveing a trade in 
the towne, are may be content with halfe the pay, and never were 
effectually souldiers, those kind of sort I intend to be cashired, and if 
is possible to bring the companie in such a condicion that, in case they 
^should occur to march out, the souldiers should not have to leave their 



142 

wives and children in tlie townes and other places, because it is 
daingerouB that they sun away to them againe, or, that which is worst, 
they can be perswaded by them to revolt themselves and their fellow 
Bouldiers from their duty to the other partie. 

^<More then all above, I judg convenient to make a very exact 
review of all these companies, which are att this present in garrisons, 
and perticulerly of those that are fixed in the garrisons, and belong 
to the Goveiiiors or Lieutenant Grovernors, in which I am confident 
will be found that they are for the greatest part composed of the 
inhabitants of the respective townes, in which they are in garrison, 
and that, if they were to march out, not half the number will be 
found effective soldiers. In which case not only them are to be 
cashired, but the very Captaines alsoe, to make of them one example 
for waroeing the others, which rigour is necessary in the troopes^ for 
the keeping in good order the officers and soldiers. 

''And to putt a certaine remedy to all the above inconveniences, 
the surest way is (as att this present the practice in France) to never 
permitt to have any fixed companies for one garrison, for belong to the 
Governors or the Leiutenant Governors of the place, because those 
fixed officers and soldiers become lazy and negligent^ and are more 
burghers then souldiers, marrying and establishing themselves in those 
places; but in lieu of fixed companies in the garrisons it is to be 
established the government of the infantry in such manner, that no 
company shall rest, or in a garrison or in one same place, above three 
monethes, but that they shall inter change themselves as well those 
that are att Court to guard the King, with those that are in garrison 
in such manner, that none of the infantry shall be in the same placa 
above three monethes, and the good efiect of this order shall be, that 
one part of the infantry shall ever be marching, to goe to exchange 
the garrisons from one place to another, to the end that, for as 
much as possible is, the souldiers shall be in continuall action, as well 
as the officers, which ordinarily in occasion of marching exercise their 
souldiers more in the millitary discipline and no £ftulse muster can be 
made, and that which import more in eivill warrs is, that the officers 
and soldiers, wheresoever they come, are like straingers, and the 
soldiers can have no other dependance but from their owne officei*s. 

'' But because military affaires of this kind cannot be managed, 
directed and ordered, but by one commander of considerable quality, and 
perticulerly of a general esteeme and reputacion in warrs, being to 
undertake the reforme of the goveinment of our standing forces in a 
new manner, different from the former and of a greater labour, as 
well to the officers as to the souldiers, and may be of less profitt to the 
officers, being impossible to have faulse musters in marching. It is 
tlierefore necessary to find a commander, endowed with all the above 
great qualities, fitt to command, and performe such important change 
and government in the troope, and in case of occasion to be able to 
command as a Qenei-all in th6 Field, and because amongst ourselves I 
find not one person that I judg fitt for it, and that not some exception 
could be given to him, I will propose one that as well for his religion^ 
as for all other great parts, I thinke fitt more then any body else for it, 
and this is M.D.S. 

'^But because to call him to the service could be a motive to severall 
discourses and jelouses to the ill affected pei*8ons to this present 

government, 1 judg more convenient which with this 

protest coming into this kingdome for refuge and proteccion, will take 
away all suspition, to have been called here and with this occasion 
giveing some entertainement for his subsistence, putt him in thia 



143 

employment, and with his advice and direction manag the mutation of 
the government of these troopes. 

'* And as I have demonstrated the present necessity of a review and 
examinacion of the land forces, soe by consquence I judg no less 
convenient to bo done in those belonging to the navy, in whidi a strict 
examinacion is to be made, if the ofHcers any way belong to the navy, 
are well affected to the Church government aud the monarchy, and find 
that they are the least suspected to be other wayes, cashire them, and 
putt others in their places of known good principles, and not stay soe 
to doe, untiU need and occasion come to make use of them, because in 
such cases, one only such a false officer can bring such disorders, or 
in giveing orders to others, or in his executing the orders given to him 
that could putt in danger of ruin or at least in great disorder all the 
concernes of those present occasions (as unfortunately did happen to us 
in the business at Chatham by the Hollanders). 

^^ And because from the faithfuUaess of the|seamen in time of rebellion 
can depend a very great benefitt, being well affected, or a great ruine 
by being mutinous or of a contrary faction (as in the late rebellion 
experience did demonstrat to us), I judg a thing of a vast importance to 
raise some foote companies, under the name of Companies of the Sea 
(as they have done in France under the name of the Begiment de Marina), 
for the use of the Sea, each company consisting in 150 soldiers, 8^1 
marriners by profession, or att least young fellowes, fiitt to make a seaoian, 
all unmarried if possible will be, which being kept in a constant pay are 
to be instructed in managing musketts and pikes. 

^ To every one of these Companies is to be chosen for a Captaine, 
one valiant faithfnll sea commander fit to coounand a Man of Warr, 
and if not he understand to be a foot officer import nothing, because to 
the same company one Leiatenant is to be chosen,'a good foot officer, 
and likewise some sergeants for the same company, that have served in 
the foot, that this Leiutenant and Sergeants shall exercise the company 
when they are at leasui-e, in the management of the armes, and the 
good effect of all this will be that, whensoever His Majesty will send 
out a Man of Warr, the command of the same is to be given to one of 
these Captaines of the Marina, which haveing in his ship his owne 
company and his owne officers, whatsoever more pressed or voluntary 
marriners are upon the same, haveing 160 marriners of his owne 
faithfull to him he is sure to be able to hinder any rebellion, that 
the other marriners could raise, and be sure master at alle times of bis 
owne shipp, in case of civill warrs, and what I speake of one Man of Warr 
I speake of all the others. 

*' And in my judgment I thinke it necessary att present to raise 
twenty such companies of 150 marriners each one, which will amount to 
3,000 in all, and that the same companies are to be commanded by the 
best loyall and bravest sea-captaines of the kingdome. 

*^And togiveademonstracion, that these twenty companies of seamen 
will very little or nothing encreaee his Majesties charges of the navy^ 
which he is att present obleiged to doe, I say 

^* That very seldome or never happens, that for divers occasions his 
Miyesty has not twenty men-of-warr at sea, upon which he employing 
the twenty Captaines and the twenty companies will by experience 
find, that the expence will amount to the same or to very little more 
then that the navy att this present cost to his Majesty ; and from the 
establishment of these twenty Companies, his Majesty must have this 
important benefitt, videlicet, to be certaine in case of tumult or rebellion 
that all the shipps of warr that are at sea are truely and faithfully att his 
service^ because being armed with honest loyall mairiners and faithful 



144 

cafitaines, is not be feared any rebellion amongst them, whatsoever the 
rest of the kingdome was in armes. 

" The command of these twenty companies are not to be given by 
favour or by money given to any body, but to such captaines, that by 
their peraonall valour and affeccion towards the present government doe 
deserve it, neither to be sold from one to one another, as they doe in the 
infantry, but to be given gratis by his Majesty on election. 

" But because to my remonstances and propositions exceptions may be 
given, that to make innovations in the government of his Majesties 
troops (against which the male contents of the kingdome have already 
enough spoken) and to raise a new those twenty companies of seamen 
will give a great jealousie to the Citty, and all the kingdome, which live 
already in suspition and apprehention of an apparent popish successour 
and arbitrary government, 

*• I doe confidently answere to this, That such jealousie will only be 
upon those, who beiog enemies to the present ecclesiasticall and civill 
government were willing and have already endeavoured to alter the 
religion in Presbiterian or Phanatick, and the monarchy in a republique, 
and nott att all upon them, that well affected to the episcopall government 
of the English Church and to the Boy all, both of them established 
according to law, by severnll Acts of Parliament, doe clearely perceive 
the ende of the male-contents, which altogether running upon the steps 
of the yeares Forty and Forty-two, are in hope (as much as I know) for 
the confidence they have upon the good nature and softness of his 
Majesty, to come att last to the Forty-eight, which if not remedied in 
good time was probable to fall into such daingerous conditions att that 
time, or impossible to be remedied, or att least very difficult. 

*^ And in coroboration of what I have said, lett us consider to whut end 
they asked to his Majesty the power of the millitia of the kingdome, the 
fixed session of a Parliament, to attack and impeach all or most of the 
ministers of his Majesty, and severall other pretentions, all destructives 
of the Boyall Authority, and of those Prerogatives, which by law and 
severall acts of parliament had been formerly given to the kings of these 
realmes, and which for soe many yeares without any contradiction by the 
respective kings have been enjoyed. 

^< And if examples are to be taken irom that which is passed, to judg 
prudently what is like to come hereafter, lett us lake in consideracion, 
with what lenity has governed this present Monarch since his restoura- 
don, with what loveing charity he did procure and pass that Act of 
Oblivion, which did constitute in equall freedome those which for 
mainteyneing the Boyall Authority of the Crown had spent their fortunes, 
and ventured their lives, with the others who, being in the rebellion, had 
made themselves rich with the spoyles of the sufferrers, expelled the 
King and the Boyall Family, and att last made him undergoe the fatall 
blow of the axe, and that which imports more, with what religious 
punctuality he has observed the same, when the sence of the then sitting 
parliament, att his restauracion, was of another opinion. 

" To have given his consent to the demolishing of those forts in 
Scotland, which haveing been kept with good English garrisons, all 
that kingdome had been to this day under absolute command att his 
Majesty's pleasure, 

** To have without regard of the passed cruell actions against his pre- 
dessour and him, like a loveing father without distinction of persons 
disposed of the great and less imployments of the kingdome, as well to 
the Presbiterians as to the Protestants, 

'^ To have sufferred that, in the disposition of the leases of the Church 
lands, all new made since his restauracion, the Bishopps, Deanei and 



145 

Chapters and coUcdges could give the same as well to the Cavaliers as 
to the Roundheads without distinction, of which the last, haveing more 
money than the first, without question did gett the greatest part, 

'^To have religiously and generously given to the Bishopps and 
Deane and chapters the fynes raised upon the Church lands, which, 
leases att his restanracion being allmost expired, did amount to a vast 
summe, and fitt to fecompence in great measure his Majesty's partie^ 
and the poore souldiers cavaliers, 

'^ To have with royall genourosity given as well to one partie as tha 
other most of the lands of the Crowne, 

'^ And to please the mutinous and male-content partie, haveing dis- 
possedd {sic) himself e of the Court of Wardes, of the Starr Chamber, of 
the Purvey our, giv^n his consent to the Bill of Habeas Coipus, against 
}iis royall authority, and severall other things that I omitt. 

'' Lett us now consider, whos effects have produced all the above good„ 
godly, charitable and tender-hearted concessions of his Majesty to the 
kingdome ; nothing else certainely you will find, but to have given an. 
impertinent boldness to the mutinous parlie and to the people, ever to 
ask more and not to be satisfyed with any thing, which his Majesty ta 
place {sic) them hath granted, and in lieu of thankfuUness, with extreeme 
impudence, with printed books and pamphietts every day vilifie the 
Government, stirr up the people, and if they could att last bring the 
kingdome to an actuall rebellion. 

'* From all which aforesaid one infallible consequence is to be made^ 
that, if such lenity in the government of the present Prince and his 
haveing been soe indulgent to them has brought the kingdome in the 
present condition of diffidence and impudent boldness against the 
Government, is to be foreseen that preceding longer in the same manner 
' we shall att last come to an open rebellion, which is possible can divest 
the King, not only of his kingdome, but maybe of his life, and make 
appeare truth that politicall sentence, that Ungentem pungitt^ pungen^ 
tern Populus ungitt^ which signifies in good English, That that Prince, 
who is not severe with the people, the people will be severe and injustJ 
with him, and if he be severe with them, they will be indulgent and 
obedient to him. 

^' All which things well examined and putt under serious consideraclonv 
I beleive your Majesty will conclude that goeing on, as untill now has 
been done, with soft manners and with a regard not to make the people- 
murmure is out of any purpose and very daingerous, not only to loose 
att last the kingdome but (may be) your life without the least venture- 
to command in security the first and save the other, which two things 
soe important as kingdome and life, if we are in hazzard to loose, withonlr 
question is much better to doe it, with the apparent possibility o^ 
gaineing both then sufferr to loose it without haveing attempted to come 
gloriousley off", winners of all, as well for your owne sake as for protecting 
your loyall subjects, and confound your endemics. 

'^ Sire, to a very daingerous sickness, none but strong and potent 
remedies are to be apply ed. Great things are not to be managed but 
with great and fi rme resolucions, which, after long and serious consi- 
deracions and mature deliberacions once taken, are to be kept and main* 
teyned untill the last, and either win or perish in them, and never for 
whatsoever accident abandone any Prince or perticuler persons, that for 
you and with you are engaged, being nothing of soe much discredite 
of the courage and understanding of a Prince, as to be wavering in his 
resolucions, and be inconstant in those already taken, and to abandone 
those that for your service have engaged themselves, neither soe ilU 
becomeing and daingerous to a King, as not to have a good opinion o£ 
a 884S8. K 



146 

Limselfe and of bis owne underatanding and prudence, but remitt all to tbe 
arbitration and judgment of his councellours, who ordinarily for their 
owne interests or ambition, being enemies among themselves, or att least 
jealouse one of another, advise their Prince, not that which is best or 
more fitt to be done, but that which is more consistent with their 
interests or passion. 

** Example of this can be your Majesty's Father, who, haveing given 
himselfe to the authority of his counceliors, did never act almost 
anything, but by others advice, when himselfe was of a greater prudence 
and ability then any of them, as bv experience did appeare when alone and 
without counceliors in the miseries of his prison, would never consent to 
any unworthy propositions made to him by the rebells for aaveing his 
life, but with a prudence constancie and generositie, worthy of himselfe, 
choosed rather to sacrifice his life then to derogate in one title {stc) to 
the royall greatness, or to concurr with those rebells in any one act, that 
would be destructive or prejudicial! to your Majesty, his legitimate 
successour, — actions worthy of soe great a King, which are to be a 
president (sic) to your Majesty to trust no body soe much as your selfe, 
and to heare patiently the opinion of your councellora and others that 
you thinke fitt, but to remitt the last resolncion to your owne judgment. 

'^ And to the second poynt of not abandoning those, that are engaged 
in your service. Example may be the condescentlon of his late Majesty 
to the death of the Lord Strafford, his faithf ull and very able counceliour, 
by whose death in the first place he deprived himselfe of the bravest, 
wisest and most couragious man in his kingdome, upon whose fidelity he 
could rely, and in the second, discouraged all the rest to engage them- 
selves in his interest, and encreosed the boldness of his enemies, to the 
further acting against him. 

'*Sire, if there is any truth in those things by me above represented 
to your Majesty, I conceive it is fitt, not only to putt orier presently to 
the new modelling of your troopes by your Majesty, soe well and soe 
punctually paid, and to putt in new order the affaires of the navy, raise a 
new those twenty companies of seamen or more if you thinke fitt, and 
to putt your selfe in a condition rather to surprize your enemies then 
venture to be surprized by them. 

" Sire, Upon this poynt I will speak with that libertie, that my 
t>incere affection towards your Majesty without any interest will dictate 
to me, and if my presuppositions upon your Majesty's late proceedings 
in these last ten yeares by chance are false, lett them be soe, but if your 
Majesty find that whatsover false they are very fitt, and can effectually 
•worke to your service you can apply your selfe to them, with one morall 
certain tie of a good success to your purpose. 

" I must first fix for a principall maxiine, the little probable possi- 
bility that your Majesty can have to bring the Crowne againe in its 
first splendour by good will and consent of the people, or concurrence of 
the Parliament, whilst that both of them, not content of the much by 
your Majesty already granted to them, ever ask more to the dimunition 
{sic) of the royall authority, and is to be taken in consideraciou, that a 
considerable partie of that nobility and gentery, that in the last rebellion 
did serve your Father, and ventured their lives and fortunes for the 
support of the Crowne, are now the bitterest against it, from whence 
being to be presupposed, that those Presbiterians and Phanaticks, that 
were against the King then, will be att present soe too, adding the 
now perverted to the first others, in reason it is to be feared, that 
your enemies will be more numerous and more potent in the kingdome 
then those were in your fathers time, and if the others did overcome 



147 

and rumo him, tbis present rebellious partle, by consequence more 
easily will bring your Majesty in tlie same condition. 

" In which opinion upon my reasons if your Majesty concurr, it is 
convenient to thinke on some other remedie, whose vigorous operations 
can assure your Majesty's person and interest from any revolutions.*' 

A fair transcript in clerical penmanship, amended at several points 
with words and letters by Sir Bernard Gascoigne's own pen. 

Sib Bbrxahd Gascoigne to King James II. 

[ ]. — " Havingh the honor to be one of the ancient servants 

of your Magesty Familie and the estime and affection that I have for 
your Magesty, and no other greater deseire then your greatteuesse and 
prosperitie and all bappinesse to the Kindome ist the only motive thai 
make me represente to your Magesty some thoughts of myn and con- 
siderations upon the present estate and governament of the kingdom e, 
wich if by ciance ahiould ^rove nott accordingh to your Magesti 
oppinion, I will entreats you in ill part not to take it, hot to considere 
them only as a generall maximes of estate. 

" That Prince, wich with a kingly coragge will nott goo back from 
those steps, that he in words or in deeds ist gone forward, it ist 
necessarie and of a great prudence to consider well, and againe and 
againe, before he goo on, since once moved on, will never come back. 

" When a Prince has a concell of sicci concelers, that ever approve 
with out opposition vvath the Prince propose in concell, or those 
coQoeliers want habilitie, or want corage, or want honestie, since it ist 
ipposibile that the politike affaires propose in Concell shiould all be so ' 
clare for the benefitt of King and kindome, that shiould nott have * 
some objections wich nott debated and hopened to the Prince knoledge, 
he can nott know wath difficulties can be encountered, and judge by 
them, if it ist better to goo on that step or nott, and the much more for 
that Prince wich ist unwillingh to retrocede of wath he has done. 

" In the politike affaires and maters of State, the experience has 
demonstrated that the advyse of the Ecclesiasticall persons are vere 
dangerous, because those of that profession, or the are altogheter given 
to devotion and bigotteries, and then they only for convertion of the 
people, and themselves foil of simplicitie and inablo to give concel ; hot 
if they are nott of this kinde, but persons of undcrstandingh, the are all 
for there interesse and ambition, and give only concels to make the 
Cerch greater and themselfes to gro iu autoritie and estate, and take 
no care of that prejudice that from it can come to the Prince. 

" Therfore it ist necessarie that the prudence of the Prince remedie 
to this, in havingh debated the oppiiiions of the ecclesiasticalls in the 
concell of Seculars. 

" And because in this kindome your Magesty deseire to advance the 
religion, hiere the oppinion of the ecclesiastickes in the propositions of 
the seculars, in wath can apparteine to religion, being a great care to 
be taken, to nott pott in danger the Temporall to advance the Eccle- 
siastical!, and to act in siccy maner, that all shiould goo quoyet, and nott 
to be in necessitie to make use of violence of armes, from wich come 
manie bad effects. 

" The Prince can nott hot profitt vere much in hieringh the oppinion 
of those, wich he can judge prudent persons, and well informed of the 
affaires of the worlde and of the kindome, wath so ever in ther 
judgements the doo nott concorre altogheter in the maximes aggreable 
to the Prince; because in speking ther minde to the Prince, being 

K 2 



148 

constreined to give ther reasons of State for it, bow tber oppinion ist 
for the Prince's advantage, present or to come, maj the Prince hieringh 
those reasons judge if it is! better for him to foUowe ther judgement or 
goo in the oppinion of the others or in his one accordingh as sniall tinck 
fitt in his prudence the Prince to doo. 

'' When a Prince in bis countrie procured (sic) to inlarge another 
religion, different to that which att present in his dominions bj far 
greater number of his subjets ist professed, must act vere discretely 
wath so ever the Prince ist armed for severall reasons. 

'< The Ferst : because it ist dangerous a general! insurrection over 
all the kindome, of those of that religion, wich, wathsoever finden the 
Prince armed, can never the lesse pott him in great troubles. 

^^ Secondly : because the warre is to be made in his one kindome,^ 
and amonghst his one subgetts from wence hj necessitie must be that, 
wath so ever the Prince should prevaile, shiall never the lesse much 
domage his one countrie, destroie his one villaggis and loose his one 
subgettes, and besaide never was bv force ^abilisEed any religion. 

" Sly : The Prince ist to take in consideration that, wen he 
possessed the kindome in quietenesse, it ist in condition, with assurance 
to advance his religion wich by her selfe will enlarge, but cannqt the* 
religion helphe the Prince to be manteiued in his dominions, wen by a 
contrari accidents he was troubled or in danger to be excluded. 

" 4ly : That Prince, wich (sic) soldiers are all of one nation with 
his one subgetts, and all of a different religion of that wich the Prince 
professe, if occasion come to bringh his armie to fight with the people 
of ther one nation and of ther one religion (and maybe for religion sake)' 
can nott the Prince rely upon them so much as if the soldiers were 
estrangers and of his one religion. 

" This more I will pott in your Magesty consideration, that the 
Prince wen anie of his subgetts have indeavoured to disvest him of his 
right and his soveranitie, it ist a christian action to forgive it to them, 
bot it ist very dangerous for the Prince to trust the govemament of 
his estate and to reley upon them, being vere possibile that wen the 
shiall finden one occasion of ther advantage, or see the Prince in anie 
danger, the will doo the same to the Prince, as the did before having 
appared by experience before hand that ther naturall inclination ist nott 
to love the Pidnce, bot for the one advantage, and that the doo nott 
estime much the bond of ther othe of allegiance nether have much 
religion or conscience." 

Holograph : Translation into English of a holograph draft in Italian 
of the same paper. — Also (1) portions of another translation in Sir 
Bernard's penmanship of the same paper; (2) the holograph rough 
draft in Italian ; and (3) an amended and comparatively fair copy in 
clerical penmanship of the above-printed paper. 



Sir Bernard Gascoigne to King James II. 

[ J. — "The Assistance of God and the last Rebellion, that 

did give to your Magesty a opportunitie to raise one considerable army^ 
give to me occasion to represente to your Magesty some reflessions of 
myn, wich it ist possibile are fitt to be pott in essecution in this con- 
juncture of time; to prevent all those dangers that can come to your 
Magesty, by the posture in wich are att this times your Kindomes ; 
jugging very necessarie to make this present army, althoghete 
dependent from your Magesty, and as much as it ist possibile, kipe the 
solders from leving the Kindome and his interesse, and pott the same 



149 

in condition to sussiste and live only by jour Magesty, and take care 
that the officers vigilantly procure that the solders shall have no 
dependence bot from the Corone. 

*< And because may be it appares att the ferst prospect more sure 
and more convenient for your Magesty to have the Cif officers of the 
army, as Coronells, Tenent-Goronelb and Capitanes, persons of estate 
and interesse amonghst the people. 

*' If your Magesty examine well this important point, and consider 
the posture of this present time, I verely belive you will finden in the 
<;ontrarie, Because those rich officers, and that have one estate of ther 
•one, can ciange ther present oppinion, or by ther one interesse or by 
ther religion, or by severall other reasons, and leaving ther imploiements 
wen you neede of them or debate (?), the soldiers hereafeter were well 
with out your Magesty. 

** Bot the yunger brothers, or soldiers of fortune, that have no estate 
of ther ones, if are in those emploiemenls, being out of them have nott 
how to live well, and are obbliged by consequence to sosteine your 
interesse, and perisse if occasfon be for your Magesty, that give to them 
to live like gentelmans ; the Ferst rich serving your Magesty att present 
for ther good-will or ambition and the Second by necessitie, therfore I 
judge more sure and greater securitie, make use of the last wich serve 
for necessitie, and that have ther mantinence from your Magesty, 
then be served by the Ferst, that can (if the will) ciange ther intentions, 
■and live v»re well without your Magesty. 

^< Your Magesty must take iu consideration that your present condi- 
tion ist althogheter different from that of all other monarchs, that att 
this present time kipe armies on foott ; because thos kipe armies or to 
^defend themselves for estranger enemies or to attack other princes to 
make conquests. 

'' Bot your Magesty ist contreint to kipe your armie on foote to garde 
your selfe from those enemies, which are hidden and mingled amonghst 
your suggetts, and that wich is worst and of great consideration, are of 
the same nation, and kinismans and friends of those, that are nott att 
present your enemies. 

** To all this your Magestic must adde, that your tropes are nott 
•strangers, bot of the same nation ; for wich ist esie to apprend how 
dangerous and of great azzard ist to rest and trust your selfe upon one 
armie of this kinde, to be defended from the friend kinismans and 
contremans of your officers and soldiers, wich it ist dangerous to be 
jour enemies in case that ewer hiere afeter your Magestie should have 
neede to make use of your armie against the Kindome. 

"Therfore to pott a remedie (for as ranch as ist possibile) to so 
manie dangers and inconvenients, 

'< I judge vero necessarie to modell this ai*mie in siccy manor, to 
take away from the officers and soldiers all occasions to have interesse 
In the kindome, and with the people, to the end that your armie should 
be altogheter dependent from your Magesty, 

"And because your Magesty could know that these recessions of 
myn are reall, and nott on suspicion or apprehension, without ground, 
your Magesty can remember that wen that body of Scot soldiers did 
come from Holland att the rebellion of the Duke of Monmouth, a con- 
siderabil part of them were seeing {sic) that they were resolved to no 
f eight against him, wich bad intention the had nott the opportunitie to 
X)ott in essecution, because the Duce was defeted before that body of 
Scots was brought against him. 

" And all them were soldiers of fortune and had no wyfe no litile 
no kindred in this Kindome, and could have had for this no other 



150 

reason bot ther religion, or the litle inclination to feight for the King 
against the common people. 

'^ To make provision and to remede, for as much aa it ist possibilo, to 
this ineonvenientSy I judge necessarie to make live your soldiers and 
officers under a governament and lawes different of those of the 
Kindome, to take them away from the jurisdiction of the ordinarie 
lawes and to give the totall governament of them to ther officers under 
the martiall lawe, under the direction and autoritie of your Magesty. 

" And because your 'Magesty can compreend of wath importance ist 
siccy a tingh, Ciarles the Fift Imperator, wich in Germanie had not 
the occasion to feare his one people so much as your Magesty has in se 
manie religions and ill affected people in your Kindomes, t ought never 
the lesse fitt, to be sure of his officers and soldiers to form a Magna 
Carta in his one bealfe, to obbligo by the same all his officers and 
soldiers of his troopes to be under those lawes that were estabillissed 
ther in, and to take ther othe to live and dey under the same, leving the 
autoritie of the justice civill and ciimlnall to ther one officers and to 
one auditour, wich was as the Cif Justice of the Armie wich Magna 
Carta and lawes are att this present in force in all the Emperour armies, 
and no civill magistrates have anie power or autoiitie upon bis Magisty 
soldiers. 

"No lesse importance I judge to pott under your Magesty considera- 
tion, of wath prejudice can be to your Magesty to soffer that your 
ordinarie soldiers and inferior officers mari att ther plesire, because after 
the are marled, have Cillen and maket a famillie, are nott ready to your 
service, they are out of love of ther officers and Kegiment and in occasion 
to serve in civill warres, the have ther families in the tounes that are to 
be taken, are draw by the affections of the wyfes and^ cillen, to serve 
and adere more to the people then to the King, and for my part a 
married soldier in this country I doo nott rekonen a soldier fitt for your 
Majesty service, bot one man of the ; and for this example 

can be, that never the Komans had anie soldier maried untill the were 
sent for Colonies, to people other countries conquered by them. 

" The same reason can be said of the rest of the superior officers 
wathsoever nott so much, because in them ist to be expected that 
Honor and Honesty should kcpe them in ther dutyes to your Majestic. 

" Convenient likewyse and nscessarie I believe it ist for the quoict- 
nesse of the Kindome and satisfation of the people to sett a verc good 
strett to the soldiers to live in quoietnesse in ther quartiers and to nott 
take from them more then that that ist allowed to them, and as well as 
the -are punctually paied by your Magesty, so order given that the 
shiould paie ther landlords, according to the establissement that your 
Magesty has al ready done and hiere afeter shiall doo. 

"And that ther officers shiould be obbliged to answer for ther 
soldiers or att least to pott them prisoners on deliverey (in case the have 
broke the orders) to the justice of the regiment or of the armie. 

" The ordinances under wich shiould livve this armie, to make ther 
althogheter dependent from your Magesty, I judge to be more or lesse 
those hiere under writen Charter of the Lawes under wich shiall live 
his Magesty armies. 

" The Coronells and other Cif Officer are to take care, that ther 
soldiers live in ther quartiers under ther colours, and that none of them 
shiall depart for longer then two dayes with out a license in writen from 
ther Officer then comanding in the quartier, or att lest of ther one 
captayne and in fait of this t£e shiall be taken as of fugitives that run 
from the Color Array. 



151 

'' All the soldiers shiall be obbliged to live in thos quartieis assigned to 
tbem with all civilitie and quoietnesse and to nott presse ther respective 
landlords to give them bot that wich the are obbliged to give bj his 
Magesty ordinance, and that too that the shiall havet paied to hiin att 
the rate appointed for it. 

" No soldier shiall goo oat of ther villages in the quartier to take 
suains scips or goes or anie other tinghs belong to the contremans, and 
if the shiall offend in this kind, ther officers shiall be obbliged to answer 
to the conntremans, and to deliver to the Justice of the regiment or the 
armie the delinquent soldier or soldiers. 

'^ Shall nott be lafoll to anie soldier or caporall or sargiant to marj 
with out a license of the Coronell of the same regiment, wich licence 
shiall nether be permitted to the Coronell to give with out the partici- 
pation of his Generall Officers or of his Magestj, and anie soldier that 
broke this order shiall be presently casciert, and one other pott in his 
place unmarried. 

^* Nether shiall be permitted to anie officer of wath so ever qualitie 
could be to mary with out knoledge and permission of his Magestie, 
under the same punissement of loosing imploiement, ipso c6dem facto. 

'^ Shiall nott be laful to anie soldier of horse to sell or trock his horse 
of service with out license of his capitaine, and in case of dooing shiall be 
lafuU to the officers of that troppe to take the same horse, sold or 
troket, wen they can finden to monte another soldier in liu of the other 
casciert. 

<< Shiall be Pena Death to everi soldier or officer inferiour to dra the 
surd against his one superiour officer, and wath ist said of drain the surd 
is to be ucderstond of anie sort of armes against his superiour officer. 

*^ No officer of wathsoever qualitie shiall loose the respect to his 
enferionr officer or dra the surd against him or cialeng him, or offend 
him with anie armes upon the same pena of Death, being impossibile 
that anie armie could be well governed, with out one inviolable respect 
and obbedience to his respective officers. 

''And because esperience has maket appare, that the occasion of 
soldiers loosing the respect and obbedience to his officers, and to committ 
the greatest disorders for the great part ist occasioned by drinkin and 
bin drunke, shiall be one inviolable lawe, that if anie soldier shall be 
drunck, and in that condition committ anie disorder or tumult, that att 
that instant shiall be pott in ayerns for the first time, and a great 
repreension to be made to him by his officers, and in case the second 
time he doo incorre in the same falte, that his officers shiall make him 
passe the gantelett, and to the terd time shiall be cassiert, and in his 
place pott another sober fello. 

'' And because to the same disorders of bin drunck and commit manie 
abusis, the officers are suggett as well as the soldiers, wich in liu of 
giving good example with ther sobrietie are drunck themselves, shiall 
the same lawe be against them as well as for the soldiers, with this 
difference that, if anie officer from cornett or alfeir (sic) above shiall 
committ sicci falte (?) for the two ferst time their superiour officers 
shiall make a correction to them, and if afetter that will not doo and the 
be drunck againe, the Generall officers shiall be informed and acqueinted 
of it, to consult his Majesty wath to be done in sicci case, and with sicci 
one officer for his better service. 

** And because the respect and honor, that we are obbliged to give to 
God Ameighte, siould nott be despeised with that corsed costume of 
blasfemin his oli name (error to much comune in the armies) and wich 
in other countries ist punissed by boring the tonge of the blasfemours. 



152 

^''Let be infallibilc lawe in this Christian Armie, that all those 
^diers, wich shiall be so profane as to blasfeme GFod, shiall be for the 
first times corrected by ther officers, and nott leaving ther infamous falte 
for it, shiall be casciert, as the most dangerous plage that can be in one 
Armie. 

" All others errors and delicts, that shiall be committed by the officers 
and soldiers of this arme, wich particularly are nott expressed in this 
articles are to be enterely remitted to the judgement and justice of the 
armie, wich justice ist to be esecuted and governed according to those 
under write articles, the maner of makin the [ ] or judgement 

according to the martiall lawe against the soldiers and officers of the 
army. 

" If a common soldier shiall have broket the orders or lawes of the 
armic, and one esamination is to be make upon him, the Coronell bhiall 
call togheter the Tenant- Coronell and the Magior, one Capitaine, one 
Liutenant, one Ansent, one Sergiant and one Oaporall, before wich 
esamination ist to be made of the accusations against the soldier, hiere 
him selfe, his one escusations and reasons; and the shiall judge him, 
if gilti or nott gilty, and of wath pena ; wich shiall be pott in esecution ; 
bot in case that the crime was to be punissed of Death, then in that 
•case shiall nott be done without the consent of one Grenerall Officer or of 
the Concell of Warre, if att that time his Magesty has ostabilissed one. 
*^ I judge impossibile that att this time your Magesty could establisse 
^sic) in your armie militarie lawes, with the consent of the parlament, 
bot I judge vere esie in not sittingh of a parlament for a time to esta- 
bilisse a militarie lawes, because I doo nott conceive, no will be so bold 
as to oppose to them bot in parlament, and att that time were felte and 
the much more because military lawe sett up, the common people wiU 
finden a great benefitt by the good order that by vertue of siccy lawes 
the soldiers in ther quartiers will kipe, and then shiall nott be anie com- 
plaint of the armye as are att this present, of wich good order the comun 
of the Kindom being pleased with, it is possibile the parlament will 
«ummitt to it afeter. 

'^ And your Magesty must conclude that without militarie lawes your 
armie can nott sussist in good order, nether can your Magestie make use 
of the same in your occasions, as it ist possibile in time you can have 
needes of. 

" For wath militarie lawes your Magesty must governe your armie, 
I judge convenient that your Magesty examine the militarie lawes that 
by Ciarles the Fifth were governed his armies in GFermanie, wich att this 
present time the Emperour make use of, and take out of them wath your 
Magesty tinck fitt for this present time and use those hiere that you 
shifdl judge necessarie. 

'' I judge no lesse necessarie to a good governament of the armie, to 
establisse att the Court nieare your Magesty person a Concell of Warre 
of your one Officers Generalls and Coronells, that you wi4 be pleased to 
ciuse with one Segretarie of WaiTe, independent from other Segretaries, 
to wich Segretarie and Concell must addresse themselves all the Cif 
officers of the regiments, and commanders in the quartiers, to kipe well 
informed the Concell of wath passe amonghst the truppes of His 
Magesty, and from the resolution and orders of this Concell shiall 
althogheter depend the governament of the army, with the approbation 
and direction of your Magesty ; And with this Concell shiall corrisponde 
once every weeke att least all Commander in Cif in ther respective 
quartiers wer the shiall lodge, to give the Concell account of anie dis- 
order or errour thatsbialTbe committed in ther quartiers, and hiere 
wath order the Concell will give toward itt. 



153 

*^ Most excellent has bin the resolution of your Magestj in summer 
time to kipeyourtroopes encamped in the feilde ; bot for severall reasons 
I shiould judge more convenient to nott kipen all togheter,bot separted 
in severaQ encampements in deivers parts of the Kindome, in 2000 in 
every campe of 5000 nieare the Court, from wence shiould come out 
those bodies that shiould garde your Magesty, to be clanged accordingh 
the order, lodging the cavallerie or in the nebering villagges or asseining 
barnes to be covered (?) nieare the campo, as more your Magesty will 
tinch fitt for convenience of the soldiers and the countne. 

^' I likwyse pott under your Magesty consideration, if could nott be 
of great advantage to your Magestie in the intervall of parlament (in 
case you shiould judge fitt, to have them nott sit for some time) to allowe 
a libertie of concience for a determinate time for all religions, only in 
ther private housis, with out publick assembles, to make essperience wath 
effects can produce in the allowed time, and if this will bring to your 
Magesty the affection of the nonconformists .... wath so ever will 
displease the clergi of the cerch of England, and to this have moved me 
to have see in the last session of parlament, the vere Bisciopes goo 
against the interesse of the corone, from wich the are immediate depen- 
dent, to make them know that the Corone as well can acte in ther great 
disadvantage. 

^* A nd besaides all this, if sicci small libertie could bring to your 
Magesty the affection of the nonconformists, wich are a vere considerable 
great number, could alter all the mesares of those, to wich ist nott 
agreable the present states of affaii*es of your Majesty. 

^* I doo like wyse pott under your Magesty consideration, if was nott 
convenient att this present for severall reasons that I doo not insert hiere, 
to absteine from publicke denertrations ? toward Rome, because those 
being nott abile to doo anie good toward your govemament in this 
Eindomes, give occasion to the ill affected of morrderation and pott in 
jelosie those that love your Magesty that are of another oppinion. 

'^ For the rest, your Magestie has nott occasion to be affraide of anie 
trouble when the parlament not set, nether much in sittingh, wen lai in 
your Magesty power to adgiorning or dissolving presently, wen you can 
see, that the are acting against your one interesse, and I doo adverre that 
nether in your Magesty Father of blessed memorie, had bin sicci civill 
warre as was to His Magesty otter mine had he nott before concorred 
to that pernicious act that that parlament could nott be dissolved bot by 
ther one will (wich I hope never shiall be hiere aftter) ; and notingh 
had bin wathsoever His Magestie Ciarles the Ferst had not att tluit 
time anie troopes. 

'^ Tho much more ist assured your Magestie have att this present 20°^ 
man wich wathsoever ai-e nott yet modelled as the are to be in tw[o] 
or tree years will for certen be sufficient to kipe the kindome in aue and 
obbediencCy and hinder the ill intentions of those, that nott love the 
present governament, from attenting anie tingh." 
Holograph : rough draft. 



VI. — ^Pepts Papers. 

Whilst it will be studied with delight by the many readers who take 
a strong personal interest in everything that relates to the most amusing 
and capable of our seYenteenth century diarists, the ensuing body 
of hitherto unpublished papers vnl\ prove of great service to any 



154 

sufficient biographer, who may be taking steps to give the world an 
adequate *' Life of Samuel Pepys " now that an equally discreet and 
sagacious editor has given us a satisfactory edition of the famous 
Diary. 

(1) Letter, dated from Tanger Bay on January |g, 1661, from the Earl 
of Sandwich to Samuel Pepys ; (2) Latin letter, dated from Lisbon on 
10th September 1661, to Samuel Pepys; (3) Letter, dated from 
Lisbon on September ^, from the Earl of Sandwich to Samuel Pepys ; 
(4) Letter, dated from Lisbon on 11th September 1661, from Edward 
Shepley to Samuel Pepys; (6) Interesting English postcript to an 
undated letter [1661, September?] written in French by John Creed to 
Samuel Pepys ; (6) Letter, dated from the Royal James in the Bay of 
Tanger on 14th October 1661, from the same to the same ; (7) Letter, 
dated " At sea off the Rock of Lixa'' on 26th February 1662, from the 
same to the same ; (8) Letter, dated itom Lixa on 26th March O.S., 
1662, from the same to the same, in which the writer sajs: **My 
'< Lord Embassador doth all he can to hasten the Queen's Majesties 
*^ embarquement, there being reasons enough against suffering any 
'< unnecessary delay, but there are divers great circumstances that must 
^^ be well settled. Her Majestic is pleased to expresse very great zeal 
" to be speedily on board, and Uiat sbee will overcome even impossi- 
" bilities in order thereunto. Yet we can move but slowly, which is to 
^ be attributed partly to the nature of some circumstances, but cheifly 
" to the humour of this grave people. I hope, however, we shall not 
'* be much longer delayed, from makeing his Majestic most joyf ull, and 
" England happy by the safe arrivall of the Queen, soe exceUent a 
" Jewell as may inrich England, while this countrey is more impoverished 
" by her losse, then by parting with all the money and Jewells of her 
** Majesties portion/' ; (9) Letter, dated from the Royal Charles on 
April i4*h, from the same to the same, in which the writer says: "I 
" would not omit this last opportunity from this coast of a line to you. 
" Sunday last her Majestic imbarqued, and her great welcome into the 
" fleete was expressed by all the wayes we could, the great guns spoke 
*^ it loudly, the fires artiiicially throughout the fleets shewed it fai* and 
** neer. I shall not take on me to make to you now any relation of her 
" imbarquement, the magnificence, sorrow and joy, that was expressed 
** but leave all those things to our meeting ; (10) Letter, dated from 
*« theCockepitt" on 8th June 1664, from the Duke of Albemarle to 
Samuel Pepys, touching ships and soldiers, and especially requiring that 
notice may be sent to the writer '' where the other shippe lies that is to 
goe for Tangier"; (11) Letter, dated from Tanger on 2nd September 
1665, from John Lord Belasyse to Samuel Pepys, "Treasurer for the 
affaires off Tanger," in which the writer speaks strongly and precisely 
of the humiliation he endures and the shifts to which he is put, through 
&ilure of remittances of money from England; (12) Letter, dated 
from Tanger on 2nd September 1665, from John Lord Belasyse to 
Samuel Pepys, touching bills of exchange for 500/., which the writer 
has drawn on his correspondent ; (13) Letter, dated from Cockpitt on 
9th October 1665, from the Duke of Albemarle to Samuel Pepys, 
touching money for shoes and other conveniences for the proper equip- 
ment of seamen; (14) Letter, dated from London on 10th October 
1665, from Mr. John Colville, the goldsmith, to Samuel Pepys, expressing 
the writer's regret that, in consequence of the scarcity of money, he 
cannot supply his correspondent with what he'' desires on tallies"; 
(15) Letter, dated in London on 10th October 1665, from Su: John. 
Frederick and Nathaniel Heme to Samuel Pepys, touching a bill of 
exchange for 2,500/., with Pepys's reply to the epistle, showing the difli- 



165 

eulty he sometimes expenenced in getting money for official necessities ; 
(16) Letter, dated from the Old Jury on 12th October 1665, from 
Sir John Frederick and Nathaniel Heme, touching the same bill of 
exchange, with Pepys's reply to the epistle; (17) Letter, dated from 
Oxford on 17th November 1665, from John Creed to Samuel Pepys, 
with a letter on the same paper from Denis Gkuden, Surveyor Qencral 
of Marine Victuals at the Victualling Office ; (18) Letter, dated from 
Oxford on 19th November[1665], from John Creed to Samuel Pepys; 
(19). Letter, dated from the Navy Office, London, from Pepyq 
and two other Commissioners of the Navy to the Commissioners and 
Officers of his Majesty's Ordnance, asking for twelve firelocks, with 
a supply of bullet and powder, for the defence of the Navy Office 
against mutinous seamen ; (20) Letter, dated from Hull on 16th 
July 1667, from John Lord Belasyse, Governor of Hull, to Samuel 
Pepys, informing the addressee of the epistle that three considerable 
prizes, in which he is interested, have been brought into Hull E>oadey 
and advising Pepys to send some trusty agent to Hull, for the 
protection of his interest in the same prizes; (21) Bough Draft;, 
dated at the Navy Office on 20lh July 1667, of Pepys's reply to 
Lord Belasyse's friendly communication; (22) Letter, dated at Lon- 
don on 25th September 1667, from Francis Hosier, Surveyor of 
Accounts at Dover and other places for the Commissioners of the 
Admiralty, to Samuel Pepys, touching the official misdemeanors of 
Mr. Edward Wivell ; (23) Letter, dated on 30th November [1667], 
from Sir William Coventry to Samuel Pepys, touching an intimation 
given in the House of Commons of a great discovery to the value of 
65,000/., of which " the King had bin cosened," and " the losse the 
King sustained by Sir William Batten's contract for Gottenburgh 
masts"; (24) Letter, dated on 17th March 1670, from Sir Richard 
Browne, Secretary of the Trinity House in Water Lane to Samuel 
Pepys ; (25) Paper, in Samuel Pepys's handwriting, dated in 1670, 
of " questions proposed by the Earle of Essex, on going Ambassador 
'' to Denmark, touching the honour of the Flag, with the Besolutions 
" signified thereupon by Lord Arlington " ; (26) Letter, dated from the 
Trinity House on 7th February 1672, from Samuel Pepys to Sir 
Bichard Browne, Master of the Corporation of the Trinitv House, 
touching an arrangement for keeping many of the Navy Omce books 
and papers at the Triuity House. With Sir Eichard Browne's note 
of reply to the same letter ; (27) Letter, dated from Whitetall on 
27th May 1672, from Sir Joseph Williamson to Sir Thomas Allen 
knt, touching ''the late ill accident of fire at the St. Catherines 
[dock] " and measures for preventing similar and even worse misfor- 
tune in the future ; (28) Letter, dated from Whitehall on 29th May 
1672, and endorsed by Samuel Pepys, from Prince Rupert to the 
Master and Brethren pf the Trinity House, requiring them to take 
order for preventing such misadventure in the future as the recent 
accident by fire at St. Katherine's ; (29) Letter (signed Anglesey, 
Ormonde, W. Seymour and G. Carteret, and ''by command of the 
I,oi*d»— S. Pepys "), dated from Whitehall on 6th September 1673, 
from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to the Master, 
Wardens, and Assistants of the Trinity House of Deptford, Strand, 
touching "an abstract of a graunt intended to be made by his 
." Majesty to the Countesse of Fahnouth, of all the chaines in the 
" liver of Thames, betweene London bridge and Bagby's hole, with all 
". the fees and profitts arising from the same " ; (30) Letter, dated from 
Darby House on 9th January 167|, from Samuel Pepys to the Com* 
loissioners of the Admiralty touching affairs of the Navy ; (31) Letter, 



156 

dated from St. James's on 8tb February 167J, from H.R.H. the 
Duke of York to the Master, Wardens and Assistants of the Trinity 
House, touching William Lord Majnard's desire " to have a grant of 
the reversion of the Ballast Office for twenty-one years " ; (32) Letter, 
dated under the sign manual and signet of Charles II. from the 
Court at Whitehall on 10th February 167|, to the Master, Wardens, 
and Assistants of the Tiinity House, touching the same desire of 
William Lord Maynard for a grant of the reversion of the Ballast 
Office ; (33) Letter, dated from Derby House on 4th November 1675, 
from William Hewer, servant and friend of Samuel Pepys, to . . • , 
announcing the appointment of Sir Anthony Dcane to the posts of 
Comptroller of the Victualling Office and Commissioner of the Navy ; 
(34) Letter, dated from Nimeque on 24th June, O.S., 1676, from Sir 
Leoline Jenkins to Samuel Pepys, entreating the addrosee of the epistle 
to consider favourably the writer's statement of the grievances of the 
Officers of the Court of Admiralty ; (35) Extracts, in Samuel Pepys's 
handwriting from two letters, dated respectively from Dublin on 30th 
October and 14th November 1676, from Sir William Petty to Sir 
Bobert Southwell ; a paper endorsed by Pepys " 1676 : Sir William 
Potty's Hypothesis of a Scale of Creatures " ; (36) Letter, dated from 
Dublin on 13th January 167^, from Sir William Petty to Sir Robert 
Southwell, touching the writer*s Essay on the Scale of Creatures and 
his Invention of a Chariot with a single wheel ; (37) Letter, dated from 
Nimegue on 10th May, O.S., 1677, to Samuel Pepys, and written in 
behalf of the Comte de Wallenstein, now in England, who wishes to ''be 
gone to-morrow for the Hague " and needs '^ a yacht for his transport " ; 
(38) Holograph letter, dated from Newmarket on 5th October 1677, 
from H.R.H. the Duke of York, touching a packet of letters addressed 
to Pepys which the Duke had opened ; (39) Letter, dated from Tanger on 
24th May 1680, from Sir Palm[er] I'airboine to Samuel Pepys, in which 
the writer says, " I . . . . onely desire you to poses yourselfe 
" with the oppinion, that itt will be impossible ever to maintaine this 
** garission by any other ways butt by oppen war, unless the enimie would 
<' condesend in time of peace to fortifyeing the towne, which soe farr as I 
** can learne the[y] absolutely refuse " ; (40) Letter, dated from Whitehall 
on 2oth June 1680, from John Evelyn, the Diarist, to Samuel Pepys, 
touching the state of The Boyal Society; (41) Letter, without 
date, from John Evelyn the Younger (son of the Diarist) to 
to Samuel Pepys, together with a copy of the writer's encomiastic poem 
of fifty-four verses on H.R.H. the Duke of York ; (42) Letter, dated on 
3rd December 1681, from Dr. Thomas Gale, Head Master of St. Paul's 
School, to Samuel Pepys, touching the precise significance of the Latin 
word ** versoria," and the antiquity of the helmsman's office ; (43) Letter, 
dated from "The Court at Winchester" on 80th August 1684, from 
Lord Sunderland to Roger L'Estrange, requiring discovery to be made 
of the shorthand writer, who took notes of the proceedings at the trials 
of Ireland, the five Jesuits, and Langhome ; (44) Holograph letter, 
dated from Winchester on 19th September 1684, from H.B.H. the 
Duke of York to Samuel Pepys, ordering that a yacht be provided *' to 
carry the Siam envoyes for Calais " in accordance with the wish of the 
French Ambassador ; (45) Holograph letter, dated from Newmarket, on 
17th October 1684, from the same to the same, touching the King's 
pleasure that the H.M.S. St, David be paid off and laid up; (46) Holo- 
graph letter, not dated but written at St. James's on 4th November 
1684, from the same to the same, oixlering a yacht to be provided ^ for 
"** the Marquis de Richelieu, his wife and family, to carry them over to 
*< France"; (47) Original Petition, dated on 18rh May 1685, of Titus 



157 

Ontes alias Otes to King James II., with an endorsement in Samuel 
Pepy's handwriting; (48) Letter (apparently in the handwriting of 
Samuel Pepys), dated from '' the Court at Whitehall*' on 6th January 
168fy under the Sign Manual of James II., countersigned by Samuel 
FepySy and addressed to Sir John Tippetts and Sir Richard Haddock 
knts.y and James Sotherne, esq., Commissioners of His Majesty's navy, 
touching some demands of Mr. JPepys in relation to his past services as 
Clerk of the Acts of the Navy and Secretary of the Admiralty; 
(49) Memorandum by Sir Willliam Petty, dated on . . . February ; 
1687, touching the. " Spiritual Estate of W, P." ; (50) Letter, written 
by Sir William Petty in December 1687, of religious instruction to his 
son ; (51) Letter, dated from King's Weston on 23rd December 1687, 
from Sir Robert Southwell to Samuel Pepys, touching the death of Sir* 
William Petty; (52) Letter, dated on 31st August 1688, from James' 
Houblon to Samuel Pepys, containing particulars of " the sad story of 
the earthquake at Lima " ; (53) Letter, dated from Queen's College, 
Oxford, on 29th October 1695, from Mr. Thomas Tanner (in later time 
Bishop of St. Asaph) to Samuel Pepys, accompanying a presentation- 
copy of the NotUia Monasiica ; (54) Letter, dated from Oxford on 
2nd May 1699 ; from John Wallis, D.D. to Samuel Pepys, touching 
a book which the writer had sent to Samuel Pepys, and giving 
particulars of the aptitude displayed by three of the writer's grand- 
children in deciphering letters written in cypher ; (55) Letter, dated 
from Trinity College, Cambridge, on 14th May 1700, from Roger Gale, 
Fellow of the said College, to Samuel Pepys, touching Erasmus's auto- 
graph MSS. of Libanins's Orations, and offering Pepys congratulations on 
his recovery from severe illness ; (56) Letter, dated from Cadiz on 25th 
Mai-ch 1701, from J. Jackson to his uncle Samuel Pepys, giving par- 
ticulars of the writer's trip to Gibraltar and Cadiz ; (57) Letter, dated 
from Clapham on 29th September 1702, from Samuel Pepys to the 
Beverend [ ]; (58) Undated paper in John Evelyn's hand- 

writing on the Clepsamidium Nauticum, a newly invented hour-glass, 
endorsed by Samuel Pepys. 

Eabl op Sandwich to Samuel Pepys. 

1661, January J§, Taujrer Bay. — " Sam Pepys. You will receive 
herewith a pacquett which I have broke up and send single, that you may 
with your owne hand deliver the letters to the greate persons as you shall 
finde littinge. You will also receive a little longe box which is a mapp of 
Tanger which you must be sure noebody opens nor sees, but with your 
owne hand deliver it to his Royall Highnesse. The news wee have here 
at large Mr. Coventry will lell you. In short, the Portugges have had a 
greate losse by the Mores at this place, 51 of the principall men of this 
towne beinge slayne by them. Last weeke I have putt 300 men into 
Tanger to assist the Governor in the defence of the place and I hope 
in all event[s] to give a good account of the place for bis Majesties 
service. No newes of your Fleete, which to us here is admirable. I 
wonder I had no letters by Captaine Lambert. I remaine Your very 
lovinge frinde — Sandwich." — Opening with " Sam Pepys," this familiar 
and affectionate letter is directed *« For Sam Pepys Esq." 



Samuel Pepys and the Trinity House. 

1661, February 15th, London. — Priuted copy of the Oath adminis- 
tered to and taken by Samuel Pepys, on the occasion of his admission to 



158 

the office of a Younger Brother of the Trinity House : with the MS . 
note hj his- pen, to wit, *^ Memorandum, I tooke this oath at the Trinity 
" House m London (Sir William Rider, Deputy- Maister for the Earle 
** of Sandwich) this 15 of February 1661. —Samuel Pepys." 

John Creed to Samuel Pepys. 

1661, September 10th, Lisbon. — Latin Letter giving an account of the 
recent action of the English fleet before Algiers. Telling how the English 
Admiral had made overtures to the Algerians for f^ peaceful arrangement 
of differences, and how those overtures had been fiiistrated by the 
arrogant demands of the enemy, the writer records how on an early 
day of August last past His Britannic Majesty's men-of-war bombarded 
the city, and shipping of the port for three hours, and were answered 
by the enemies' guns with a vigour that caused some injury to the 
masts and sails of the Eling's ships, whose operations were impeded by the 
force of adverse wind. "Tandem" the writer continues, "extra 
*^ tormentorum jactum recedit classts asquiorem opperitura veutum; 
^' damnaque in malis antennisque accepta diligenter resarcimus : Cum 
" vero per sex dies frustriL ventum praestolati essemus, totumque hoc 
^^ tempus hostes sedulo posuissent in munitionibus cum novis erigendis turn 
^ navibus suis tutamine (quod boom vocitare solemus) perSciendo; 
*^ advocati omnes in consilium capitanei uno ore consentiunt, classem 
" contra tot munimenta non debere periclitariy dispositi itaque classe 
" relict&que ibi sub regimino Vice-Admiralli Lawson ad Al^renses 
** infestandos navesque nostras mercatorias protegendas, Dommus Ad- 
'< mirallus 8^. die Augusti vela dat Lusltaniam versus •..•.... 
^^ [P.S.] 6 Septembris : anchoras jacuimus prope Lisbonam ; hesterno die 
'< dominus Admirallus Eeginam nostram adivit eique [ ] 

^^ congratulatus est tantas et tam illustres nuplias." 

Earl op Sandwich to Samuel Pepys. 

1661, September ^, Lisbon. — " Sam Pepys, Yours of the 2 and 30th 
of July I have received, and thanke you for them. I am sorry for your 
uncles death, but very glad he hath dealt soe kindly with you. My 
wardrobe papers I had with mee,and herewith send you a copye of them. 
I pray you to deliver my letter [ ] niy Lord Chancellor, to my cosen 

Edward Mountagu, if he be not come away with the fleete. If he be, then 
deliver it with your owne hands, and also my letter to my Lady Wright, 
Newes you will have otherwise. I have write at large to the Duke, and 
Mr. Coventry doubtless will acquaint yon with all. In brief, thd 
Argieres people not accepting peace with us we designed to attempt their 
mould, but God gave us not wind and weather for it in 7 dayes 
tyme, when they had soe defended themselves that it was noe 
wissdome for us lo waite any longer under that resolution, and soe we 
applied ourselves to damnifye them at sea, which by God's blessinges we 
have done. 2 shippes I sentto Bogia to seeke out 2 of theires, that were 
ladinge tymber for the buildinge theire shippes^ have succeeded and 
brought them both away, the one laden with tymber. Sir John Lawson 
hath taken 2 more of their Men-of- War, and putt an other shore, whilest 
[ ] rode in the bay. Wee had a little exchange of shott, with the 
same for 3 or 4 houres, and wee here from all hands seince that wee have 
killed very many people, and payd the one halfe of the towne with shott, 
and the shippes and castles also. T came to this place, supposing 
to meet the fleete from England, but I perceive they will be longe ere 



159 

they come, and to avoide idlenesse I goe to sea againe to [morrow] 
and see if wee cann light on any Turkes, havinge [ ] 

shipps and supplied all our wante. Thus I rest your assured lovinge 
freind. — Sandwich. — [P.S.] Shepley hath received of Mr. Townsend 
as he Mr. Townsend gives it to mee 720/., and Shepley by memory 
believes it cannot be less. 



EowiJiD Sheplet to Samuel Pepys. 

1661, September llth, Lisbon. — ^* Your letter of July the 30th came 
to me with as much joy and acceptation as raine would be to the sunn« 
scorched countrie of the Spaniardes (it have not rained in 6 or 7 moneths) 
it b^ng the first I received from England, on the 2d of August, and am 
glad to hear of your welfare, and rejoyce much at the bettering your 
condition at Brampton, which God bless unto you and encrese much 
your happines. For the patticulars of our voyage hetherto, I shall only 
give you some breiff account of it, reserveing [or resolveing] a more full 
relation when it shall please Almighty God to give us a happy meeting 
att London. We sett sayle from the Downes June i9th, and with a 
very favourable winde cam*^ to the streightes mouth July 3, and to 
Malaga wher we staied for to get some fresh provision, soe that in 14 or 
15 dayes we performed a very long voyage ; the winde still fiivouring 
us, we came to the Coast of Biirbary within 8.10 leagues of Argier, but 
then proved soe contrary and doe much that all our skill could not gett 
any further, soe that we were [ *] to make over for the Christian shore, 
and somewhat in regard of my Lord's not being well and the seas very 
boysterous. So we came to Alicant ; 6 or 6 dayes after which wee sett 
sayle though with a badd wind for Argeir, wher wee arived the 29 of 
July. The Turkes would have noe peace but upon ther owne termes, 
and soon became our enimies, which we vallewed litle, had not the 
winde been a greater enimy to us in preventeing us of doeing what was 
determined. We had a brush with them to there great damage, and 
might have been more to us ; but God preserved us, not one in our 
vessell being hurle, though thousands of shott made at us, being ther 
cheiffest marke. After a weeke or 8 dayes staye ther before the towne, 
and the winde in all that tyme not at all favouring our people, they 
resolved to be. gone ; and soe my Lord (leaving 10 shipps under the 
comand of the Vice Admirall to lie before Argier, and to plie up and 
downe the streights to secure the marchants) with five sayle beside 
himself e came away, where haveing had very contrary winde and some 
tymes calmes we have been vearing (?) out of the streights this month 
post, and are now onwards of our course towards Portugall, wher we 
shall expect the fiecte. 2 dayes since came Captyn Bennett fpom Lisbone 
in the Martin gaily, whar it hath staid ever since we past by there ; he 
brought letters to my Lord, one from our Queene, I think, and with all 
the Queene' 8 picture, very large and lively. — ^Since, it hath pleased 
God, we are safely arrived at Lisbone, where yesterday we heard that our. 
Fleet in the Streights hath taken 4 Turkes Men of Warr, and runne [ ] 
on ground, we haveing 6 shipps still rideing before the towne, to prevent 
there shipps comeing in, and others to goe forth. — Since our comeing 
to Lisbone we have been received with a generall joye, though my 
Lord came privatly. We saw our Queen, a very noble gallant Lady 
by her countenance, and shews great respect to the English. We doe 
not heare yet of Fleet from England. I will not trouble you further^ 
but trust in God wee shall have a joyf nil meetinge once againe ; in the 
meane tyme wishing you all happiness imaginable, to your self and 



160 

" — Followed on the same sheet of paper by the next following 

letter. 

The Same to The Saiob. 

1661, September 12th, Lisbon. — "Sir, I wrote formerly to Mr. 
Fearse the Purser to [bring or send mj Lord 2 pipes of Canary, for 
his owne drinkeing, when the Fleet came. My Lord since hath spoke, 
that he should bring some French wyne with him, as also some neates 
tongues and bacon, iror we are out of all our stores, and such things cannot 
be had beer, especially butter. Pardon this trouble sir from your 

freinde. ^Two of our shipps which we had left in the Streights to 

bring some yessells, that did not sayle soe well as ours came last 
nigh to us [ ],the Colchester y Augmtin and also the Hamps • • ., 

which had bin sent to Sallee : they brought no newes. — We hearc that 
wee shall suddenly set out to sea, but upon what design I know not : I 
guesse to gaurd the Portugal firesill fleete. Wee are all well, blessed 
be God. — If this letter doe chance to come before the Fleet in tho 
Downes setts sayle for Portugall, I pray, if you can speake with Mr. 
Pearse the Purser, to bring such things as I wrote, and also to lett him 
know that our store oyle, anchovies, pickled oysters, Cheshire cheese, 
butter, and such like is spent ; for suggars, spices and such wines as 
Portugall affords, we can supply ourselves heer, but Mr. Pearse knows 
what things we cannot have heere ; therefore I desire he would bring 
them with him. I am sorrie I am soe troublesome; yet wil' endeavour 

a requitall in any office oi freindship and service [^^S.] Mr. 

Howes, Mr. Mulland, John GFoodcs, Osgood present tl er service to 
you." 

John Creed to Samuel Pepts. 

[1661, September ?]. — Undated Letter of no historic moment, written 
in French, with this interesting postscript in English, to wit. ^< Since 
my last to you we understand that there were 15 that conspired against 
the King of Algiers and cut him in peeces, whereupon hath followed a 
change of government ; and the Basha from the Emperor received again 
to have some share in the supream power, and the Duan and Counsell 
changed : They have alsoe cut in peeces all the said king's favourites and 
kindred ; one of the things he was upbraided with by those that killed 
him washismakeing war with the English to thf^ir undoeing. — We have 
rescued a small English merchant man from the Turks about 4 daies since, 
and took one of their men of war of good force, but the ship by an 
unhappy shot between winde and water sunk soon after Sir John 
Lawson and Captain Tiddeman were possesst of her. — ^Thursday 
last we had a very fine chase after fower Turks, that had stolne out 
of the streights by night, we were very neer takeing them, but the 
winde £ailing us, they escaped by favour of the calme. They are, 
we learne, l^und for the English (yhanuU, where I hope our fleet from 
. England will meet them.*' 

The Same to the Same. 

1661, October 14, RoyalJames in the Bay of Tanger. — *< Honoured 
Sir. If you judge aright how acceptable every line from you is here, I 
am sure you'ld spare some minutes to let us know wc retain a being in 
your memory, which however your freinds here cherish a persuasion of, 



- 161 

and are willing to impute the want of communication to miscarriage, or 
anything rather then imagine 70a unkinde. — Having written to you at 
large from Lixa, and there haveing not much of moment occurred since, I 
should not now have troubled you, but that I know not how to let 
passe any opportunity of consequence. We set sail out of Lisbone river 
the ^ instant with the ships in the margin [to wit, the Royal 
JameSy Mary^ Mountagu^ PrincessCy Hampsheiry Colchester^ Forrestery 
Nonsuch Ketch], leaving the Augustine to come after, and the Assis' 
tance for some other service, and haveing had 4 or 5 daies of calme 
weather we arrived not at Tanger till ^§ of October ; we had some 
expectations to have found a fleet of Spanish and Dutch men of WaiTe* 
before this place, and prepared for all events accordingly ; but when 
we came in, there was hardly a sail of any kinde in the bay, there were- 
4 Carvells laden with corne that came from Lixa under our convoy^ 
which haveing put into Tanger, we remain rideing in the bay, and doe 
earnestly look for the fleet from England. The Spaniard hath been 
tampering, and had some intelligence in Tangir. It is said that Guy- 
land, who is the most considerable among the Moors in all this part 
of Barbary, hath declared himselfe subject to the Spaniard. It is said 
alsoe that the Spaniards in the countrey of Andalusia are ei^treamely 
discontented that the Spanish plate-fleete arrived at the Groiue, where* 
we hear they put in for jealousie of our fleet, of which, makeing the 
Island of St. Maries, they there received advice. You will easily 
guesse upon how great an action we are at present. I shall not 
further detain you save with adding my best services where they are- 
tlue, to Sir Robert SUngsby with very much respect, and the rest of 
your brethren. Madamoselle votre femme trouvera icy mes tres 
humbles baise-mains. I intreat you present my most obedient and 
humble service to my Lady the Countessc, of whose safe delivery and 
health I hear with all the hearty joy that the most faithfull and 
obliged servant ought to hare. I very humbly kisse all the little 
ladies hands. And takcing very much content in the confidence I 
have to be preserved in the true freindship of a person [I] doe soe 
much valine, I remain, Sir, your most heartily faithfull servant. — 
Jo. Creed. [P.S.] I intreat your favour in causeing all the inclosed 
to be safely received : That to the Mitre taveme, when you visit it. 
Seal it aud pray direct aright unto him ; 'twas you partly obliged ma 
to write." 

The epistle is directed *' For your Sclfe." 

The Same to the Same. 

[1662], February [2]6th, At Sea off the rock of Lixa.—" To compleat 
our unhappyiies in seldome hearing from England, now the fleet [has] 
arrived atTangier, we received hardly a letter, nor my Lord himselfe, all his 
Lordshipp's pacquets being, it[seems, by a mistake carryed to Lixa in the 
Charlesy which bred us all trouble and himselfe some inconvenience, as 
you may easily guesse, in the management of such important affaires, and 
the nature of the intelligence that can be gained here (for you will help u» 
to none from England) is such, as seemes to bespeak affaires in a ver^r 
critical posture. The Dutch, 'tis said, prepare a great fleet ; the Spaniard! 
hath given order for fitting 50 men of War, though we think 'tis much* 
moi-e then he can doe. The French alsoe, we hear, mak pi'eparations. 
But you, I beleeve, understand the truth, the designe and the conse- 
quences as to England of these things. — Blessed be God, the affaire of 
Tanger is in the best posture you can expect, that is well possessed 
by the English guaiison, indeed my Lord had the possession of it before^ 
a 88428. r. 



162 

nnd bj singular prudence and dexterity had put into the towne and 
castles A very good force of seamen, and Sir Richard Stainer to command 
them, which would have secured that place for his Majestie against all 
events, and there were such designes of the Spaniards and Dutch's 
against it, and to prevent our haveing it, which the stay of our fleet so 
prodigiously long in England gave all opportunity for, that 'tis beleeved 
by the wisest, that we had eertainely lost it, but for the fleets being there 
(which my Lord had difficulty enough for want of victual), and but for 
the seamen's being put into the towne. The guarison is found too great 
for that towne, halfe the number would 'tis thought have suited better; 
the Portugueses are for the most part all removed thence and trans- 
ported to Algarva. We do now set sail for Lixa, and have left Gay- 
land (sic) in a friendly posture, but nott entered into treaty with my Lord 
Peterborough, Gayland being at present in the feild with an army, and 
•expecting to engage Ben Budcer his enemy, that lyes not far from him. 
— ^We set sail n*om Tanger 17th instant, and the same day we hear 
that some of the Moors came upon the English, that were feeding their 
liorses without walles, and have killed 4 or 5 of them, whereupon my 
Lord of Peterborow was sending to Grayland for satisfaction. But 
doubtles he will disowne it as being done by some of the wild lawlesse 
Arabs.'* 

The S4»k to the Same. 

1662, March 26th, O.S,, Lixa.. — " We have here very sad thoughts 
of the dissappointment of victualling at Tholoon, Sir John Lawson 
being ere this quite out of victualls with all his squadron, and 
these with Sir Richard Stainer will alsoe in short timo be goeing to 
Tevictuall ; Tholoon is the only place they have been directed to depend 
upon. It is yet sadder that our creddit, which else in all such cases 
might afford some releife, is wholly distroyed by your failer in paying 
our bills we draw for the use of the fleet. For the first money furnished 
here by Mr. Bridgewood, the bills drawne alK>ve halfe a yeer since are 
not yet satisfyed, as the merchant complaines most grievously, it being 
the neerest thing to ruine him, that ever almost befell him ; he expects 
to have satisfacdon for what he is damnifyed in this afikire, and it is 
but just. His Majestie were better [to] give cent per cent, for money 
.then to suffer all the inconveniences in his greatest affaires, that doe 
«nd will more and more arise from such failers. — My Lord Embassador 
doth all he can to hasten the Queen's Majesties embarquement, there 
I being reasons enough against suffering any unnecessary delay, but there 
are divers great circumstances that must be well setled. Her Majestie 
is pleased to expresse very great zeal to be speedily on board, and that 
shee will overcome even impossibilities in order thereunto. Yet we can 
move but slowly^ which is to be attributed partly to the nature of some 
/Circumstances^ but cheifiy to the humour of this grave people. I hope 
however we shall not be much longer delayed from makeing his Majestie 
?most joyfull, and England happy by the safe anivall of the Queen, soe 
. excellent a jewell as may inrich England, while this countrey is more 
im|)Overished by her losse, then by parting with all the money and 
Jewells of her Majesties portion. I shall not further trouble you, but 
referre all particulers to the relation of Mons' E. Share, whome 
Mr. Mountagu now sends to England." 

The Same to the Same. 

1662, April ^J^th, Royal Charles, — " Sunday last her Majestie 
imbarqued, and her gi*eat welcome into the fleet was expressed by all the 



163 

wayos we could, the great gun? spoke it loudly, the fires artificially 
throughout the fleet shewed it far and neer ; I shall not take on me to 
make to you now any relation of the circumstances of her imbarquement, 
the magnificence, sorrow and joy that was expressed, but leave all those 
things to our meeting ; we are now under sail off C&scails, and, God 
favouring us with a prosperous passage, we shall not be long ere tbe 
Queen's safe arrivali will, besides the generall gladnes that we shall have 
as loyall subjects ^^^ ^^^^ o^ servants, give us alsoe the content usuall at 
the meeting of long seperated freinds. Till when and ever, all happiness, 
I mean real happiness to you and yours is heartily wished by yours 
most affectionately — ^John Creed. [P.S.] — Royal Charles at sea in 
latitude 42, April 26, 1662. We have had the Avinds northerly and 
very bad, which makes us bee thus far from you yet ; our observation 
this day being lat. 42, some min. lesse. Her Majestic bears the sea 
indifferently well. My Lord Embassador and all your freinds in good 
health." 



TOK DUKK OF AlBEM ABLE tO SaMUEL PePYS. 

1664,* June 8th, Cockpit. — "I received yours with an account where 
the Eagle lies, butt noe account where the other shippe l^es that is to 
goe for Tangier, which I desire you will send mee notice of by this 
bearer, and when the shippes will take in their provisions, and bee ready 
to take in the souldiers, and att what place they shall goe on board them, 
that accordingly I may give order to the souldiers to bee in a-readinesse ; 
if Sir William Ryder's shippe could cany one hundred men itt would 
doe well,— -for there being one hundred men to goe out of the Tower, 
they might goe together, which would bee better for his Majesties service, 
and all one charge [ ]• I desire you to lett mee know if itt may 

bee done and I shall order the men accordingly. I desire you will 
pardon my giving you this tpouble, and remayne your Ydvy assured 
friend and servant — ^Albemarle." 



John Lord Belasyse to Samuel Pepys. 

1665, September 2nd, Tanger. — " The slow payments off such Bills 
as I have drawn upon Mr. Ponye^ and protesting off others in England 
hath inforced me to complaine to his Majestye, Royal Hyghness and 
Lords Commissioners for a redresse for the future. His Majesty's 
service is tharby infinitely prejudiced as well as my owne honour, who 
never failed in the exact performances off things off that nature 
before, nor had my name exposed to such reflections so as the 
Marchants heare and att Cales will nott without my perticuler security 
to boot accept any Bills off me drawne uppon Tresurei-s for Tanger. I 
have been forced to make use of an ould creditt which Mr. Ponye sent 
over with me uppon Sir John Frederick's correspondants to draw 
2,500/. uppon him towards the payment off the next 3 months dew to 
Garrison, October the 14th, and shall find great difficultys and hazards 
in gitting this money from Cales by reason of the Holland Fleet, and 
the want of practique with the Spanish ports, wher they have excluded 
us in regard off the sickness in England. This mony I have advised 
Mr. Ponye off, and I hope his and your care will se it satisfyed. I have 
allso drawne another Bill uppon your self, to pay Sir Thomas Vyner or 
his order a thousand pownds starling, which I procured heare off Major 
Fairborne and the officers of that regiment. The bill bears date 
1^ September, and is payable att 30 dayes sight. I earnestly desire to se 

L 2 



164 

this peiforined. I shall indeavour to procure what more I can to make- 
upp the 3 months pay against it growes dew which i? seven thowsand 
l)ownds or thareabouts, which somme I will never exceed in drawing 
everye three months, and tharfore iff you could soe dispose off your 
alfairesas to [be] reddy ether in sending it over in spetie, or makeing exaci 
payments thar to my Bills, I might hope to redeame my creditt againe^ 
and recompense your paines to your satisfaction, so as there would be 
no future discouragments or complaints &c., your self would be amplye 
satisfied by my acknowledgments : otherwayse it will be impossable for 
me to serve his Majesty heare, iff a place so remote, invironed with sa 
many difficultys and enimyes should be so neglected, when so- 
considerable a part off his Majesty s revoinew is sett out and applyed for 
its subsistance. I have yett received no letter from you to know what I 
am to trust to, in behalf off this place and people, who have been 
accostumed (as most just) to receave thar pay dewly, and shall whilost 
I am thar Governor. I beseach you againe uppon the whole matter^ 
lett me be used heare as becomes the trust by his Majesty reposed in 
me, and by the Lords Commissioners in 3'ou, which will certainly bring 
greater advantages to his service^and to your self, then by obstructin*j 

or deleying payments in cases of this importance "' 

Attached to this letter is the ensuing letter from the same to the same,, 
under date of " 1^ September 1665, Tanger," to wit, <* Sir. This is only 
to advise you that I have drawne a bill uppon you, dated 
1th September, to pay one thowsand pownds att 30 dayes sight to 
Sir Thomas Vyner or his order for the vallew received heare of 

" Major Palmer Tairborne J. Belasyse." Directed ta 

" Samuell Pepys, es(j., Tresurer for the Affaires off Tanger." 



Thk Same to thk Same. 

1665, September 2nd, Tanger. — " I doe hearby advise you that I have^ 
drawne Bills off Exchange uppon you for fi\e hundred pounds sterlings 
dated the 2nd September made payable to Mr. Robert Johnson vallew 
received, heare off St. Tobias Bridge " 



The Ddke of Albemarle to Samuel Pepys. 

1665, Octx)bfr 9th, Cockpit. — Letter addressed to Pepys as " Gierke 
of the Acts to his Majesty's Navy, att Greenwich " : desiring Jiim to lay 
out moneys on shoes and other conveniences, for the proper equipment 
of ^* divers seamen who are recovered of their sicknesse and fitt to goe to 
sea,*' which moneys will be repaid to the said Clerk of the Acts by the 
Treasurer for his Majesty's Navy. Endorsed by Samuel Pepys, 
" October 9, 1665 : Duke of Albemarle for my disbursing of moneys 
for shoose &c. for seamen in want." 



John Colvill to Samuel Pepys. 

1665, October 10th, London. — " I have before me yours of this dabte 
and ame verie sorey the tymes are soe, that a present I cannot comply o 
with what you desire on tallies. I doe assure you monies are soe scarce 
at present, that I can gett butt verie litle, which makes me that I cannot 
compile with other of my freinds desires as well as yours. Assure your 
seliethat what lies in my power shall be readie and willing to searveyou, 
as being your affectionate friend and sarvant — John Colville." — This 



165 

l)rief note is addressed " To Mr* Samuel Pepis, Present att U^reenwich " 
— Golvill, the goldsmith, to whom Pepjs often had recourse in his 
official and also his private affairs, is mentioned in several entries of tlie 
famous Diary. 

Sib John f)B£pEBic^ and Nathaniel Hebne to Samuel Pepts. 

1665, October 10th [London]. — ** Wee have yours of this date, 
and have delivered your enclosed to Mr, Colvil who gives for answer 

that he hath disposed of his money and cannot doe it 

You sufficiently know the nature of Bills of Exchange, and how 
much the affaires of Tangier may bo prejudiced should my Lord's 
Bills not have due honour in iheir discharge.*' — Also, on the same 
paper, Pepys' reply in short hand which on being written at large 
nma thus, "October 11th, 1665. Gentlemen, Your expectation of 
punctual payment of your bill is but reasonable and my [ ] 

not to undertake it without provision for my certain performance of 
it I hope cannot be dL^-satisfactory to you. Such a sum payable at 
6 days' sight is you know at this sickly time (when those that we used* 
to be supplyed by ore not at hand) is not so easily compa?&ed as at 
another time. Therefore I beg you not to deny me a few days to 
look after it, which 1 shall do with my utmost care, and in the mean- 
while be pleased to remember that you are secured ibr the principal 
by tally s for more than the value left in Mr. Col villus hands for his 
And your security, and that all your failure can be but for the interest 
thereof for a few days, for which I do undertake you shall have ample 
satisfaction. Pray once more be pleased to confer with Mr. Colvill 
hereon, who I do verily believe will agree that en these terms you 
may with much safety (and I hope without much inconvenience to 
jour present occasions) allow the King a few days' delay in serving 

your bill S.P." Endorsed by Pepys, "October 10th, 

" 1665. Sir John Frederick and Mr. Hern, about payment of a Bill 
** of Exchange of 2,500/. payable the 15th current drawne at 2 months 
"** but presented to mee but the 29th instant." 



The Same to the Same. 

. 11565, October 12th, Old Jury.—" Wee received yours of the 11th 
present, but could not conveniently give answer untill now. Bills of 
exchange have a forme and custome in theire acceptance and payment that 
must not be altered, because they are of such consequence. And there- 
fore wee must at the time duo make and send away a protest if [we] have 
noe satisfaction in the interim. Soe, as your business now stands, should 
wee not doe it, the Lord Bellasis may thinke himselfe discharged, because 
he knows not the contrary, and when wee doe protest bee will bee 
•50, and you have not accepted the bill, so ai-e 3'our selfe unobleiged. 
Kor (should wee stay) doe you ascertaine us a time to depend on for 
payment, and on bills of Exchange wee vallew our selves it^ money 
in costs, and interest is no compensation suteab!e to the occasion of 
a merchant and the prejudice he may receive^ for want of the money. 
And these are not fit times to straine a man's creditt. Mr. Colvil tells 
us wee must not expect from him the security he hath, it [being] but 
aufficient for what he hath already disbursed. And were it not soe, the 
security given him is [not] anie to us. Pray, Sir, consider of it, and let 
f us] have your answer and resolution, that wee may know what [we] may 
depend on. . . . [P.S.] The bearer shall waite your answer, it 



166 

you please. Please to consulery if the protest goe, how mucb it may 
prejudice the affaires of Tangier at this juncture of time, and much it 
may conceme the Lord Bellasis his honour. Wee doubt not but yon 
will provide for payment, as wee know you are able to doe out of your 
owne, if att more cost for His Majestie, and you will soone be reim- 
buised, for it will be a greats [ j to want our money, and the 

damage of re-exchange will be very [ ] • . • ." — Addressed 

to the *' Worshipful Samuel Pepys at Greenwich. 

Also on the same frayed paper, Samuel Pepys's short hand reply 
to the money-dealers, endorsed by Pepys, ** Oct. 12, 1665. — Sir John 
" Frederick's 2* letter about payment of 2,500/. bill Exchange, and ray 
" answer." Written at large, Samuel Pepys's letter cf reply runs 
thus : — ** Gentlemen. I am very sorry I should be forced to offer any- 
thing not to your satisfaction, but I must for my own reputation say 
that, had the tallys in Mr. Colviirs hands been deposited for any other 
security than the payment of this voiy bill, I had been much to 
blame; but Mr. Colvill knows that the 3,000/. tallys in his hands 
(which he and I mean) do not relate to the securing him in anj other 
disbursements of his, at least since he and I have had to do together, 
and therefore I am confident he will tell you it is a mistake of yours 
in saying that they are but sufficient security for what he has already 
disburserl ; and for tie interest, I presume you are acquainted that 
his Majesty is pleased to allow larger consideration than the common 
interest to such "as advance money for his service, and that you have 
been secured in. If this do not yet satisfy you, be pleased to let me 
know the utmost day you can give me for serving you as to payment, 
and I shall pay the Commissioner and endeavour all I can to procure 
it: for I am very sensible of his Majesty's honour concerned thereon. 
So that if it be not served to a day, it shall not arise from any neglect 
of mine, nor shall you suffer any loss of time by my not accepting of 
it at the 9th instant, when it was just showed to me ; for I do hereby 
declare that I do accept it as on that day payable by me, so soon as 
I can procure the money on these or any other tallys I have in my 
hand, which I will endeavour with all the care and despatch I can 
possibly. When I have said this, I must leave it to your pleasures to 
do what you see fittest, but I do not doubt I shall in a few days 
(possibly before the next week be out) be able to give you the utmost 
satisfaction, if my offer of tallys and the usual consideration to your- 
selves shall not upon second thoughts be found sufficient. • • • • 
S.P.— Greenwich, October 13th, 1665.'* 



John Creed to Samuel Pepys. 

1666, November I7th, Oxford. — "In my last I promised by the 
following post to send you the warrant for strikeing the tallies, but 
after writeing that letter, and before the post had it, I got the 
warrant signed by the Lord Treasurer and Ashley, and soe inclosed 
it. I pray let mee be assured of your haveing received it. What I 
have much and long wished and you lately proposed, and what noe 
Bollicitation nor interest would produce, I was almost induced within 
these three dayes to beleeve would happen to us, through the inad- 
Tertency of the great ones, vizt., that we should have that 20,000/., and 
not be driven to part with the tallies. They did not for sundry dayes 
speake at all of our tallies, yet now againe I am afraid they will think 
of tliom. I say tlms much to you, that you may act your part all yon 
can for keeping of them, but get to have them speedily struck, for fear 



167 

Tfithout them uoe money. The Vice-Chamberlain saith you received 
6,000/. as yesterday. Soe the Lords Commissioners have directed the 
payment of it as in the inclosed* Out of the 1,000/. for bills, Sir 
Thomas Ingram desires that Major Fairbones bill of about 500/. may be 
paid : And as soone as the other 14,000/. come in^ that you'ld pay 
of [f] his bill for 2,000/. But inclosed is from himself to you. , . .'* 
— ^Addressed to Samuel Pepys at the ** Navy Office, near London." 

On the other side of .leaf, occupied on the one side of it by the 
above-given letter, appears the following epistle, dated November 21, 
1665, by the hand of " Denis Gauden, esq.. Surveyor Generall of hi» 
Majesties marine Yictualls at the Victualling Office on Tower HiU,'^ 
to wit, " I received yours of the 17th, with the orders and letter 
inclossed, as alsoe jburs of the 19th instant, for which I retourne 
you my reall thankes, as likewise for your advise for Oxford, which 
at pi'esent [ ] my Lord will not admit. I am sensible of 
the danger of the shippes drawinge shorte of their tonage. I have 
used all means to dispatch them, but they doo vilinously trifell in 
takeinge in their loodinge, however shall force on their dispatch what 
I dare. I leeve the business of thp pepper to More or Farborne as 
you soe chouse. I know it must be handled tenderly, and theirefore 
could you see a very fitt opertunitie and all thinges councur to make 
it soe, I rather chuse of Forbearaunce. I cannot inlarge, only tell 
you that by some mistake Mr. Peppes will not have his papers untiil 
the morninge " 

It is even more difficult to understand Mr. Gauden's words than to- 
decypher his handwriting. 

John Crbed to Samuel Fepys. 

1665, November 19th, Oxford. — ^"I thought you had taken care" 
about the Carpenders, and all that concerned the boats by Warren's 
convoy. Sir Hugh Cholmley is not here, but gone toward your parts, . 
soe that you'l see him before me. But seeing that business of the 
Carpenders hath been delayed, I will remember to you how they came 
to be designed. It was upon the motion of Sir John Lawson, who I 
did then, and alwayes beleeve had the service of their Mole 
principally in his meaning : I suppose Sir H Cholmely will doo what 
is fit of that kinde on his owne score, and at the rate they now seeuk 
to hasten this convoy, you can doe nothing there in time enough. 
In case of exigency my Lord Belasyse may I suppose borrow a couple 
of Carpenders out of this squadron. I desire you to let me know what 
timber you send by Warren's convoy for the boats. I hope you have 
received my two last, the former haveing in it your warrant for 
strikeing the tallies. I shall be glail to hear that you have received 
first 6,000/., and then presently the 14 as is promised." 

Commissioners of the Navy to Commissioneks akd Officers of 
His Majesty's Ordnance. 

1666, October 27th, Navy Office, London. — Letter (signed by 
S. Pepys, Jo. Minnas, and will. .Batten), praying the Commissioners 
and officers of the Ordnance to order that twelve well-fixed firelocks,, 
with a supply of powder and bullet, be delivered to William Gnffin, 
house-keeper of the Navy Office, for the defence of the said office^ 
the Commissioners of the Navy being of opinion, that " the present 
great refractoriness and tumultuous [ness] of the seamen " make it 



168 

uGodfuI that the Navj Office " should be provided with armes for itfi 
defence and securitie against any outrage in case of a mutiny." 

JonN Lord Belasyse, Governor of Hull to Samuel Vrpy^, 

1667, July 16th, Hull. — Letter tou«>hing " three considerable prices 
*^ (sic) brought into this Koade, loaden with vnnes, oyles, salt, some cut- 
*^ chenile, currants and other goods, .... the Flying Greyhound^ 
^< Panther and Fan/an^ all privateers, having taken them." Observing 
he has been informed that the addressee has an interest in some of these 
prizes, the writer continues, " I have thereforcj thought fitt from my kind- 
*^ ness and respocte to you, to offerr you all the advantages this place or 
'' port affords, and I should advise you (in case you are concerned) to 
*' send some trustye person off your owne, to manage your affaire, 
'^ least (as in such cases and as 1 am allreddy informed) you may 
'^ rooeave prejudice, which hath caused me to desire the Captains of 
** those vessells to bring them into the harbor (wher till you take 
*« further order) I will charge the officers off his Majesty's costomes to 

** be vigilent over them " — Addresi>ed to Samuel Pepys 

At the Navy Office, London. 



Samuel Pepts to John XjOkd Belastsk. 

1667, July 20th, Navy Office. — " I owne it is a Very ^reat obligacion 
your Lordshipp hath layd on mce, by your soe nobly concerning 
your- self e in my behalf e as I find by your Lordshipp's of the [ ] 

instant you have beene pleased to doe. My Lord, I have au interest 
in the Prize taken by Captain Hogg, which by the report of the 
value of the Shipp may bee considerable to mee, but without good 
•caution against the imbezzlements I heare are likely to bee made I 
feare it may bee otherwise. But my Lord I esteeme it a part of my 
good foitune equall to all the rest that shee happens to bee brought in 
. iB a port, where I have so noble a friend as your Lordshipp, and in 
whose power it Js to doe mee so much favour as by your Lordshipp's 
•care allready of providing for the security of the whole I am likely to 
.finde the benefitt of. Conceitiing sending downe some trusty person 
;for the prsesent to looke after my concernment, I have take[n] your Lord- 
shipp's good advice therein, and by approbation of my parteners have 
sent the bearer Mr. Oviatt, on whose care and direction as well as 
integrity wee have good relyance, but doe well know that without your 
Lordshipp's countenance, neither hee nor any other man can doe us 
that effectual service our case requires, &nd therefore all the hopes I 
have of his successe is from my confidence in Lordshipp's giveing him 
your favourable assistance and direction, to which heo is instructed by 
us to applye himselfe on all occasions. My Lord wee have good 
inducements to believe this shipp is richer then yet shee seemes to bee 
by the cargo commonly discovered of. Soe that your Lordshipp will 
^pardon mee if I adventure to begg the full advantage of your Lordshipp's 
.kindness towards mee, which you have beene pleased soe nobly to offer 
mee, and esteeming it my very great happincsse to have, fallen into your 
Lordshipp's protection, at a time of my soe much needing it. — ^As to 
your Lordshipp's owne concernment, wherein I lately had your commands, 
touching the providing for your Lordshipp's security iu the payment 
of a Bill of Exchange from CoUonel Norwood, I will never give your 
Lordshipp occasion of altering the opinion you arc pleased to owne of 
my respect to your Lordshipp's concernments, but will see that this bee 



169 

done to the best adTantage I can for jour Lordshipp, and will give 
Mr. Moone advice of my proceeding therein. « « ^ • • S.P." 
Holograph : rough draft. 

It is amusing to turn from this letter's expressions of the writer's 
perfect confidence in* his Lordship's kindness to the passage of the 
divy, under date of July 20th 1667, where he says, ^' Home to dinner 
^^ and then to the office, we having dispatched away Mr. Oviatt to Hull, 
*^ aboat our prizes there; and I have wrote a letter of thanks by him 
" to Lord Bellasis, who had writ to me to offer all his service for my 
'' interest there, but I dare not trust him." ^ 



Francis Hosier to Samuel Pbpts. 

1667> September 25th, London. — Letter from Francis Hosier, Sur- 
veyor of Accounts at Dover and other places, in the service of the 
Commissioners of the Admiralty, to '^ Samuell Pepys esq. one of the 
** Principal Officers of his Majesties Navy, at the Navy Office in Seething 
*' Lane, London "; touching the official misdemeanours of Mr. Edward 
Wivell, accountant in the employment of the aforesaid Commissioners, who 
is charged by the writer with divers irregularities and graver offences in 
the performance of his duties at Dover. — Also, a paper of the same date 
setting more fully and precisely the misdoings of the same Mr. Edward 
Wivell, who is charged (i) with " Disobedience to Order," (2) ** Delay of 
entering Deliverys in his booke," (3) " Keeping his book of Wairants 
and Issues contrary to any just method or order," (4) ** III dealing with 
the Pursers, (5) 'Antedating of Indents, and then excusing it witn an 
untrueth,'* and (6) *' UnfaithluUness to his Master, Esquire Grauden, 
Victualler of his Majesty's Navy." — Of some historical value for their 
examples of the petty malfeasances of subordinate servants of the Ad- 
miralty, these documents may be serviceable to future biographers of 
the famous diarist, from the light they throw upon the meaner and more 
sordid matters to which he gave his attention in the way of official duty. 



Sir William Coyentby to Samuel Pepts. 

[1667], November 30th, late at night, [ ]•— "I doubt not 

but you have heard of an intimation given in the House of Commons of a 
great discovery to the value of 65,000/. of which the King had bin cosened, 
which tempted the House to send some members to find out the person 
whoe was said to be very sicke. — The person proved to bee Mr. Gels- 
throp, lately Sir William Batten's clcrke, and the discovery for the most 
part is grounded on the frequent practice of the King's ships soone 
after going out demanding new etores at the next yard they come to. 
Instance was made of Mr. Lanyon's supplies at Flimmouth, with .some 
reflection on him, but vindicated by Sir JFretchcvile Holies. Another 
thing which sounded great was the losse the King sustained by Sir 
William ['s] contract for Gottenburgh masts, which not being brought in 
their due time were said to have cost the King eight times the value in 
hired ships ai)d men-of-warr sent to fetch them. J give you this notice 
because I have observed his name in former sessions mentioned in the 
house, which gives mee pliyn to b^leive some who envy his trade would 
calumniate the officer from those bargaines which perhaps well examined 
are the best they made for the King. I j udge it necessary that as soone as 
you can [you] look over, the bookes and papers relatijig to those contracts, 
and lett Sir William, Warren give you the reasons of the delay, which I 



170 

thinke were some impediments in Sweden, which were afterwards 
removed (if L mistake uot) by mj brother. When I see you I shall 
discourse this matter at large." 



H.R.H. The Duke of York to Captain John Kkmpthorne, R.N. 

166|, March 10th, Newmarket. W^arrant, signed H.R.H., Lord 
High Admiral, directed to Captain John Kempthorne, Commander 
of a Squadron of Ships in his Majesty's service; Requiring the 
said Captain and Commander to call and assemble a Court Martial 
or Coui-ts Martial, consisting of Commanders and Captains of his 
Majesty's Fleet, in accordance with the directions and provisions of a 
certain Act of Parliament of the 13th year of his said Majesty's reign, 
entitled An Act for establishing Articles and Orders for the Regulating 
and better Government of his Majesty* s Navy^ Shipps of Warre and 
ForceSy and with the same Court or Courts Martial to enquire into and 
examine concerning the destruction of H.M.S. Defiance " lately burnt 
m the River of Med way neer Chatham," and the stranding near Tangier 
of H.M.S, Providence^ a fireship, and also concerning the several abuses 
and injuries of which the Lieutenant of H.M.S. Nonsuch and the Purser 
ofUM.S, Dartmouth have complained to the Lord High Admiral as 
having been done them by their respective Commanders, " and to pro- 
'^ ceed to the triall and conviction of all such person or persons as in 
'* those matters shall have offended against the said articles and orders." 
— Respecting Samuel Pepys's part in the couit-martial on the burning of 
the Defiance^ divers particulars appear in entries of " The Diary," of 
March 1(568-9. 



Sir Richard Browne to Samuel Pepts. 

, 1670, March 17th [London]. — Letter praying the addressee to 
** convoy this enclosed Order to our Deputy Master with what convenient 
'^ speed you can to the end he may give timely notice tg the partys 
** concerned in order to their appearance here on Wensday next." — 
Addressed to "Mr. Pepys, Secretary to the Trinity Company at 
Trinity House in Water Lane." 

The Earl of Essex and Lord Arlington. 

1670, [ ]. — Questions proposed by the Earle of Essex, on 

going Ambassador to Denmark, touching the honour^ of the Flag &c.» 
with the resolutions signified thereupon by Lord Arlington :— 

Questions moved by the Earl of Answers returned to the Questions 
Essex 1670. by Lord Arlington, 

(1.) How the yacht shall be- His Majesty positively forbids it^ 

have itself as to lowring the accordingly you Lordshipp must 

Topsaile or striking the Flagg not suffer him to doe it. 
when I pass the Sound. 

(2.) What shall be done in case The Yacht must gett through a» 

they should shoot from Cronen- well as it can, accordingly your 

bourg Castle upon the not Lordshipp must direct the Captaiue 

lowering the Topsaile* to take bis advantage by the weather 

as well as he can. 



171 

(3.) Wlmt my behavioui shall In case your Lordsbipp be shot 

be at Copenhagen, in case I shall at you must notwithstanding land 
receive sach an affront, as to be as othenvise you would have done, 
shott'at from the Castle, and what but to the first Officer of note 
satisfaccion I shall insist upon belonging to the King, who shall 

present themselves to you, express 

a resent of the Commander of 

Cronenbourg's behaviour, saying 

you shall demand satisfaccion for 

the affront done you^ and not proceed 

to any part of your Embassy till 

you have it, 

(4.) What answer I shall give The proper answer to the Danish 

to the Danish Agent here, who Agent is, that Mons. Guldenlew in 

has intimated this matter to me, his first overtures here touched upon 

or whether I shall take no notice some regulacion in marine affaires, 

at all of the intimation. as your Lordshipp will see mere 

particularly in Mr. Wren's paper, 
and received for answer by his 
Majesties command something to 
this effect. That no innovation 
should be made to prejudice of 
the good correspondence betwixt 
the two Kings. 

Written throughout .by Samuel PepjV hand, this memorandum 
is also endorsed by the Diarist's pea thus, "Anno 1670: Questions 
" then proposed by the Earle of Essex goeing Ambassador to Deumarke, 
" touching the Honour of the Flag Ac, with the Resolutions signified 
" thereupon by the Lord Arlington." 

Sir Joseph Williamson to Sir Thomas Allin. 

1672, May 27th, Whitehall — " I am commanded by Prince Eupert 
to signify to you, that his Majesty, finding by the late ill-accident of 
fire at the Saint Catherine's in how great danger the whole shipping 
upon the Thames doe ride, directs you as Master of the Trinity House 
to advise with the Brethren of that Society, with the Navv Officers, 
the Lieutenant of the Tower, or whom else you shall thinke fitt, by 
what wayes and meanes such a misfortune might be prevented, by 
anchoring them either in the streamo off of the shore or by 
putting them into parcells of 10 or 12 each, keope (?) [them] separate 
and at a good distance from one another, or what other line of provision 
can be possibly made to keepe them from all accidentall fires, ana in this 

that no time be lost " 

Endorsed by Samuel Pepys's pen, " 27 May, 1672 : Sir Joseph 
** Williamson to Sir Thomas as Master of Trinity House, directing him 
** from the King that a method bee considered for the better secureing 
** the shipps in the river from fire. Occasioned by the late fire upon 
" this side of the river at Saint Katherine*s." — Also, attached to this 
letter, a memorandum (in Samuel Pepys's handwriting) of matters to be 
enquired into and considered, for the execution of the directions of the 
epistle. 

Pkince Bupbbt to The Master and Brkthben of the 
Trinity House. 

1672, May 29th, Whitehall.— ** Gentlemen. The late ill accident of 
baming those vesseUfl in the river near St. Katherines shews that there 



172 

ought to be some speedy care taken for preventing, as much as may 
be, the like mischiefs for the future; I desyre you therefore forthwith to 
take it into your consideracion what may be the best and most effectuall 
course and to represent it unto me, that I may doe therein what is 
fitt " — Letter of secretarial penmanship with autograph signa- 
ture endorsed by Samuel Pepys, ** Prince Rupert, May 29, 1672." 



Samuel Pepys to Sm Richard Browne. 

167f, February 7th, Trinity House. — "Foreseeing through the 
streightnesse of the place, designed for the holding tho. Office cif the 
Navy in (untill wee can bee better provided) that wee shall bee 
constrained to keepe many of the books and papers relateing to 
the King's aflFayrcs in the Trinity House, where they n(Jwe ore by 
your kinde permission, but in a roomo which f am very sensible the 
occasions of your house cannot conveniently spaile, I have desired toy 
brother to wayte on you, to lett you know that, if it may bee with 
your approbation and the Wai*dens', J shall most willingly remove 
them up to the second floore, so soone as I have made some con- 
veniencys for the disposall of them ; which may bee done by borrowing 
a little at each end of the great voyd roome Ihere, without any pre- 
judice but rather improvement of the same, and shall be performed 
at the King's charge or mine, without any expense to the Coiporation. 
To which I shall adde, that being for the sake of my nearenesse 
to the King's business [ ], I hope with your well likeing 

to take [there], with my brother, a servant. In partes of his quarters, 
I shall have the books and papers under my owne eye, and at 
hand to looke after and make of, as the King's occasions shall call 
for it, without the delay attending greater distance. If this meetes with 
your allowancp, I beg you to signfy the same by a word to the Wardens, 
being wholly unwilling to venture on any thing without it, and the disorder 
my papers and other things are jet in, for want of place to marshall 
and dispose of them in, calling for what dispach I can make in the 
getting it done. In which I will not fayle to lett the King and Duke 
know your periiculer kindnesse, as the well as the Corporations reguard in 

generall to theyr service |"P.S.]. I kisse my Lady's haiid^, 

and shall be glad by this occasion to understanding something of her, 
your and family's healths." — Addressed to Sir Richard Browne, Master 
of the Corporation of the Trinity at Deptford. 

On the same paper appears Sir Richard Browne's note of consent 
running thus : — *^ Mr. Wardens, I doe well allowe of what our Brother 
Pepys doth propose in this his letter. And I doe entirely give my consent 
thereunto. I pray therefore, lett his workmen have free liberty to make 
alterations accordingly. I doubt nott butt that you will take care that 
nothinge be donne prejudiciall to the substantial! part of the house 

Your very lovinge freinde, Richard Browne. — Sayes Court ; 

this 7th February, 167^." 



Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to The Master, 
Wardens, and Assistants of the Trinity House of 
Deptford Strand. 

1673, September 6th, Whitehall. — '* Gentlemen, after our hearty com- 
mendjicions, &c., Wee haveing lately from the Earle of Shaftesburyi 



173 

Lord High Chancellor of England, an abstract of a graunt intended to be 
made bj his Majestj to the Countesse of Falmouth, of all the Chaines in 
the River of Thames betweene London bridge and Bagby's hole, with all 
the fees and profitts ariseing from the same, an I other particulars ennmerated 
in the said graunt, in order to our adviseing his Lordshipp touching 
the legality and expediency of the same, And well knowing as well 
the general importance of this matter to the shipping (both English 
and strangers) tradeing into the river of Thames, as the trust reposed 
in yoa by his Majesty in all matters relateing to the management and 
advantage thereof, Wee have thought iitt to transmitt to you a copy 
of the said abstract, Praying and requireing you with all speede to 
take the same into your inqpiry and debate, and thereupon to report 
to us your knowledge or opinions in each particular thereof, relateing 
as well to its legality and any right or claime to be made to the 
premiss^, either by the Lord High Admiral or any other, as the 
expediency or inexpediency of haveing any such graunt made in case 
his Majestic be found at liberty to make the same." — The letter 
being signed '* Anglesey, Ormonde, F. W. Seymour, G. Carteret, and 
" • by command of the Lords * S. Pepys, aud endorsed September 6, 
** 1673. Ijordi* of Admiralty about Chaines." 

Samuel Pepys to The Commissioners of the Admiralty. 

167}, January 9th, Derby House. — '' My Lords and Gentlemen 
These arc first to give you the enclosed, which 1 by mistake opened 
before I had observed the superscription, but soe soone as by the 
beginning of the contents I found my mistake, I forboare to proceed, 
and doe here give it you with desire of excuse for the error. — Next I 
herewith send you a copyot'e. letter, brought this morning to my hands 
from Captain Booth, touching the provideing some creditt by which 
the Advice and Sweepstakes may be supply ed abroad >vith some 
provisions and necessaryes, if there shalbe occasion. — I doe conjecture 
by the hand that brought it, that the proposition hath arisen from the 
Turky Company, aud that upon your application to them they will not 
make difficulty of givcing you the creditt desired, and wherein I 
apprehend a good service may happen to be done to his Majesty, 
without danger of any possible prejudice. I therefore thought fit t to 
send it to you, with my opinion that it may be advisable to make use of it, 
which I leave you to consider. — I doe take notice of the letter you enclosed 
me to day from the Downes, touching the soldiers, as well as in relation to 
their mutinous behaviour to the Master of the vessell, as the necessityes 
which I feare doe but too reasonably provoke them to it. What remedy 
can be put to it more then is I know not, which is that soe eoon as 
ever the Grei/hound comes bucko from Calais (whether shee went with 
Sir William Lockhart and some other of his soldiers) shee is ordered to 
convoy them over. — As to that of victualls, how they came short of all 
other species, and have only bread and cheese remaning I can hardly 
guesse, but doe pray that you wilbe plestsed to use some meanes that 
orders may be speedily sent to Dover for furnishing the Master of the 
Vessell with a moneths or two's provisions, it being his Majesties 
pleasure that it should be done " 

H.R.H. The Duke op York to The Master, Wardens, and 
Assistants of the Trinity House. 

167^, February 8th, St. James's. — Letter of secretarial penman- 
ship with autograph subscription and signature, announcing that 



174 

William Lord Mayaard comptroller of his Majesty's Houseliold 
has begged the writer to recommend to the addressees his Lord^ 
ship's desire ^' to have a grant o£ the reversion of the Ballast Office 
^^ for twenty-one years to commence after the ezpiracion or 
*^ determinacion of the lease already made to George Bowman esq.," 
and intimating that His Boyal Highness shall regard it as a particular 
mark of their respect to himself, if the aforesaid Master, Wardens, 
and Assistants of the Trinity House will satisfy Lord Maynard's desire 
in that matter, and also intimating that their compliance with his 
Lordship's said desire '^ wilbc acceptable to his Majesty." 

Charles the Second to The Master, Wardens, and Assistants 
OF THE Trinity House. 

167|, February 10th, The Court at Whitehall.— Letter under the 
King's sign-manual and signet announcing that, whereas his Majesty 
formerly granted unto the addressees "the soyle of the river 
** of Thames from Staines Bridge to the river of Medway," now 
in the tenure of George Boreman esq. by virtue of an unexpired 
lease made by them to the said G-eorge Boi^man^ His Majesty 
recommends the said Master, Wardens, and Assistants to grant a 
lease of the reversion of the Ballast Office for twenty-one years to 
William Lord Maynard, Comptroller of his Majesty's household, to 
commence on the expiration the lease of the same office made to the 
aforesaid George Boreman. — This letter was found amongst the Pepys 
Papers, that came into Mr. J. Eliot Hodgkin's possession in 1889. 

William Hewer to . • , , 

1675, November 4th, Derby House. — Letter announcing the ap- 
pointment of Sir Anthony Deane to the post of Comptroller of the 
Victualling Office and Commissioner of the Navy, in succession to 
Sir Jeremy Smith, deceased. — " I received a letter this morning, though 
not signed by any body, yet by the direction I finde it from your selfe, 
being subscribed by your owne hand. And in answer to it, you may 
please to know that, hearing of Sir Jeremy's decease, my Master waited 
on the King, the Duke being present, and Sir Anthony Deane wirh the 
Duke*s concurrance has kissed the King's hand, upon his confirmeing 
his former promise to him of succeeding Sir Jeremy Smith." — ^The 
" my master " of this brief note was, of course, Samuel Pepys. 

Sir Leoline Jenkins to Samuel Pepts. 

1676, June 24th., O.S., Nimegue. — *»I take leave, even at 
this distance, to beg your favoui*, and by that means to implore 
the protection of my most Honoured Lords the Lords Com- 
missioners of the Admiralty, to the Register and the Marshall 
of the Court of Admiralty. They, as well as myself, arijf^very 
much out of purse in expences necessarily and unavoidably made 
in severall Sessions held for Criminall Matters. Such sessions, when 
offenders are taken in hold, must necessarily be kept to prevent 
fayler of Justice. The Judges and Commissioners that attend (and 
there are now about fortie in Commission) are certainely detained 
one whole day, some times two ; they must eat, and they expect to doe 
it, as it hath been done in all times, at the charges of the Admiralle. 
Tis true, the Judge of the Admiralty hath been used to bear one half. 



175 

tbe Register and the Marsliall the other. This thej might dee 
formerly much more easily then now they can ; for besides that they 
had all Admirall-Rights and Perquisites in the river of Thames, whioh 
were considerable before the Lords of the severall bordering manors 
came to medio in them (which was, In a manner, bat since the 
Troubles), and to sweep them away under pretence of being things 
lying and found infr^ Corpus Comitatus. I may adde their places 
before that Prohibitions took awfty all and all manner of Causes from 
the Admiralty were worth treble (I might safely say more) of what now 
they are : I speak of times of peace onely. What gratuities or salaries 
the Registers and Marshalls formerly had, if any, I am not so well able 
to tell : but sure I am the Judges had both : they had 100^ a year 
salarie out of his Majesties Exchequer, and that will appear out of the 
state of the yearly expences of the Crown to have been payd till the 
latter end of King James's reigne. Besides they have had constant 
yearly gratuities, sometimes 200 sometimes 300/. a year, that the 
Admirall assigned them out of the Revenue of his office, which was con- 
stantly payd and audited in that Court. I speak not of ancient times. 
It was so while the Earl of Nottingham was Admirall : but since, the 
salaries have not been payd, and the gratuities have run into another 
channell. In trueth, Sir, I would not be understood to plead for my 
self, but as I think it extremely necessary those Crimlnall Courts should 
be kept up, so I fear it will be absolutdy impossible to doe it, uulesse 
the charges be bom some other way then by the officers, who as they 
have no salary so the perquisites of their places will not half maintain 
a man of capacity for such stations. I have, I think, sometimes told 
you the value of my place, I am ashamed to putt it in writing ; the 
Register's and the Marshall's (their drudgery considered) are in 
proportion. I doe the the rather beg your favour. Sir, for the present 
poor Officers, for that, in good trueth they doe deserve as fully well in 
their places as any their predecessors that I have memory of, either upon 
a personal I knowledge of them, or upon what is to be seen of their 
abilities, paines and faithf ullnesse in our Registries. But that which I 
mainly plead and am concerned for are those Criminall Sessions, which, 
if I undei-stand any thing rightly, are of great use to preserve our 
English discipline among sea-faring men, and consequently to carry on 
our navis^ion and commerce .•••••" 

Endorsed '^ Nimeguen : 24th Juno 1676. Sir Leolin Jenkins to Mr, 
'' Pepys, touching the want of fitting incouragement and support to 
" the Officers of the Court of Admiralty." 



Sib William Petty to Sir Robert Southwell. 

1676, October 30th, Dublin.—" Extract," in Samuel Pepys's hand- 
writing " out of Sir William Petty's Letter from Dublin to Sir Robert 
Southwell at Kingsale, bearing date the 30th October, 1676." Also, 
on the same paper and in the same handwriting, *^ Another Extract 
out of another like letter " by the same Sir William to the same Sir 
Robert, dated on the 14th of November 1676. The paper being 
endorsed by Samuel Pepys *' 1676, Sir William Petty's Hypothesis of a 
Scale of Creatures.'* 



The Same to the Same. 

167^, January 13th, Dublin. — Letter touching the writer's essay on 
the Scale of Creatures and his invention of a Chariot with a single 



176 

-wheel. Of this curious invention the writer says, "I have .... 
** actually made and finished the chariot which I was modiling in 
'' England, in which I maintaine (1) that the rider is at extreame ease, 
** and may for ought I know bee able to travell in it 3 dayes together 
'* night and day, (2) the horse hath noe weight upon hira, caryes 
'' nothing, but drawes only, and the rider can help him goeing up or 
'* downe a hill by the inclination or reclination of his body, (3) over- 
" throwing may be most easily prevented, but if it be overthrowne even 
^< upon a heape of flints the rider can have noe harme, (4) It.turneth as 
" short as as a horse and can gee wherever a horse can, for it was 
" designed for Kerry. Notwithstanding all which you may if you 
*^ please call it the paceing saddle, as a name that will best please the 
" Court ... . " — ^Eadoi-scd by Samuel Pepys, " Dublyn, January 
" 13th 1676: Sir William Petty to Sir Robert Southwell about his 
** Scale of Creatures and his Invention of a single-wheel'd Chariot." — 
Also, an undated Letter from Sir William Petty to his "Deare 
- Couzin,'' Sir Robert Southwell ; setting forth particulars of his Treatise 
on the Scale of Creatures, endorsed "Sir William Petty's scheme of his 
ntended discourse, touching the Scale of Creatures." 



Sir Leoline Jenkins to Samuel Pepys. 

1677, May 10th, O.S., Nimeguc. — Letter moving Mr. Pepys on behalf 
of the Comte de Wallenstein, now in England, who wishes to " be gone 
to morrrow for the Hague (not intending above one dayes stay there)" 
and who <' meets with no information here from M. Crampricht the 
*' Imperiall Minister at the Hague, what instances he hath procured to 
" be made at Court for his Majesties favor to order a yacht for his 
" transport." 



H.R.H. The Duke of York to Samuel Pepys. 

1667, October 5th, Newmarket. — ^'This pacquet came hither this 
morning after you were gone, and coming by expresse, I thought 
there might be something of consequence in it, and so opened it, and 
such letters as [I] thought might have newze in them, but did notreade 
> any that at first sight I found not to concerns the publike. I gave Mr. 
Secretary Coventry the letter to him, who will answer it. As for the 
convoy desired by the Canary marchants, when his Majisty comes to 
London, he will see what can be done ; if they have one, they must be 
more orderly, then the last tyme they had one. James." 

Holograph : endorsed by Samuel Pepys, "5th October 1677, New- 
*^ markett : His Royal Highness to S.P. upon occasion of his opening of a 
" packett of S.P. there after he was gon thence." Attached by a wafer 
to this letter is a paper, displaying this note, to wit, " For Mr. Pepys. 
" This packet came to Newmarket for Mr. Pepys, after he was come 
" thence: soe the Duke opened it, and haveing sealed it up againe, 
" hath sent it to him under a cover to J. W." 



Sir Palm [be] FairboriTe to Samuel Pepys. 

1680, May 24th, Tanger. — " .... This inclosed b what I 
sent this post; butt,- Mr. Fitzgarld being design'd of a snden for 
England by my Lord, I have not time to add much more, onely desire 
you to poses yourselfe with the oppinion, that itt will be impossible evei* 



177 

to maintaine this garrission by any other ways butt by oppen warr, unless 
the enimie would condesend in time of peace to forti^eing the towne 
which soe fair as T can learne the[y] absolutely refuse, butt upon con- 
eideration of powder are willing . . . • to carry on the work for the 
mole, by which you may conclud that the enimie doe onely defer their 
atempt againe the toune till the mole be made more convenient for them. 
Theitore it will be more for the King and Kingdomes servis (I say if 
his Majestic cannot mayuetaine itt with such a force, that we may be 
able to beat them in the field) to blow bothe toune and mole up. This 
I have indeavored to digest amongst my friends as most proper, and what 
I forsee must be the end." Endorsed by Samuel Pepys, ^* Tanger : 
May the 24th, 1680, Sir Palmfer] Fairbome to Mr. Pepys." 



John Evelyn to Samuel Pepys. 

1680, June 25th, Whitehall.— <' I did not intend to have given 
you this interruption this morning, and therefore did not write 
any answer to your kind [ ] forbidding me to trouble 

you this day, when you had so much better company; but when 
your servant was gon, reflecting on the excuse you injoyne me to 
make Sir Jos. Williamson this evening, I could not forbeare to wish, 
that (if it were possible) you would give one halfe-houre of your 
presence and assistance toward (as I think) the most material concerne 
of a Society, which ought not to be dissolved for want of a redresse, 
which is yet certainely in its power ; and I would not have it thought, 
that you therefore absent yourselfe, because in giving a free sufhrage, it 
may possibly displease someone in the company, that will be brought to 
no tollerable termes. I do assure you we shall want one of your courage 
and addresse to encourage and carry on this affaire. You know we do 
not usually fall on buisinesse ti] pretty late, in expectation of a fuller 
company ; and therefore, if you decently could fall in amongst us by 6 
or 7, it would (I am sure) infinitely oblige not onely those who meete, 
but the whole Society. — ^As to the queries, they are of that substance, 
as I were soe immodest [as] to pretend I should any time (much lesse 
at present) be able to give you full satisfaction. But [as] soone as I get 
home (which I hope to do after I have kissed your hands to-morrow) 
and have a little time to rummage my slender collection, I will endeavour 
to let you see how exceedingly I am disposed to promote any commands 
which come from Mr. Pepys." — ^Endorsed by Pepys, " June the 25th, 
*^ 1680. Mr. Evelyn to Mr. Pepys, about being present at a Committee 
** of the Royall Society, and his answering 8. P.'s queries to him 
** about the Navigacion of England." 



John Evelyn (Son of John Evelyn, the Diarist) to Samdel Pepys. 

[1680]. Letter that accompanied a set of encomiastic verses on 
H.R.H. the Duke of York, written by the younger Mr. Evelyn at the 
moment, when Charles II. had determined to recall his brother to 
England, and restore him to the ofiice of Lord High Admiral. Four of 
the fifty, four verses of the feeble poem run in these words, 

** One only thing was left unfinish't yet, 

At once our joys and safety to compleat ; 

Which our Great Pilot saw, and strait commands 

The fieet be rescued from unskillf ull hands." 
a 88428. M 



178 

In the letter Samuel Pepys ia entreated to offer the verses to the 
Duke's consideration, should the Secretary of the Admiralty " think them 
worthy of being laid at his Royall Highnesses feet." The epistle is 
addressed to " Samuel Pepys at his House in Yorke Buildings." 



DocTOB Thomas Gale, Head Master of Saint Paul's School, to 
Samuel Pepts. 

1681, December Srd [ ]. Letter on the significance 

of the Latin word " Versoria " and the antiquity of the helmsman's office. 
Addressed to " the Honourable Samuel Pepys esq. at Mr. Euer's house 
in Yorke Buildings," the letter is endorsed by Pepys's pen, " December 
'' the 3rd L681. Dr. Gale to Mr. Pepys, touching the true construocion 
** of the word [Versoria] &c. and the antiquity of the Title and Office of 
" [Steerman] both in England and Norway." Six other papers of 
critical points and scholastic matters by the same modest scholar and. 
famous schoolmaster." 

The Earl of Sunderland to Koger L'Estbange. 

1684, August dOth, The Court at Winchester. Letter directing 
L'Estrange in His Majesty's name to discover the shorthand writer, who* 
took notes of the proceedings at the trials of Ireland^ the five Jesuit^ and 
Langhome, and also the transcribers who copied the shorthand notes in 
full for the press, and to require them to produce the original notes and 
copies and give account of them ; this order being given because 
questions have arisen as to the accuracy of several passages of the printed 
reports of those trials. This letter was found in the collection of Pepy» 
Papers that came to the possession of Mr. J. Eliot Hodgkin in 1889. 

H.R.H. Duke of York to Samuel Pepts. 

1684, September 19th, Winchester. — "I had last night, when I 
came from Portsmouth, yours of the 17 : and as to what you propose, 
concerning the other Lieutenant for the PKenix^ it will be tyme enough^ 
when I come to London, to resolve ont, I intending to be there on 
wensday next. The French Embassador spake to me this night, for a 
yacht, to carry the Siam envoyes, for Calais, that are sent to France. 
Lett them have it, when they aske for it." Holograph. Endorsed, 
•* Winchester, September 19th, 1684. His Royal Highness to 
Mr. Pepys." 

H.B.H. Duke op York to Samuel Pepys. 

1684, October 17th, Newmarkett. — " ITiis evening I received yours of 
the 16 : and spake to his Majesty about the St. Davidj and 'tis his 
pleasure, she be payd of, and layd up, which is all I have to say now, 
but that I intend to be at London on thursday next. — James." Holo-^ 

S*aph. Endorsed by Pepys, ** Newmarkett, October 17th, 1684: Hia 
oyall Highness to Mr. Pepys upon the paying-off the St, David J* 

H.B.H. Ddke op York to Samuel Pepys. 

[1684, November 4th], St. James's, Friday afternoone. — "Iforgott 
this morning to give you orders for a yacht for the Marquis de Bichelieo^ 



179 

his wife and family, to carrj them over to France, lett them have an 
order for one as sone as may be, they only staying for one to transport 
them. —James." This holograph letter bore neither year-date nor month- 
date when it came to Samuel Pepys's hand ; but he endorsed it, " Novem- 
** ber 4th, 1684. His Royall Highness to Mr. Pepys, about a yacht for 
** the Marquess of Richelieu.'' 



Titus Oates alias Otes to James the Second. 

1685, May 18th, [London.]— "To the King's most Excellent Majesty : 
The humble petition of Titus Otes most humbly shews that Judgment 
having on Saturday last been eutred in your Majesty's Court of King's 
Bench against your petidoner on two indictments of perjury assigned in 
evidence delivered above six years since in cases of high treason com* 
mitted against his late Majesty of Blessed Memory by severall persons 
convicted attainted and executed for the same: the truth of which 
evidence was after strict and mature examination solemnly approved by 
his said late Majesty in Councell, the Lords and Commons in Parliament 
assembled, all the Judges of England and severall juryes. And for that 
there are manifest errors in the Proceedings and Judgements aforesaid 
against your peticioner, — ^Yoar peticioner most humbly prayes your 
Majesty's warrant to the Lord Keeper of your Great Scale of England, 
to grant your peticioner two writtes of error to the Lord Chief Justice 
of your Majesty's said Court of King's Bench to be directed, Requiring 
him to bring before your Majesty in Parliament att your Parliament to • 
be held at Westminster the 19th of May instant the Records of the 
Processes and Judgements against your peticioner on both the indite- 
ments aforesayd that upon inspection thereof by your Majesty in Parlia- 
ment your Majesty may cause to bee further done what of right ought 
to be done therein And that in the meane time execution of the said 
Judgements be stayed. And your peticioner shall ever pray &c., Titus 
Otes." — ^This original petition is endorsed by the pen of Samuel Pepys^ 
« May 18th, 1685 : A iPeticion of Dr. Otes to the King for Writts of 
'* Error to be granted him for the bringing his Cause into Parliament^ 
'^ and staying execution of the kte ju(^ement against him. — Memor- 
<' andum, That he was this day the first time sett in the pillory." 



James the Second to Sir John Tippbtts and Sir Richard- 
Haddock, knts., and James Sotherne, esq., Commissioners 
of His Majesty's Navy. 

168^. January 6th, The Court at Whitehall. — " Our Will and Pleasure 
is that, in order to our being rightly informed in the particulars following, . 
and some demands of Mr. Pepys depending thereon, with relation to his 
past services as Clerke of the Acts of the Navy and Secretary of the 
Admiralty, you dee forthwith (from the originall boakes and papers 
remaining with you, and in the office of our Navy) duly inquire into 
and iuforme yourselfes touching the said severall particulars and report 
the issue of such your enquirys to us in writing without delay. — (1) The 
value of the yearly sallary enjoyed by Mr. Pepys as Clerke of the Acts 
of the Navy, and the totalis of his receipts thereon, during the time of 
his holding that employment. — (2) The value of the yearly sallarjs 
allowed to each of the 2 persons, appointed to the joynt execution of 
that office, upon Mr. Pepys's removall from the same, — (3) The yearly 
sallary ergoyed by Sir William Coventry, as Secretary to Us, during our. 

M 2 



180 

holding the office of Loi\l High Admirall of England, and as a Commifi- 
sioner of the Navj, within the same time ; with the like of what has 
been allowed to Mr. Pepys, either as Secretary of the Admiralty, or 
Commissioner of the Navy, during his sayd Secret aryshipp, and the 
totall of what his receipts therein amounted to. — And for soe doing, this 
shall bee your Warrant." — The body of this letter, under the King's 
sign-manual, countersigned by Samuel Pepys, appears to be in Popys's 
handwiiting. 

Sir William Petty's Statement of his Religious Tenets. 

1687, February [ ].— " The Spirituail Estate of W. P. 

(1) He doth believe that Jesus of Nazareth is the son of God, borne 
of a virgin, and that this Article is the onely Rock upon which Chiist 
built his Church, and to the beleif whereof salvation is promised. 
This beleif is not derived from his witt or learning, nor is revealed 
by flesh and blood, but the pure guift and Grace of God; Nor is 
any judge of controversy necessary in this case. — (2) He believes that 
God is, that he is the truth and righteousnesse ; that he is a rewarder 
of them that seek him, and that he is to be worshiped in spirit aud in 
truth, and that those who fear him shall be accepted by him. In all 
which there is no need of a judge of controverseys* — (S) He beleiveth 
that intemall righteousnesse is, to do as we would be done unto, the 
same being to fulfill the Law aud the preachings of the Prophets; 
and in this case God has made every man to be his owne judge. 
— (4) He hath sevcrall times perused the books of the holy scriptures, 
and believes the matters of fact related in them to be all true, and that 
the Doctrines set downe in them are to bo followed; but he doth 
not beleive the every word of these great books (being more then any 
child, idiot, illiterate or barbarous person can remember or understand) 
are necessary to Salvation. Wherefore he hath drawn out of the whole 
a small extract, consisting onely of such texts as are plainer then any 
comment which he ever saw, and trusteth to the mercy of God, to have 
been his guide in the same. — (6) As to external righteousnesse, he 
thinketh him to be vir bonus qui consulta patrum, qui leges juraque 
servat. — (6) As to controversys which may arise out of the premisse, he 
thinketh it safe and decent to hearken to them who sit in Moses's 
chaire, and that every soul be subject to the higher powers, and that two 
or 3 met together in the name of God do make a competent church, and 
that Vox populi is vox Dei.'* — This paper, in Sir William Petty's hand- 
writing, was found in the large boidy of writings, formerly in the 
possession of Samuel Pepys, that came into Mr. J. Eliot Hodgkin's 
possession in 1889. 

SiE William Petty to His Son. 

1687, December [ ].— " Deare Child. The scriptures are a 

book, which require a yeares time to read deliberately . and the common 
preaching is to dilate every versicle or period thereof into above 1,000 
discourpes, each of an howr long. — ^Now because it doth not seem to 
stand with the justice and goodne&se of Almighty Gk>d, to put the eternal 
weal and woe of children, idiots, Americans, slaves and illiterate persons 
upon so vast a worke, I venture to advise you in the first place to 
secure the few following points, mentioned in this following Paper, 
praying God to direct you to all the rest, and to make you what he 
would have you to be, and lead you into all truth. 



181 

'' An Abridgement of the Scriptures ; Or The 32 Points of a Christian's 
Compasse. 

" (1) In the begining Gtod made Heaven and Earth, (2) He made man 
after his own image, (3) Breathing into him the spirit of life, (4) God 
is a rewarder of them that seek him, (5) He that feareth God, and 
worketh righteousness shall be accepted of him in all nations, (6) To do 
as one would be done unto, is to f ullfill the Law and the Prophets, 
CI) Whensoever a sinner shall repent from the bottome of his heart, 
God will forgive him, (8) Let every soule be subject to the higher 
powers, for the powers which are, are from God, (9) Submit to the 
Ordinances of man, for conscience or for God's sake, (10) Jesus of 
Nazareth is the ondy Son of the liveing God, (11) And came into the 
world to save sinners, (12) Is risen from the dead, and ascended into 
heaven, (13) Shall come again to judge the quick and the dead, (14) 
There is a life everlasting and a second death, (16) Whosoever believeth 
in Jesus shall be saved, (16) Faith in Jesus is the free guift and grace 
of God and comes by hearing, (17) Charity is the chief of all virtues, 
(18) The divel was a Iyer and deceiver from the begining, a tempter 
tind executioner of God's vengeance, (19) Angels are ministring spirits 
and messeagers from God, (20) Hell is the finall condition of impenitent 
miscreants, hipocrites and reprobates, (21) Heaven the contrary, (22) 
The kingdome of heaven is the reign of the blessed, (23) The keys of 
the kingdome is faith in Jesus, (24) The gospel, the manifestation of 
Christ, (25) Preaching, the declaration that Christ is risen from the 
dead, (26) Martyrs, who dyed in the testimony thereof, (27) The 
invisible church of Christ is those who truely believe in him, (28) The 
external church ai-e those who say so, formed into a civitas, by and 
under that name, (29) When 2 or 3 are gathered together in God's 
name. He will be in the midst of them, (30) The Trinity is incompre- 
hensible, (31) A sacrament is an outward sign of an inward grace, as 
also] a sealed covenant between God and man, (32) Antichrist, or, 
contrary to Christ, is who pretends to all the kingdomes of the world 
by colour of being vicar to him that expressely disowned the same, and 
even of dividing inheritances, disposing of tribute, and all other branches 
of worldly authority." — Endorsed "Sir W. P. Directions about the 
Scriptures. December 1687." This paper, by an eminent and worthy 
gentleman, was found amongst the papers, formerly in the possession of 
Samuel Pepys, that came into the hands of Mr. J. Eliot Hodgkin in 
1889. 

Sir Bobert Southwell to Samuel Fepts. 

1687, December 23rd, Bang's Weston. — " You will not wonder when 
soe great a man is &llen as our friend Sir William Petty, that I should 
condole the losse. I had some share in his friendshipp, and you in his 
high esteeme. Soe we are both sufferers, and till wee can repay re it, 
'tis but reasonable that we comfort each other. I formerly gave you 
the copy of a letter which he writt to some philosophicall, but angry 
Divine, about motion, time, place or some such things. I have lost 
what I had and wish you could repayre me. ..... My son has 

beene at home with me about these three monthes, having done with 
Oxford ; but it was great mortification to him, that he should be that 
single night from Oxtord, when you were soe veiy kind in your passing 
by to send for him. We are here among the Trees, and sometimes 

joyning our heads to understand the usefull things of this life " 

— Addressed to Samuel Pepys, esq., Ac, "in Torke Building, London," 



■ « 



182 

the letter is endorsed in Samuel Pepys's hand, "December the 28r<J, 
" 1687. Sir Robert Southwell to Mr. Pepys, upon the death of Sir 
" William Pettj, Praying Mr. Pepjs to look up a paper of his, and 
giving an account of his son/' 

Mr. (afterwards ** Sir ") James Houblon to Samubl Pbpts. 

1688, August 31st [London]. — Letter containing particulars of the " sad 
storj of the earthquake at Lima." Also, au account of some of the conse- 
quences of the same catastrophe, by a correspondent dating from Lima 
29th October 1687.— Endorsed "August 31th 1688. Mr. James 
" Houblon to Mr. Pepys : Some Observations upon the late Earthquake 
** at Lima. And upon the Motions abroad, ^towards the Kevolution 
*^ which afterwards happened here." 

Tbomas Tanner (afterwards Bishop of St. Asaph) to Samuel Pepys. 

1695, March 29th, Queen's College, Oxford.— " Worthy Sir. The 
countenance and encouragement yon were pleased to give my raw 
studies in your late kind letter exact my humblest tluinks and ac- 
knowledgement. Those talents and virtues you therein mentioned are 
not worthy of your notice, much less, your esteem ; and the meaness of 
them will sufficiently appear by the book I herewith send. This I 
humbly desire you to accept out of that sincere respect, which (outside 
private obligations) I shall always pay to a person, wherein all the 
characters and accomplishments of a gentleman and a scholar, are so 
happily united. The honour of being known to you I reckon among the 
good fortunes of my life, and I shall do my utmost endeavour to make my- 
self in some measure worthy of it. Your modesty needed not have made 
so many apologies for your catalogue, the accuracy of which and the good- 
ness of the MSS. shew the industry and judgement of the Collector ; it 
will gain credit to the rest of our catalogues, and doe great service to the 

learned world [I*'»SO Q'lery, Grey Frjers — ^now Christ-Hospi- 

tall." Letter endorsed by Samuel Pepys, ** March 29th, Oxford, Mr. 
Tanner to S. P. accompanying the Notitia Monastica." 



John Wallis D.D., Oxon, to Samuel Pepts. 

1699, May 2nd, Oxford. — " Sir. I had the favour of seeing yours to 
Dr. Charlet, before that to me (of the same date) came to band. I had, 
before, desired Mr. Glyn to wait on you, (not to beg your thanks, but) to 
know whether you had received the Book (which being what you value, 
I would not have it lost). And I did it the rather, to give him the 
opportunity of being known to you : because I thought he might 
possibly acquaint you with somewhat (particularly concerning the 
winds) which might be new, and not unacceptable to you. The value 
you please to put upon my performances (though I allow it to have 
much of addition from your creat civilitie) doth flatter me the more, as 
proceeding from a person of judgement. As to the business of deciplicr- 
ing (that you may not think it quite deplorable when I dy), I have two 
girls (daughters of my daughter Blencoes) who are able to master a 
plain English cipher which hath no more (or not much more^ than a 
new alphabet (which was heretofore thought a great matter)^ and a 
brother of theirs (yet a youth), who hath allready deciphered some 
English letters, as difficult as most of that kind that have come to my 



183 

liaiids. And if our Statesmen were so diligent, aa perhaps tbey might 
[be], to intercept such : I would set him to work upon them. But as to 
French letters, he must be excused till he understand the language. 
But things of this nature (I find bj experience) are more admired, than 
encouraged. 'Tis a busyness of so much labour and study, and requires 
so much of patience and sagacity, that it will scarce turn to account. 
An ordinary dark will make better wages, at easyer work, When I 
shal have the honour to wait on you at London, I cannot say . . . 

. . ." — Directed to " the Honorable Samuel Pepys, Esq., at his 
house in Yorke House Buildings, near the Water-side, in the Strand, 
London " this letter is endonid by Pepys, " Oxford, May 2nd, 1699. 
Dr. Wallis to S. P. upon the business .of decyphering, and provision 
in his own family against its being lost when hee dyes, with the little 
proportion between its Work and its Reward." 



RooEB Gale, Fellow of Trinity Ck>llege, Cambridge, to Samubl Pepys. 

1700, May 14th, T. C. C. [t.c. Trinity College, Cambridge]. 
*^ Honoured Sir, It was, I confesse, some surprize to me, that I heard 
not from you in so long a time after I had given you notice of your 
desired Erasmus ; and I could not but fear, what I am now extremely 
sorry to hear was the occasion of it, some illnesse, tho' what vou have 
lately undergone, is far beyond what I could have inuigmed, and 
therefore I must the more congratulate your happy recovery, which 
I heartily do, and wish for the long and prosperous continuance of 
your health, which I presume to promise myselfe, since it has been 
able to so vigorously withstand such a shock as this last accident 
must ' needs have given it. I must own I ought to have acquainted 
you with tvfiiKa again, but my too well grounded suspicion of your 
being indisposed made me cautious how I gave you farther trouble, 
which I hope will plead my excuse. I now send you. Sir, what you 
have so lone desired, and I should be glad to hear it gives you the 
satis&ction I wish it may ; and if you will be pleased, and your ease will 
permitt you to lett me know of your receipt of it by a letter, it will be 
sufficient for my security to the College, and I believe give you the 
least trouble that way. I hear no more of my father's coming to town, 
but on the contrary that it is deferred, and I liave grounds to think he 
will hardly be there this summer, his talking of it after this manner 

being now pretty usuall " — Endorsed by Pepys, " May 

24th, 1700, Cambridge. My cosin Boger Grale to 8. P. accompanying 
Erasmus' Autogiaph MSS. of Libanius's Orations." The son of Thomas 
'Gale, D.D., Master of St. Paul's School, London, and in later time 
Dean of York, the writer of this letter became a Fellow of Trinity 
College, Cambridge, in 1697. 



J. Jackson to his Uncle SAxraL Pepts. 

1701, March 25th, Cadiz.— '< Honoured Sir, I leh Sevil on Satur- 
day morning last, came to Gibraltar on Munday; staid there Tnes- 
day; and arrived here last night; where I have seen some very 
ridiculous processions and pageantry relating to this holy time, I am 
now under some care concerning my return to Madrid; being un- 
willing to suffer a 2^ time by uncertain advices. Some letters say 
the 4th, others the 9th of the next month is fixt for the publidn 
Entrada; and Sir William Bodger is of opinion it will not be so 



184 

Boon as either. 1 shall therefore vait here till Monday, to see what 
that day's post may bring of certain herein. I am very well satisfied 
with the sight of Gibraltar, and should have taken a stepp to Ceuta, 
but for the hast 1 was in for my getting back in time to Madrid, if I 
found it feasible. The Straights are much narrower than I thought, 
and with the addition of some fin-ts, and carrying the Moles out furSier 
at GKbraltar, which 2 French Engineers are now actually [m designing] ; 
I fear the enemy will have a secure harbour there for a squadron of 
ships sufficient wherby to exclude us the Streights. I could see Ceuta 
very plain, and hear the noise and discern the smoak of the guns, which 
are continually firing between the Moors and Spaniards. The Mary 
Frigate, Captain Pindar commander, brings you this ; and being just 
ready to sail, affords me opportunity for no mere at present, then tobegg 

your blessing *' — Letter addressed to Samuel Pepys " at 

his house in York-Buildings, London." 

Samuel Pepts to the Beverend (? John Hudson, Librarian of the 
Bodleian Library). 

1702, September 29th, Clapham.— " Reverend Sir. You will (I hope) 
impute to the true occasion of it the late trouble you had from mee, 
through the absence of my honoured friend the Maister; your so 
generous undergoeing whereof, I must borrow some of the Maister's 
help (when returned) in the payment of the acknowledgements oweing 
to you both from him and mee'for on that occasion, and more particlarly 
(sic) from myselfe for the too advantagions mention you make of my 
late small instance of respect to your august body, and to the memory 
of the illustrious Dr. Wallis. — ^Nor had you been so long without tlds, 
but for my dayly expectation of haveing something from himselfe, that 
might properly leade mee to the second part of the thankes I have to 
pay you on Mr. Dundasses score, who has this day sent mee word, of his 
haveing out done his patteme, by as much space left, as would beare 
another Ix>rd's Prayer ; and therefore askes my order, how I will have 
^t filled. Which bee shall have by and by from mee ; soe as I shall 
hope (if I could thinke it possible) to be able in a post or 2 to give you 
an account of such a performancCy as nothing but what you have shewen 
him at Oxford, would ever have drawn from him " 

John Evelyn on the Clepsamidium Nauticum, 

[ ]. Paper in John Evelyn's handwriting, without either 

signature or date, on the Clepsamidium NatUicum^ a newly invented 
hour glass, '^ which (as pretended) is not in the least obnoxious to the 
concussion of the ship, which it gives to all other inventions for the 
measure of time at sea, and more nsefull then the Pendulum Clocks, 
especially in long and tedious voyage?, when commonly neere the Tropics 
they contract rust, and become in a manner useless." Endorsed by 
Samuel Pepys, *« Mr. Evelyn's description of a new Sea-Hour- Glasse." 

Matthew Wren, Secretary of H.R.H. Duke of York, to Samuel 

Pepys. 

[ ] November 4th [ ]. — " Since I saw you I received 

a letter from Sir Robert Vyner, wherein he tels me al his present car- 
penters, nine in nuoiber, are prest from his house in Lombard Street. 
I cannot think that those imployed to press are discreet men to sweep al 
the workmen from the house of so considerable a [terson in the City, and 



185 

bj way of revinge, I desire they may be al releast. But, if the necessity 
of the publiqae service and good example wil not permit that, I pray let 
ihe first six be immediately Ssoharged, that being the least we can do for 
a gentleman of so much worth, and so good a friend." At the foot ot 
the brief letter appears a list of the names of the nine workmen. 



VII. — Danby Papehs. 

This small but very interesting group of papera consists of these 
seventeen writings, to wit, (1.) 167^, January 9th. — ^Letter from the 
Earl of Danby to the Hon. Balph Montagu, English Ambassador in 
France. (2) 167|, January 11th, N.S.— Letter from the Hon. Ralph 
Montagu to the £arl of Danby. f3) 167|. January 12th.— Letter 
from the same to the same. (4) 167|) January 14th. — ^Letter from 
the Earl of Danby to the Hon. Balph Montagu. (5) 167f , January 1 7th. 
— Letter from the same to the same. (6) 167|, January 18th. — Letter 
from the Hon. Ralph Montagu to the Earl of Danby. (7) 1678, 
March 25th. — ^Letter from the Earl of Danby to the Hon. Ralph 
Montagu. (8) 1678, March 25th.— Paper of the particulars of the 
Terms of Peace proposed by Spain and Holland to France. (9) 1678. 
April 1 Itb. — Letter from the Hon. Ralph Montagu to the Earl of 
Danby. (If)) 1679, August 29th.— Letter, dated from The Tower, 
from the Earl of Danby to the Earl of Carnarvon. (11) 1681, 
March 13th. — Letter dated from The Tower from the Earl of Danby 
to Lord Norreys. (12) 168^, March . The Humble Petition 
dated from The Tower of Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby, Prisoner in 
the Tower of London, to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in 
Parliament assembled. (13) 1682.— Letter, dated from The Tower, 
from the Earl of Danby to Charles the Second. (14 and 15) Two curious 
undated papers of two several schemes for injuring the Hon. Ralph 
Montagu, papers creditable neither to their author, Henry Guy, Secretary 
of the Treasury, nor to the Earl of Danby, for the grat^cation of 
whose animosity against the Hon. Ralph Montagu they were drawn. 
(16) 168|, February 9th.— Letter, dated from The Tower, from the 
Earl of Danby to the Earl of Carnarvon. (17) 1690, July 21st.— Letter 
dated from London, from Thomas^Osborne, Marquis of Carmarthen and 
Earl of Danby to Robert Bertie, third Earl of Lindsey. 

Of these seventeen writings, the first nine relate to one of the darkest 
passages of our national story, when the Lord Treasurer of England 
and the English Ambassador at the Court of France, acting with the 
approval, if not at the original contrivance and instigation, of Charles 
the Second, were concerned in negotiations, on which honourable 
Englishmen, even at this distance of time from tbe shameful incidents, 
reflect with mingled feelings of humiliation and anger. Throwing new 
light on the ways in which tlie Lord Treasurer and the English 
Ambassador intrigued with the ministers of Louis the Fourteenth, in 
order to sell England's honour for French gold, the eight letters that 
passed between Danby and Montagu in the earlier months of 1678, 
whilst they were employed in the disgraceful business, also afford 
much remarkable testimony to the way in which Danby in his old age, 
when he had risen to be Duke of Leeds, garbled and falsified the 
documents which he published in his Copies and Extrcicts of some 
Letters (1710), — the fraudulent book which he hastened to offer to the 
world for his own advantage, as soon as the Duke of Montagu's 



186 

"death had removed from this life the person who could have 
demonstrated most effectually the falseness of the ignoble compilation. 
It would be vain for any apologist of the first Buke of Leeds to 
suggest that some nameless compiler should be regarded as the actual 
falsifier of the printed papers that were offered to readers in enduring 
type, under the sanction of the duke's name and title. For the old 
man's handwriting on the documents, now for the first time printed 
sincerely and exactly, demonstrates that, though he may be presumed 
to have been aided in his literary toil by a transcriber for the press and 
a corrector of proofs, the first Duke of Leeds was himself the 
manipulator and editor-in-chief of the untruthful *' copies" and 
fraudulent ''extracts," that he with his own hand manipulated his 
manuscripts for the printer, and that in doing so he was guilty of at 
least one amazing act of forgery, and divers other sorts of dishonesty. 
Montagu having breathed his last breath* the first Duke of Leeds seems 
to have imagined that he could safely do what he pleased with his private 
papers ; but now that more than a hundred and eighty years have passed 
over his grave, the papers have come to light, which show him to have 
been as cunning and unscrupulous in his decay as he was in the perfect 
Tiffour of his middle age. 

In justice to a gentleman who knows thoroughly tho manuscripts 
which he has gathered with excellent discrimination, and who has 
written about some of them with fine historic iusight and unusual ability, 
I may here observe that before he submitted his Danhy Papers to 
my consideration, Mr. J. Eliot Hodgkin had carefully collated them 
with the garbled and falsified versions of them printed by the first 
Duke of Leeds, and that on laying the same original writings before 
me, he called my attention to the way in which they had been dealt 
with by the editor of Copies and Extracts of some Letters (1710). 
Whatever credit may be due to the discoverer of the Duke's way of 
dealing with historic evidence should be given to Mr. Hodgkin. 



The Eabl of Danbt to the Hon. Balph Montagu, English 
Ambassador in France. 

167|, Januaiy 9th, London. — " My Lord, I received the favour of two 
of yours by two several expresses on Munday last, together with one for 
the King, which I immediately gave him. I did not return you any 
answer by that post because I could have then informed you of nothing 
more than my receipt of them ; but since that time his Majestic has been 
constantly in Councill twice a day, and is not yett come to a resolution of 
what he shall say to Mons^ BariUon [being very unwilling to come to 
a rupture with France, and yett scarce seeing how to avoid it]. Hee 
shewd mee your letter, and as you therein supposed, the Ambassador 
has quitted the demand of putting off the Parliament^ and offers the 
suspencion provided his Majestic will bee brought to no declaracion 
against him ; but his Majestic cannot find it practicable [how to keep 
his Parliament in any sort of order]^ when the King of France shall at 
the same time bee in the field, and taking towns : hee heartily wishes 
also that he were in a capacity to doe so much good to his niece as you 
speak of, but the great hast of the King of France to bee in the field 
makes almost every thing but war impossible to him, and b^ins now to 
to turn his trouble for the King of France's unkindnesse into perfect 
anger against him, insomuch that for anything I can guesse, I doe 
truly beleeve wee shall goe into the warre, and for our better satisfaction 
in that point, I ^ewd the King that part of your letter, which sales, if 



187 

there should bee war, you could do his Majestie better service then joa 
durst mention in a letter, and I asked him what I should say to you 
upon itt, whereupon hee commanded mee to tell you, hee did beleeve 
he should not be able to avoide a war, and would by all means have you 
informe him what it is was you meant. You see by all this that the 
King is [wee are] not inrichd by those great offers which have been held 
forth to him [us] but on the contrary / find that [which I think has 
not been so wise a part of] Monsieur Barrillon [himself hee] has for 
three weeks past stopt all that was then become due to [us] the King 
insomuch that hee saies hee has [wee have] received but 18,000/. of the 
•50,000/. which would have been paid him in December, although Monsieur 
Barrillon acknowledged that 30,000/. has been in London above a moneih 
since. This breach of word for what was already due by some private 
agreement das helped to exasperate the King's humour which I hope to 
dmprove [and the Duke is as much dssatisfyd as the King]. You see 
likewise that my Lord Dunbarton's regiment and the rest are all to bee 
recalled, insomuch that unlesse some balme [from heaven] be applyd to 
the wound, I doe not see but it must bleed very uuddainly. I must 
needs recommend my Lord Dunbarton to your kindnesse, and I should 
bee glad to hear that you had found some good ofBicer which might bee 
preferred to his Majesties service, if there bee occasion, but in the mean 
time I must return you my humble thanks for your great care and 
kindnesse to my son Dunblaine (sic) [who you have obliged to such a 
degree, as makes him much more desirous to stay with you then look 
homewards and] I hope hee will bee no lease desirous to pay you his 

•services then I am, who shall ever be Danby." 

Endorsed in the Earl of Danby's handwriting, " A copy of my Letter 
cb my Lord Ambassador Mountagu, dated the ^ January 167| 
O.S." (sic). — To realise how greatly this letter was doctored and 
cooked for the press by the first Duke of Leeds, readers must 
apprehend that all the words put in this printed transcript in rectangular 
brackets are ' deleted ' in the manuscript, with a single ink line drawn 
through the middle of the writing, and all the words printed in italics 
were put upon the paper in the tremulous handwriting of the aged 
first Duke of Leeds, who after dressing and trimming the document so 
carefully and cunningly for publication, forbore to put it into his book 
of Copies and Extracts of Some Letters (1710). 

Hon. Ralph Montagu, English Ambassador in France, to the Eabl 

OP Danby. 

167 J, January 11th., N.S., Paris. — " .... The occasion of my 
^ving you this trouble is to give you the best light I can into the reasons 
of Mr. de Ruvigny's sonnes jomey into England, whoe will be there 
perhaps as soon as this letter. If his father's age had permitted it, I 
beleive they would have sent him. Soe they have chosen the sonne, whoe 
is to make use of lights his father will give him, and by theneare relation 
he has to my Lady Yaughan, whoe is his cosen Grermain, and the 
particular freindship which father and sonne have with Mr. William 
Russell, he is to be introduced into a greate commerce with the malconted 
(sic) member[s] of parlament, and insinuate what they shall thinke fitt to 
crosse your measures at Court, if they shall proove disagreable to them 
heere, whilst Mr. de BariUon goes on in his smooth civiTl way. . . . 
"They are heere in greate paine, till it be knowne what will become of 
the parlament and doe not stick to say, if that be put of for a moneth, 
they doubt not of a place [or peace]." — N.B. These last words do not 



188 

appear in the printed transQript of the holograph epistle, in Copies and 
Extracts of Some Letters^ S^c*^ edited by the first Duke of Leeds, but 
do appear in An Explanation^ 4^., /o. 1679. The letter is endorsed 
*' 11th January 7|," by the Earl of Danby*s pen, with the following 
addition to the original endorsement ^' X.S. : Of consequence and about 
young Ruvigny's journey into England," in the tremulous handwriting 
of the aged first Duke of Leeds. 



The Same to the Same. 

a 

1678, Januaiy 12th, Wednesday at night, Paris. — ^** When I writ to 
your Lordship this morning I was in greate hopes that I had convinced 
the King of France and most of the Ministers, how impracticable at 
this time and how destructiTe the putting of[r| the parlament would 
proove to the King our Master's afiiaires ; but he having put me of [f ] 
for his last resolution, till after the Conncell, sent for me and told me, 
he could not desist from desiring to have the parlament put of[f,] till 
the end of February, without which condition he would not be engaged 
to restore immediately upon the accepting of a suspension the tonnes 
that he should take betwixt this and the end of February. I will not 
trouble you with the reasons they pretend to give for this demand of 
theires, M'. de Barillon will have told them you dl, nor with what I sayde. 
But knowing soe much of the King's mind, how necessary he judged when 
I was in England the meeting of the parlament te be, I thought it my 
duty if I coidd to stave of[f] any condition being mingled with what he is 
obliged to desire of the king heere, as to the giving two moneths respitt 
to his undertaking in Flanders. Therf ore I hope the King will support 
me in what I have done, and though 1 could expect they would declare 
themselves, till they have answer from M'. Barillon, yet my opinion is, 
if our Master finds it a thing he cannot complye with as to the putting 
it of[f] till the end of February, they will content themselves with his 
Maiestys word and promise of coming to noe declaration against 
Fraunce till the answer of the suspension be come, and stand engaged 
to restore, on the suspensions being ratifyed, whatever they shall take 
tQl that time. But noe man's opinion is infallible and soe I may be 
mistaken ; neither dare I advise in this case ; your Lordship is the best 
judge whether a warr be advisable now or not, and whether it is not 
better if it can be avoided for our Master to be a Judge as he is now, or 
to be a party as he must be then ; or if he must be, whether it were not 
better for him to yeeld a little more now he is unprepared : and during 
the yeare of the suspension, putt himself in a condition, if he can of 
obliging them to the peace here he has proposed, or if not of resenting 
it much better than he can now; for they will never be soe well 
prepared ; nor we or the confederates soe unprepared. I thought it 
my duty to let his Majesty be as soone as was possibly {sic) Informed of 
theire intentions here that by that he might guide his owno measures : 
and as soone as M^. Barillons courier or mine of the 10 brings back the 
King's answer to theire proposition, which the[y] seeme mighty dissatis- 
fyed with me for not approving of, an^ doubt not but it will be liked in 
England, we shall see whatthe[y] will doe ; bat till then, though there is 
alhirms of his goeing every day, I beleivc the King of Fraunce will not 
goe into the feild. I have now two couriers at London that attend to 

bring me any commands that require haste [^•'^•] 

My Lord Dunblane sets out on Tuesday next, if he have noe orders to 
the contrary. If he were consulted, I beleive the parlament should be put 



189 

of[f]." — The first Duke of Leeds put neither this epistle nor any part of 
i t in his Copies and Extracts of Some Letters^ S^c, 



The Earl of Danby, Lor4 Treasurer of England, to Hon. Ralph 
Montagu, English Ambassador in France. 

167^, January 14th, London. — '' I have nothing to adde as to the 
pnbliquo to what I writt you in my last of the 9th instant, but I am on 
my owne account to acknowl^e the justice you have done me to the 
Ministers in that court who judge others by themselves, and though I 
know I loose (sic) a greate deale of reputation with them to be thought 
one that will not make my owne fortune upon any tearmes, yett I have 
the comfort of beleeving my credit t so bad with them before that itt 
can hardly bee made worse [can hardly bee worse], and I vrish theirs 
were as litle with others here as itt is with mee. Upon that part of your 
letter to the King which speakes of money hee told mee hee should bee 
glad of theire money, provided the Confederates might have such a peace 
as would satisfy them, and if things shall att any time come to that passe 
you [may bee sure] need not feare but your advice of secresy will bee 
taken ; the management of itt will also [will] as certain ely fall to your share 
both for the reasons given by your selfe to the King, and that I shall 
very unwillingly enter into a matter which first T beleeve they will not 
performe, and if they should may perhaps do the King more hurt then 
good. [[I observed in the same letter a postscript concerning the 
Swedes which shews what honest Allies they are, and therefore in my 
opinion to bee treated as they do others]]. I feare your greate civility 
hath created you more trouble with my son Dunblaine then you will 
owne, bat I hope [ ] he may live to pay you 

his ser\ ices as I shall ever " — Endorsed " Coppy of my 

letter to Mr. Montagu, 14th January, 167| " in the handwriting of the 
Earl of Danby, ** which is yerj materiall and shews his being the 
Proposer of money to the King,*' in the tremulus handwriting of the 
aged first Duke of Leeds. — This letter was published by the first Duke of 
Leeds in his Copies and Ea^trads of Some Letters^ SfC.^ af^r he had 
doctored it in divers particulars. To apprehend the degree in which 
his Grace dressed the letter for the press, students must bear in mind 
that in the printed transcript of the epistle, the words put into sinsle 
rectangular brackets were deleted by ink lines running along the middle 
of the writing, the vacant space between a pair of single rectangular 
brackets being occupied in the MS. document by a line and half of 
ink marks that render the original words undecypherable, and that the 
words between double rectangular brackets are omitted from the letter, 
as it appears in Copies and Extracts of Some Letters^ S^c. 



The Same to the Same. 

167J, January l7th, London. — " I did by my I'jord Dumbarton write 
you att large all the intelligence I could then give you, and there has been 
nothing since worth the [sending], returning either of your expresses 
withall. My son Dunblain arrived here on Monday last, who delivered 
mee your letters and acknowledges your very great kindnesse to him as I 
am to do both for him and myselfe who you have obliged by so many 
waies. Your intelligence concerning Mons'^. Buvigny has not been the 
least of your favours, and hitherto his son's steps have been very suitable 
to your information, for yesterday hee came to me with Mons'. Barillon 



190 

(haveing given mee his father's letter the day before) and discourst 
much upon the confidence [of our King's firmnesse to his King] his 
King hath of the firmnesse of Ours to him, of the good opinion his 
Master has of mee, of his King's resolution to condescend to anything 
that is not infamous to him for the satisfaction of our King, hoir 
certainly our King may depend upon all sorts of assistances and supply^ 
from his Master, in case the freindship be preserved, and in short 
went so far as to seeme desirous to have mee understand (although hee 
would not directly say itt) that his master might bee brought to part with 
Valenciennes and Conde but never with Toumay, and the maiiie of 
their drift was to ingage mee to prevaile with the King to overrule the 
Prince of Orange as to that towne, and presst the matter upon mee as 
a thing, wherein they thought I had an interest of my owne vdth the 
Prince of Orange sufficient to persuade him to putt an end to the war 
by that meanes. I answered them (as is most true) that there 
is nothing I am so desirous of as Peace, but I thought things were gone 
so far as itt was only in theire Master's power to prevent that war, and 
that I would contribute to any possible expedient to that end, but that 
they must apply themselves to the King himselfe, and when itt came to 
my part I should bee found to contradict nothing which might be equall 
for the preservation of the freindship betwixt the two Kings. From< 
mee they went immediately to the King, who tells me theire discourse 
was the same they had held with mee, and att last hee desired that 
whatever expedient they had to propose to him might be putt in 
wrileing for him to consider, and thus itt stands att this time. As to the 
Officer you mention (who the King assures himselfe to bee Schomberg),. 
bee has taken further time to resolve of his answer, and as to our 
maine point of war or peace itt will certainely depend upon the King 
of France his consenting or not to the first propositions, our King 
being ingaged to oppose any party that shall refuse them, nor will the- 
time for that consideration boe much longer, since itt will bee impossible 
but the King must come to some [speedy] declaration of his mind to 
the Parliament when that meetes. That iwhich yett makes the hopes 
of peace lesse probable is that the Duke grows every day less inclined 
to itt, and has created a greater indifferency in the King then I could 
have imagined, which being added to the French King's seeming 
resolutions not to part with Toumay does I confesse make mee wholly 
despaire of any accommodation. Nevertheless, I am assiured that one 
principall cause of this adjournment for 13 dales has been to see if any 
expedient for the peace could have been found in that time, and the 
effect of the adjournment has been that nobody will now beleeve other 
then that the peace is concluded by concert betwixt us and France." 
— At the foot of this remarkable draft by the Lord Treasurer's own pen^ 
appear these words, written and signed by Charles the Second himself, 
to wit, " I approve of this letter — C.R." The letter is endorsed " Coppy 
of my letter to Mr. Montagu, 17th January 167|," in the Earl of 
Danby's handwriting with tins addition to the original endorsement, to 
wit, '' Of great importance and was signed by the King himselfe, and 
is coppied false in Kennetts History of Charles 2nd," in the tremulous 
handwriting of the aged first Duke of Leeds. 

The first Duke of Leeds published in his Copies and Extracts of 
Some Letters ^c.<, a transcript of this document, which may be described 
as a substantially accurate copy of the letter^ notwithstanding the omission 
of the words here printed in rectangular brackets. A more remarkable 
discrepancy between the whole MS. writing and the printed copy in 
Copies and Extracts arises from the omission of the King's autograph 
note, to wit, " I approve of this letter — C.R.," from pago 59 of the book» 



191 



Also, a substantially accurate fair copy (^dth a few immaterial 
variations) of the afore-given rough draft, together with the substantially 
accurate fair copy of the Lord Treasurer's draft letter to Mr. Ralph 
Montagu, of 25th March 1678 ; the two fair copies being on the 
0ame sheet of paper, which is endorsed, " Copy of my Lord Treasurer's 
" letter to Ambassador Montagu, 17th January 167|, and 25th March 
" 1678. And of the two letters from Mr. Montagu to Lord 
<* Treasurer of the Wth and \^th January 1678, with my Lord 
** Treasurer's to the House of Comons when he was impeached^ and 
•* thei/ were not permitted to be read ;" the words here printed in 
italics being in the tremulous handwriting of the aged first Duke of 
Leeds, 



Hon. Ralph Montagu to the Earl of Danby. 

1678, January 18th, Paris.— "My Lord, In my first that I writ 
to his Majesty after my arrivall here, he may please to remember 
the account 1 gave him of what proposalls M', de Louvoy made con- 
cerning the King our Master being contented with a great summe of 
money for himself, and not to insist upon the restoring of Toumez, 
Valenciennes and Cond6. But I, having no power or instructions to 
hearken to any euch proposition, would not enter with him, whereupon 
he told tne next day, that M'. de Barillon should propose to our master 




of respect to the King our master, and saying how resonable a thing 
it was, that he, who has suffered so much in his own Kingdome for the 
great partiality" [for which last word the first Duke of Leeds 
substituted ** friendship," when he was tampering with the letters] 
"to the King of France, should sheare with him in the advantages 
he has had by the war, and for his part he would contribute to his 
being satisfied all he could; that he knew M'. de Louvoy had 
flung out some offers of money, but that was only to amuse my master 
and gain time ; for that M'. do Louvoy intended nothing more then 
the continuing the war, whereas he was desirous of nothing more than the 
Peace as the only thing, that could both secure him and the King his 
master, that if the King my master would as an expedient for the 
Peace hearken to a great sume of money, and give mee power to treat 
with him, it should be done with all the secrecy im[a]ginable 
and the peace made, whether M^ De Louvoy would or no, provided 
Toumez might remain to the King of France, in consideration of 
which the King our Master should have the Honour of making his 
neice. Madam's daughter, Queen of France, and for Valenciennes and 
Conde such expedients as should be secure and honourable for the 
Spaniards and the Prince of Orange, and for the sume of money our 
master should insist upon for himselfe, M^. Colberte (sic) thinks he 
could make it com easier then M^. de Louvoy, who must come to him 
for it first. You see my Lord the jealosie that is now between these 
two great ministers. Pray send mee the King's commands, and his 
directions how he would have it [[improved, and turned to his own 
advantages, for without that I dare not nor know not how to make any^ 
step ; only and | i | I must take the liberty to give you this caution 
not to enter with M'. Barillon upon this matter, for he is a creature of 
M'. de Louvoy' s, and if you send mee any orders, you must not forgett 
to let mee bee ii^ormed of all M'. de Barillon has said, that I may be. 



192 

out in nothing, for thej keep all they can from my knowledge heere, 
believeing mee so much your Lordship's servant that they will not 
beelieve {sic) mee their friend. | I | M^. de Ruvigny's son will give 
your Lordshipp a letter from his rather, to begg your countenance and 
favour whilst he is in England. I told you in my last part of my 
arrand, which there is more your Lordship will know better than I. 
As scone as you can, my Lord, be pleased by a safe hand to let me 
know his Majesties pleasure upon all I have writt. I wish you would 
send my Lord J)unblain (sic) back soon enough to let it be by him. I 
am sure, my Lord, you can never do any thing so much to his advan- 
tage as to let him spend a yeare here, where if I am he may be sure of 

the services of him, who is with all respect, my Lord,]] 

B. Montague. 

^ At the foot of this letter appears the following note, written in the 
tremulous hand of the age d first Duke of Leeds in or shortly before 1710, 
to wit, •• From this mark | | | to said mark in this letter must be added 
'^ att the end of his other letter of the same date in Wardour's hand- 
^* writing." — ^The letter is also endorsed in the same tremulous hand- 
writing of the first Duke of Leeds, ** Mr. Montagu's letter, 18th Januair 
167|. Not used." 

Li 1710, when he was in his eightieth year, and had for years enjoyed 
the dignity and style of Duke of Leeds, Thomas Osborne, whilom the 
Lord Treasurer of England temp. Charles II., uneasy from the discredit 
pertaining to him as the Lonl Treasurer who had been a prime 
negotiator of the infamous pecuniary arrangements between Charles 
the Second of England and Louis the Fourteenth of 'C'rance, produced 
'^ for the sake of the public as well as for * his ' own justification," the 
well-known volume of ofildal correspondence, entitled, ^'Copies and 
'< Extracts of Some Letters wiitten to and from the Earl of Danbj 
« (now Duke of Leeds) in the years 1676, 1677, and 1678. With 
*' Particular Remarks upon some of them " (1710), which contains the 
ensuing garbled version of the aforegiven letter, that appears in His 
6race*s book, as though it were the whole of the epistle, to wit i-^ 

" Paris, January 18, 167|, N.S. My Lord, In my first that I writ to 
his Majesty after my arrivBl here, he may please to remember the 
account I gave him oi what proposals M'. de Louvoy made, concerning 
the King our Master being contented with a ffreat sum of money for 
himself, and not to insist upon the restoring of Tournay, Valenciennes 
and Cond^ ; but I, having no power, nor instructions, to hearken to any 
such propositions, would not enter upon that subject with him. Where- 
upon he told me next day that M'. Barillon should propose to our 
Master a sum of money to relinquish his insisting in favour of the 
Confederates for the restoring of those places. Since which time I have 
had twice with me an intimate friend of M'. Colberts, with great 
professions of respect to the King our Master ; and . saying, how 
reasonable a thing it was, that he, who has suffered so much in his own 
kingdom for his great friendship " ['' friendship" being here substituted 
for •' partiality," which word is used in the MS. letter] " to the King of 
France, should share with him in the advantages he has had by the war, 
and for his pait, he would contribute to his being satisfied all he could. 
That he knew M'. de Louvoy had flung out some ofiers of money ; but 
that was only to amuse my Master, and gain time ; for that M'. de 
Louvoy intended nothing more than the continuing the war ; whereas 
he was desirous of nothing more than the Peace, as the only thing that 
could best secure him, and the King his master. That if the King, my 
master, would, as an expedient for the Peace, hearken to a great sum of 
money, and give me power to treat with him, it should be done with all 



193 

the secrecy imagiQable, and the Peace made, whether M'. Louvoy would 
or no, provided Toumay might remain to the King of France. In con- 
sideration of which, the King our Master should have the honour of 
making his neeoe (Madam's daughter) Queen of France; and for 
Valenciennes and Conde, such expedients as should be secure and 
honourable for the Spaniards and the Prince of Orange. And for the 
sum of money our Master should insist upon for himself, M^ Colbert 
thinks he conld make it come easier than M'. Louvoy, who must come 
to him for it first. You see, my Lord, the jealousie that is now between 
these two great ministers. Pray send me the Eling's commands and 
directions, how he would have it. I am, my Lord your Lordship's 
most obedient and humble servant — ^B. Mountu^." 

On comparing the present reporter's copy of the MS. letter with 
the Duke's printed transcript of the same letter, careful readers will 

AAA '^^ 

1. That his Grace of Leeds made several small alterations of the letter, 
some of which were judicious amendments of the faulty composition, 
whilst no one of them exceeded the limits of editorial privilege ; 

2. That las Grace substituted the word '' friendship " for the word 
^^ partiality," a verbal change that exceeded the bounds of editorial 
privilege ; 

8. That his Gnce withdrew from the letter the considerable portion 
of the epistle which I have enclosed in double rectangular brackets ; 
and 

4. That in a note put by his pen upon the letter, his Grace declared 
his intention to transfer several lines of the withheld passage to 
'' another letter of the same date in Mr. Wardour's handwriting," a 
change which he would not have thought of making, had he been an 
honest editor of written words. 

In his Grace's '^Copies and Extracts of Some Letters" pp. 59, 
60, 61, the student may find the Duke's falsified copy of the letter from 
M^ Mountagu (mc), that is described as being ^*in Mr. Wardour's 
handwriting." It closes with this paragraph, ^* If the King is for a war, 
'* you know what to do ; if he hearkens to their money, be pleased to let 
^ me know what they offer, and I dare answer to get our Master as much 
^^ aealn ; for BariUon's orders are to make the market as low as he can : 
** And I must take the Uberty to give you this caution^ not to enter with 
" Jf ^ BarilUm upon this tnatter^ for he is a creature of Jif ^ Louvoy* s. 
** And if you send me orders j you must not forget to let me hnow of all 
** il*'. BarilUm has saidy that I may be out in nothing ; for they keep 
^ all they can from my knowledge here, believing me so much your 
** Lordship's servant^ that they will not believe me their friend, 

*' I am B. Mountagu " ; the words here printed in 

italics being no words of the real letter in Mr. Wardour's hand, but 
words taken from the bracketed passage of the other letter of the same 
date. It was thus that the firat Duke of Leeds garbled and doctored 
and trimmed his documents for publication. 

The careful reader should give attention to these other words of the 
passage enclosed in double rectangular brackets, to wit, '' As soon as 
** you can, my Lord, be pleased by a safe hand to let me know his 
^ Majesties pleasure upon all I have writt. I wish you would send my 
" Lord Dunblain {sic) back soon enough to let it be by him. I am 
sure, mj Loixi, you can never do any thing so much to his advantage 
as to let him spend a yeare here, where if I am he may be sure of the 

services of him who is with all respect, my Lord, " 

Withdrawing these words from the letter which he pretended to be 
publishing in its entirety, the first Duke of Leeds forbore to publish them 
a AS4f8. j^ 



194 

as part of tae other, or any other letter. His Grace withheld the wordk 
from public cognizance. Why did the Duke thus suppress and conceal 
the words in which Mr. Kalph Montagu begged that Lord Dunblain 
{sic) might to be sent to him in Paris with delicate information, which 
the Earl of Danby might not care to put in writing and send by an 
ordinary messenger to Charles II's ambassador in France. The young 
man referred to in the letter as Lord Dunblain was Lord Dumblane, 
the Earl of Danby's eldest son, who in due course suceeded bis father 
in the Dukedom of Leeds. The first Duke of Leeds may be conceived 
to have withheld this part of the evidence of his son's personal shai*e in 
a matter of secret politics, because he did not care for posterity to know 
that the second Duke of Leeds was in his early manhood employed as a. 
confidential messenger in the miserable aSair of the French money. 



Tbe Earl of Danby to Hon. Balph Montagu, English^ 
Ambassador in France. 

1678. March 25th [London]. — "Since mv writeing to you by 
Mr. Brisbon the resolutions have been altered as to the sending you 
instructions as yett for the proposing any thing to the French Sang. 
The particulars which will bee consented to on the part of the 
Confederates and of which this is a coppy will bee communicated to 
you by Mr. Secretary Coventry, but you will have no other direction 
from him about them, but only thereby to bee inabled to find the 
pulse of that King (or his ministers att least) against the time that 
70U shall receive orders to make the pruposalls to him. That you- 
may know from whence the nicety of this affaire proceeds, itt is- 
necessary to informe you that^ for the feare of its being ill resented by 
the Parliament here, the King will not make any proposall at all of peace 
unlesse hee shall be presst to itt by the confederates, and although by 
Mi\ Godolphin hee is sufiiciently informed that they desire the peace 
upon the tearmes sent you by the Mr. Secretary, yett not haveing received 
that desire formally the [ ] Councell will [ ] not advise 

his Majestic to lett his Embassador propose [ ] that which hee 

is not formally impowered to make good and so by staying for that 
formall power which by letter his Majestic is suflBciently authorised to 
to propose, the time will be lost of [ ] effecting the peace if att 

all itt can bee had. To supply this defect therefore and to prevent the 
King's sending againe into Holland before hee knows the mind of 
France, I am comanded by his Miyestie to lett you know that you are 
to make the propositions inclosed to the King of France, and to tell 
him that the King will undertake for the seeing them made good on the 
part of Spaine and Holland in case they shall bee accepted by him, and 
in your answer you must write the same thing to the Secretary by way 
only of having felt the King's pulse, which you must do to the King 
[ ] as a full answer from the King of France, and such as 

the King may depend upon, whatever that shall bee. For the more 
dextrous management of this matter the King is advised to shew these 
propositions to Mons''. Barillon but not to give him a coppy, so that by 
the strength of memory itt is expected hee shall write to his Master, 
and by that meanes only are we to hope for an answer to a matter of 
this vast importance, and consequently you may imagine what a satis- 
faction wee are like to reape from itt when itt comes. I doubt not but 
by your conduct itt will bee brought to a speedier issue, which is of as 
great importance as the thing ittselfe, there being no condition worse 
for his Majestic then his standing unresolved betwixt peace and war.. 



195 

I find by Mons'. Barillon that tis like some places, whicli are depen- 
dencies npon greater townes, may bee demanded hy the King of France,, 
but if hee intend the peace (which you will do very well to know his 
mind fully in), you may justly say you hope hee will neither stand upon 
one single place (though a fortified one), nor upon any place unfortified, 
which is a dependant upon those which are to bee restored to 
Spaine, and if anything should bee mentioned about Sicily to remaine 
in the French bands untill the ppaoe of Sweden were concluded, 
you ai^e only to say that you are not impowered to say anything up on 
lit, and you are confident the King has done all hee could to gett the 
utmost propo«itioDs they could consent to. Only you ai-e to say that the 
King has againe sent about Conde, not being well satisfied that they 
have not left itt in his power to give or refuse as hee should have 
found convenient, and hopes still for some good answer, Tn case the 
conditions of the lyesce shall be accepted, the King expects to have six 
millions of livres a yeare for three yeares from the time that this agree- 
ment shall bee signed betwixt his Majestic and the King of France, 
because itt will probably bee two or three yeares before the Parliament- 
will bee in humor to give him any supplys after the making of any 
peace with Fi'ance, and the Embassador here has alwaies agreed to 
that sume, but not for so long time. If you find the peace will not bee 
accepted, you are not to mention the money att all, and all possible care- 
must oee taken to have this whole negotiation as private as possible,, 
for feare of giving offence at home, where for the most part wee heare 
in ten dales after of {any thing that Is communicated to the French 
ministers. I must againe repeate to you, that whatever you write upon 
this subject to the Secretary (to whom you must not mention a syllable • 
of the money) you must say only as a thing you beleeve they would 
consent to, if you had power formally to make those propositions. Pray 
informe your selfe to the bottome of what is to be expected from Franee- 
and assure them that you beleeve this will bee the last time that [ 

] you shall receive any propositions of a peace, if these be 
rejected, as indeed I beleeve it will, so that you may take your owne 
measures as well as the king's upon itt." — At the foot of this draft 
appears, in Charles the Second's handwriting, this note of His Majesty's 
spproTid of the writing, to wit, " I aprove of this letter. — C. R." The 
paper bears this endorsement, '' To Mr. Montagu, 2oth March 1678, 
^ This is the letter on which I was impeached and which was signed hy 
** the King himself e for mt/justificcUiondefore I would write itt. And 
*' iett this be compared with Montagues letters before as well as after itt. 
" And vide the Foreigne Ministers Discourses upon itt to Sir n'tlliam 
** Temple in his letter to me" — the words here printed in italics being in 
the tremulous handwriting of the aged first Duke of Leeds, whilst the 
previous part of the endorsement is by the hand of the Earl of Danby. 
The vacant spaces between rectangular brackets ai*e to be regarded as • 
spaces of the rough draft that are occupied by writing which the Lord 
■[Measurer carefully obliterated with pen and ink. Of the body of 
this rough draft of tlie letter of instructionn, sent by the Lord Treasurer 
to the English Ambassador at the Court of Louis the Fo^irtetnth, the 
aged first Duke of Leeds published a substantially accurate copy in his 
Copies and Extracts of Some Letters^ 4^., the printed transcript being 
followed by a remarkable forgery, for which his Grace must be held 
accountable. Instead of publishing at the foot of the pnnted draft 
Charles the Second's real note, to wit, " I aprove of this letter. — C. R.," 
his Grace put, " This letter is writ by my order. — C.R." Witholding 
the real note by the King's pen, the aged Duke substituted for it wor£ 
which Charles 11. did not pen. Why did his Grace perpetrate this- 

N 2 



196 

forgery ? Why did he thus falsify an important state-paper ? To 
approve of a letter after it has oeen written is a different thing from 
ordering the letter to be written. The Duke's purpose was to assure 
posterity that in writing the shameful letter he was obeying the King's 
order. To accomplish this purpose the Duke ascribed to the King's 
pen words which the King did not write. 

Also a substantially accurate, fair *copy (with a few immaterial 
variations) of that aforegoing rough drafL 

Also, the draft of the enclosed paper, dated March 25th, 167^, London, 
of the Particulars of the Terms for Peace proposed by Spain and 
Holland to France ; sent to the Hon. Ralph Montagu, English Ambassador 
at the French Court^ by the Earl of Danby. A document of secretarial 
penmanship, with alterations by another writer, ninuing thus : — 

'^ As to France and Holland. 

^All in Europe to be Restored betwixt France and Spaine: — 
Charleroy, Aeth, Oudenarde, Conde {not)^ St. Ghislain (defnolished), 
Gkiund, Ipres (fiot)^ Courtray, Limbourg, Blnch, {abandoned to the 
Spaniard* alreadi/) ; with their Baillges, Provosts, Annexes, &c., to 
bee restored to Spaine. 

^ All the Places in Sicily [to be restored to Spaine]. 

^ Betwixt France and Emperor. 

'' All Places belonging to the Emperor, the Empire, or to any Princes 
of the Empu'e taken by France during this Warr to be Restored, 
particularly Fribourg {Fribourgh insisted to be kept if Phelisbourgh 
be not restored)^ and all the places in Brisgow; Phiilipsbourg, not 
to be restored and the Franche Comte to remayne to the King of 
France, Dntchy of Loraine to be restored to the Duke ' According to 
* the Vyrenean Treaty ; ar else Thon instead of Nancy and other 
' advantages that shall satisfye the Duke.* '* 

The words of this memorandum, that stand between rectangular 
brackets are deleted in the manuscript with a single ink line, and 
the words in italics are in Mr. Montagu's pen. The paper 
(whose contents are given, with omissions, in Copies and Extracts 
of Some Letters^ SfCy by the first Duke of Leeds 1710), is endorsed. 
<< The Proposalls sent to Mr. Montagu 25th March 1678,/or the Feace^ 
^ and returned with the alterationa tnade by him in the Margent. 
^*' These proposalls to bee placed with my remarks on my Letter of 
** 25 March " — the words here printed in italics being in the tremulous 
handwriting of the aged first Duke of Leeds. 



The Hon. Ralph Montagu, English Ambassador in Paris, to the 
Eabl of Danbt. 

1678, April 11th, Paris. — '* I have endeavoured to obey his 
Majestys commands sent me by two of your Lordships with all the 
speede I could. It will not be my fault, if you have an account sooner 
by M'. de Barillon then by me, by whose adresse and management they 
hope heere to gaine their point upon the King our Master ; I have at 
two severall times discoursed widi the King of Fraunce the project of 
the peace you sent me. T find as to Conde, he reckons upon it as a 
sure thing, and for Ipres he seemes to be very positive in not restoring 
it [[and soe doeth M'. de Louvoy and M'. de Pompone, and yet by 
severall circumstances in the conversation which we cannot expresse. 



J 97 

I doe reallj beleive M'. de Barillon has power to relinquish it^ rather 
then let the warr be declared, if he sees our Master doe really resolve 
the warr upon the refusing it, or has the power of the peace upon the 
jeelding it ; so that the tounes that will be restored are the enclosed I 
send with the alterations ; I made noe mention of Siccily, (sic) because the 
French have abandoned it. But I made use of it as an argument to 
have Cond6 and Ipres restored, whidi the French all along valued soe 
much, to the King our Master, and in effect they restore but foure con- 
siderable places to the King our Master, if they keepe Conde and Ipres, 
and pretend to have Cassell and Popeyreing with Charlemont and Jenan, 
whidi M'. de Louvoy tells me M^ Barillon had already acquainted our 
Master with]] I told the King that our Master could not with any honour 
at home or abroade consent to any other peace then the list you sent me 
conteyned ; only promised his goode offices that Conde might remaine to 
him, in case he gave him satisfaction to all the other points. His 
answer to me after two houres discourse, and showing me in the map, 
how necessary Ipres was to him ; Je vois que nous ne persuaderons pas 
Fun I'autre ; J'envoyeray mes ordres a Barillon sur Ipres et sur des 
autre choses (sic), Don Je ne donte point que le Boi vostre maistre no 
soit content. This autre chose I beleive was the money, of which 
according to your Lordship's directions, having not such an answer to 
the peace as I thought would satisfye I made no mention [[and if what 
M'. de Barillon has to si^ dos satisfye, and you send me any farther 
order to insist upon the money, I desire that we may be both in a story 
you will please to let me know for how long time he seemed to consent 
to the payment of six millions, for in all discourses they seeme, if the 
peace were made, to promise millions. But you can be sure of nothing 
without coming to a certainty ; as for Fribourgh they pretend not to 
restore it without Philesbourgh, But I believe their designe is to have 
Philisbourgh demolished, or else keepe it till the Emperour shall encline 
M'. de Bradenbourgh to be easyer, then they think he will be upon the 
affaires of Sweden, of which they seeme to take greate care. I did 
enough explaine to the King how much ours was pressed in point of 
time, and he will be it yet more, if he dos not quickly resolve one* 
way or other ; for by the beginning of May or the Tenth the King 
will be againe in the feild. I told the King at parting, that if our 
master was so fireindly as to manage Conde for him, and to be contented 
with Ipres and Gaunt added to the other places, our nation woul<l be as 
little satisfyed as if he had leh him all Flaunders, and yet here, he and 
his ministers seemed as dissatisfyed, as if he had taken all Flaunders 
from them. For that now is aU theire discourse and complaint, only to 
avoide making that return they should for the obligation they have to 
him of all theire successe and goode foilune, and which I beleive will 
not long continue if he falls out in good earnest with him ; which I doe 
not see how his Majesty can avoide if they can refuse to satisfye hinv 
upon soe inconsiderable things as Ipres and Fribourgh, which I cannot, 
beleive them mad or ungratef ull enough to doe, if he pleaseth to be very^ 
firm and positive with the Embassador. For I have driven it as iar as 
goode manners and respect which I know the Eling will alwaies have 
me keepe would permitt me to doe. It is impossible to expresse the 
desire everybody has of peace, and I am confident if there be a warr, 
never any thing went more against the graine of a whole nation then it 
dos hcare, as I am afraide it will be in England if there be a peace. I 
had forgot to teU your Lordship, that the first dayes conversation I had 
with M^ de Louvoy he seemed very inclinable to all the propositions 
provided Conde were relinquished, and proposed that there might be 



198 

three people named, one for the King our Master, another for the King 
•of Fraunce, another for the States Generally to signe the peace 
immediatelj, and then lett all the particulars be examined and made an 
end at Nimegue, and sometimes be proposed for a cessation of armes. 
But I told him the condition of my Master's affaires, and the temper of 
the Parlament would admitt of noething but either peace immediatelj 
^r warr immediatelj ; afilerwards there was a long Councell held, and then 
i;he King gave me the answer I send jou. M'. de Louvoy and the 
King were both verj inquisitive whether in case the peace was the 
Parlament were like to be prorogued. To that I saide I knew noething. 
But I saide all that was necessary to prepare them in case of a peace to 
the six millions for three jeares, which]] I think is verj inconsiderable 
in comparaison of the advantage thej have received, and the prejudice 
our Master has suffered for [[his firmnesse to theire interest, one of the 
greatest men of the Court next the ministers and that wisheth the 
peace told md before I had received jour orders, that if Gaunt and 
Ipres could make the peace, he was sure the King would restore them ; 
but that thej would chicanne as long as thej could for Ipres. But I 
concluded with M'f. de Louvoj that a delatorj answer was worse for the 
King bur Master, then a deniall of what he asked. I hope this 
messenger will have made goode hast ; for I have not lost an houres 
time since mj answer from the King, and I hope his Ambassadour has 
such orders, as will one way or other bring matters to a conclusion. I 
beg jour Lordship's favour to make mj excuse to his Majestj for this 
imperfect account .... .]]."— Endorsed <* 11th April! 78" bj 
the Earl of Danbj, this brief endorsement being followed bj these 
words in the tremulous handwriting of the aged first Duke of Leeds, 
to wit, '^ Answer to mine of 25th March on which I was impeached, 
** and his opinion after that, how inconsiderable that sum which was 
^' desired." 

Of this important letter the aged first Duke of Leeds published 
portions, to wit about a sixth of the entire epistle, in his Copies and 
Extracts of some Letters^ S^c, whilst he omitted the other five-sixths of 
the writing. Selecting for publication those passages of the epistle 
that would accord with his disengenuous account St his part in the 
miserable affair of the French monej, he omitted all the parts of the 
letter that are in conflict with hie account of the negotiations. 
Students maj see what parts of the letters were published 
and what parts were withheld bj his Grace, without troubling 
themselves to refer to the Duke's book, as I have bracketted with 
double rectangular brackets the portions of the letter, that are 
omitted from the book. There is nothing in the portions of the 
letter printed in the book to indicate that thej are brief extracts 
from a long despatch. On the contrarj, to make readers mistake 
the garbled passages for an entire letter, the Duke selected scraps of 
sentences and weaved them together with words not found in the MS. 
For example, the last sentence of the printed matter runs thus in 
the Duke's book, pase 88, to wit, ^ This word autre chose I believe 
^' was the money ; of which, according to jour Lordship's directions, 
^* having not such an answer to the Peace as I thought would satisfie, 
^ I made no mention [at all, but] I think [the sum] is very incon- 
^' siderable, in comparison of the advantage they have received, and 
^* the prejudice our Master has sufi*ered for their sakes," — ^the 
passage being made up of two scraps of writing, taken from different 
parts of the letter, that are weaved together with the help of the 
l)racketed words ** at all, but " and " the sum." 



199 



The Earl op Danby to the Eahl of Carnarvon. 

1679, August 29. The Tower. — " You must forgive mee for 
troubling you whenever I have a good occasion, though I have nothing 
but the old story to repeate of my obligations and acknowlegements. 
You have given mee so great incouragement, that I am growne 
ix>nfident enough to tell you I hope to receive more of your favours, 
and I am not sorry that the time draws on apace for giveing you 
that trouble, and iit is a comfort to me that I shall bee sure to receive 
the happinesse of seeing you, whatever may be the event of my business^. 
Our alarms have been very great with the King's illnesse, and the very 
thoughts of this kingdom's distraction, if wee should bee so miserable 
as to have the Kmg dye^ has more perplext mee than all the 
<K>n8iderations about my selfe ; but I thanke God I heare the worst 
that is expected now is an ague, and hee has misst his fitt the last time, so 
that tis hop't hee will be free from the whole distemper. My daughter 
Coke has made herselfe so strict a prisoner with mee, that I feare she 
will bee able to fiirnish you with litl^ more newes than I can, but shoe 
is one that will bee so very well pleased to be with my Lady Camai'van, 
and your Lordship, that I doubt not but you will fhid subject matter 
enough to passe the time pleasantly while you are together, and the 
thoughts of that satisfaction makes my prison more greivous then 
any thing else could do. Fray present my most humble service to my 
Lady and my brother Henry, and bee confident your Lordship has not 
a truer freind and with greater esteeme in the world then your Lordship's 
most faithful brother, and humble servant. — Danby." 



The Earl op Danby to Lord Norrets. 

168^, March 1 8th [The Tower].— •< The being of the Court att Oxford 
gives your Lordship so much a greater share of trouble then to any 
other Lord there, that itt would no[t] be justifiable to give you this, were 
my concerne of lesse consequence iJien to gett some Utle share of liberty. 
But, as my case stands, I hope you will not onljr forgive . me, but give 
mee leave to rely upon you as one of my principall pillars, both in the 
conducting and executing parts of my businesse. I have sent my son 
Latimer to waite upon you with nay desires in relation to my Petition 
to the Lords, and I do make itt my further request to yoar Lordship, 
that you will please to bee one of my baile (if itt shall bee granted). 
My Lord Newcastle, Lord Eutland and Lord Liudsey (if hee bee able to 
bee alt Oxford) will be 3 more ; and if the house should bee so unrea- 
sonable as not to think that enough, ther will bee my Lord Chesterfield, 
my Ijord Alesbury and Lord Noell or any of them to be added. I do 
likewise beg that your Lordship will present my Petition to the House, 
unlesse my Lord Gi*eat Chamberlaine expect to do itt, which I have 
commanded my son to find out, least hee should take exception to my 
not tending itt to him. I have consulted my Lord Arnndell about 
those things which my son will show you in writing, and hee agrees 
with mee in opinion, that the first opportunit}^ of delivering my Petition 
ought not to be lost^ whenever my freinds are strong enough in the 
liouse to support itt ; which my son has order to take care of, in letting 
your Lordship know when ther is a majority of my freinds in the house, 
that is to say of Temporall Lords, without reckoning any Bishops. I 
have given to your Lordship so much trouble in these instructions which 
I have given my son, that I had need give you no more in this, but to 
assure your Lordship that yon cannot find mee more troublesome att 



200 

present, then you will find mee both sensible of mj obligation and 

serviceable to the best power of your Lordships most 

ffdthfull brother and humble servant — Danbj." 



The Earl op Danbt's Petition. 

[168^, March], The Tower. The humble Petition of Thomas Osborne, 
Earl of Danby, prisoner in the Tower of London, to the Lords SpirituaH 
and Temporall in Parliament assembled : Showing that the Petitioner 
'^ hath beene detained a Prisoner in the Tower for above three and 
<' twenty months last past, during which time of his restraint hee hath 
'' undergone severall sicknesses," and praying that their Lordsmps may 
be *' pleased to baile " their said petitioner. Signed-*-Dauby. 

The Eabl of Danby to Ghablbs thb Second. 

[1682, The Tower].— ''I understand that since the death of 

the late Lord Chancellor, the Grant, which your Majestic was 
pleased to bestow upon me in recompense of my place as Treasurer, has 
been sent back to your Majestie. — Aiid notwithstanding its having passt 
all the other Offices, and that the Chancellor had received your Majesties 
particular comand in my hearing for the spedy dispatch of itt, and that 
accordingly hee sent mee word he had putt the scale to itt, but that hee 
only desired to keepe itt for his owne indempnity, untill I was att liberty 
to receive itt myselfe from him. — ^Yett whither through feare, or from 
what other cause I know not, itt seemes that hee hath only putt hia 
receipt to itt, (from whence itt is to beare its date), but not the scale ; 
and Uierefore my humble suite to your Majestic is, that as you were 
pleased to send mee word both by my Lord Bathe and by my wife (when 
I was absented by your Majesties comand) that I shoul loose nothing you 
had given mee, wherever I should go, or in what place soever I should 
bee, nor that I should not fare att all the worse for the malicious 
prosecutions of the Parliament ; your Majestic would now bee pleased 
either to comand this Lord Keeper to putt the scale to itt, or if your 
Majestic shall not yett thinke that convenient, that you will be pleased 
to lett mee have the Grant in my owne keeping, till your Majestic shall 
thinke fitt to do so; since I rely so far upon your Majesties justice, as 
not to suffer mee to be defrauded of the benefitt of itt, either by the 
fraud or feare of the late Chancellor ; and since no man has left your 
Majesties service with your favour, but has gone off with considerable 
marks of your bounty att his leaving itt, I hope that my sufferings will 
bee so considered by your Majestic, as to give mee a more then ordinary 
plea to itt, who am with all truth and obedience, your Majesties most 
dutif ull subject. — Danby.'* 

Henbt Gut's Schemes for injuring the Hon. Ralph Montagu. 

[1683 ?]. Two curious undated papers (creditable neither to their 
author, Henry Guy, Secretair of the Treasury, nor to the Earl of 
Danby (for the gratification of whose animosity against the Hon. Ralph 
Montagu they were drawn) of two several schemes for injuring 
Montagu, (1) by compassing his prosecution in the Court of King's 
Bench, for returning from his ambassadorship without the King's 
leave, and (2) by deprivinj; him of the office of Keeper of the Great 
Wardrobe, or at least of the larger part of the emoluments ol the said 



201 

Office, which he held from 1671 to 1685. In the one paper, the 
Secretary for the Treasury writes, " If the said partie shall accept of 
Bnch Commission,'' to wit, the commission of ambassador in a foreign 
country, '^ and retume from his Embassie without particular leave from 
^' the King, which ought to appear in writing, this is a verry high mis- 
*^ demeanor ; for the punishment of which misdemeanor, an information 
** would heretofore have layne in the Starrchamber ; and will now lye 
'' in the King's Bench ; whereuppon he shall be fined at the discretion 
^' of the Judges according to the nature of the offence." This paper is 
endorsed by the Earl of Danby's pen. " Papers (sic) from Mr. Guy 
to show how Mr. Montagu's Pattent may be avoided " — an endorsement 
quite inappropriate to the writing, but suitable to the other and longer 
paper, which is headed with these words, "Observations uppon the 
Patent granted." In this sketch of a scheme for injuring Mr. Montagu 
by an inquiry into the history and emoluments of the Keepership of the 
Great Wardrobe, Mr. Guy observes, " Now the first thing advisable 
" is that enquiry may be made concerning the nature of the Great 
** Wardrobe, and wliat is intended by it ; uppon which much may depend^ 
*' and what were the ancient wages, fees and profitts belonging to the 
** said office; which may be found out by some of the officers of 
*^ the Exchequer, or the King's house, and by inspection into some of 
<^ the antient grants, or accounts ; for noe more passeth by this patent^ 
** then what was due ab antique ; and these words ' due,' ^ accustomed,' 
" and * appurteyning ' goveme the whole patent. Now in probabilitie 
" the fees, perquisites or allowances have been of late altered or 
" augmented, which his Majestic or the Lord Treasurer (who is 
** supervisor of all officies which lay a charge uppon the revenue) may 
** restraine, qualifie or take away ; and perhaps if a strict account be 
" taken of the management of this office, and the due rights belonging 
•* to it, it would be incovenient to the Patentee." There is no need to 
quote more of this sordid document to enable readers to realise the 
nature of the project for injuring the holder of a lucrative office, whom 
the Earl of Danby had come to detest. 

The Eabl of Danbt to the Eabl of Carnarvon. 

168f, February 9th [The Tower].— "I have scene a letter of 
your Lordships to my son Dumblan (sic) of which I have ben putt to 
receive the explauation from himselfe. I find hee hath troubled your 
Lordship to use your interest with my Lord Privy Scale to bee absent 
from sitting any more upon the Commiss^ion of Delegates betwixt him 
and Emarton, and hee tells mee hee did presume to pray, that as an 
argument to prevaile with my Lord Privy Scale, your Lordship would 
please to say, that itt would lay an obligation upon some of your freinds, 
as well as upon your self e, and particularly upon mee ; and upon that 
score hee sales itt is, that you desire to heare from mee, whither I will 
give you authority to say so much on nzy part. To which I must in 
the first place give your Lordship my thanks for your willingnesse to 
concerne your selfe so far for your nephew as to write in his behalfe, itt 
being indeed of great moment to his cause, if my Lord Privy Scale 
would withdraw himselfe from itt ; and as itt cannot bee doubted but 
that itt would bee an obligation to mee, so I should be as redy to owne 
itt such, if that would be any motive to his doing itt. I thank God my 
animosity is not so great against any man, but I can easily forgive any 
injury done mee, when my adversHries ill will ceases, and I am not 
under circumstances to refuse any reall favours, nor do I want gratitude 



202 

to retume them if itt be in mj power. What use your Lordship will 
zaake of this, I know, will be with such cautions of honour, sus makes 
me speake freely to your Lordship, because I do. itt safely, knowing by 
experience, that upon the account of f reindshlp, as well as of relation, I 
am obliged to be, my Lord, your Lordships most devoted servant and 
brother — Danby." 

Thomas Osbobne, Marquis of Carmarthen and Earl of Danby, to 
the Eabl of Lindsjsy. 

1690, July 2l8t, London. — " I have 2 of your T^ordships for which 
I returne my thanks, viz. of the 12th and 17th, by which I perceive 
your Lordship's Militia is in very good order, and has given the lie 
to one Mr. John Westmoreland (if you know him), who in a letter 
to Major Wildman from Bedding (dated the 8th instant) amongst other 
things sales, that the safety of the kingdome is not lookt after in 
Oxfordshire as itt ought to be where Lord Abingdon is I^ord Lieutenant. 
— I therefore showed your last both in Councill and to the Queene, whom 
you have complemented in itt, and shee has taken itt very kindly. — 
That your Lordship will now receive another letter from the Councill, 
requiring all your Militia as well foot as horse to bee raised, upon 
information of an intended designe to land a strong force before the 
fleet can be ready to take the sea, and although itt &lls out att an unsea- 
sonable time for harvest, itt is supposed to bee indispensably necessary. — 
The Queene goes this day into Hyde Park to see the Citty Militia, and 
they are raising both theire Auxiliaries and a Regiment of horse and 
another of dragoons. Some are undertaking to raise a troop of horse 
•each, and to pay them themselves for some time, amongst which are the 
Earle of Essex and Mr. Wharton. The East India Company also and 
the Tower Hamletts do each of them raise a troop, and the towne of 
Nottingham and Citty of Bristoll do offer to do the same, but I know 
not whither they will bee accepted. — ^Itt is under consideration of the 
Judges how my Lord Torrington shall bee tried, and the Queene has 
declared the fleet to bee commanded by a Commission of three persons, 
whereof Sir Bichard Haddock and Sir John Ashby to bee two, but has 
reserved the nomination of the third till the Eing^s pleasure bee knowne. 
At this moment my brother Peter Bertie has brought mee a letter from 
your Lordship of the 23th, with a note of men said to bee prest for my 
son by one Jo. Hayward for the St. Michael, which is very false, for 
my sou has no eomand att sea, and itt is very fltt that such rascalls 
should bee severely punished. I dare say nothing of myself concerning 
the coach horses you mention (the Councill att this time being very strict 
about horses), but I will move itt to the Councill which eitts to morrow 
att^ten a dock. I believe you will receive fresh orders by tikis post about 
your Militia, itt being in the number of those counties which are to 
march nearer this place. The French fleet are now in Torbay with 
their gallies, and most thinke they will land there, but I am not of that 
opinion, but that itt will bee to attempt something upon Plymouth (if 

Att all) Your most humble servant and affectionate 

brother — Carmarthen.'' 



YIII. Obmondb Papebs. 

Together with less important writings, this group of evidences 
touching the inglorious career of James Butler, the second Duke of 



u 



et 



203 

Ormonde, contaiuB several manuscripts that should not be overlooked bj 
the peruser of this yolume,.a8 they will aid him in realising the vexatious 
and Ignominious position of the commander-in-chief of a British army 
whO| at a moment when England's allies wese eager for action that would 
have been decisive, held his office in the Low Countries under the famous 
'^restraining orders," that required him to remain inactive until he 
should receive permission from Queen Anne's ministers to wage war 
with the enemy. Of the especially noteworthy papers the most 
important are:— (1) Letter, dated from the EEague on 26th April 1712, 
from James Butler, second Duke of Ormonde, to Robert Harley, Earl 
of Oxford, announcing that the writer landed last evening at Rotterdam, 
and proceeded at once to the Hague. ''The next morning," the 
Duke writes, '^I went to visite the Pensionary who received me 
with great civility and proffessiones of friendeshipe, and told me, 
that the States relyed on her Majesty, and were sure that she 
'' would not consent to any peace but what was safe and honourable 
for her allies." (2) Letter, dated from Gand on 5th May 1712, 
from the same to the same. (3) Letter, dated from Gand on 5th May 
1712, from James Butler, second Duke of Ormonde, to Mr. Secretary 
St. John. (4) Letter, dated from the camp at Marchienne on 
25th May 1712, firom the same to the same, containing these remark- 
able words, " I received last night the honour of yours of the 10th, 
^' with her Majesty's commands to me not to enguge in a battle, or 
" to undertake any seige, untill I receive her Majesty's further orders, 
^' which I shall obey as 'tis my dutv, and will keep secret my having 
^' received any such commands and will endevour to liinder its being 
** suspected my receiving any such orders, tho' it will be very difficult for 

^^ me considering the situation we are now in Prince 

'' Eugene and the States deputys, as I mentioned in my last, proposed 
" the attacking the enemy or beseiging of Quesnoy, but now [are] 
** very pressing for the beseiging of Quesnoy, if the engagemg the 
'' enemy be found too difficult. These circumstances makes (sic) it 
<< very difficult for me to disguise the true reason of my opposing all 
** proposals that shall be made me for undertaking any thing, haveing 
'' no excuse for delays, all the troops we expect and the heavy cannon 
-" being to be here on Saturday next. I shall do all that is possible for 
<' me to hinder the true reason to be guessed." (5) Letter, dated from the 
Camp at Solemn on 4th June 1712, from James Butler, second Duke of 
Ormonde, to Bobeit Harley, Earl of Oxford, containing these words, 
" This is the fourth letter that I have done myself the honour to write 
" to your Lordship without hearing from you, which I believe the 
" multiplicity of business is the cause off (sic), I send this to let your 
'* Lordship know that I have done all that I could to keep secret and to 
" disguise the orders that I received from her Majesty by Mr. Secretary 
" St. John, but it is above 10 days since I received the Queen's pleasure, 
'' and now I can't make any moreexcuses for delaying entering upon action. 
" When I was pressed to it, I made my Lord Strafford's sudden jour- 
^' ney to England my excuse, and desired that I might hear from England 
'' before I undertook anything. I have been again pressed this day by 
'' two of the Deputys in their Masters name to know if I would undertake 
'' anything in conjunction with them. I still made the same answer, that 
^< I had not heard from England, but expected letters every moment. 
'^ This would not satisfy, nor could I give any other answer, being, as your 
'^ Lordship knows, obliged to keep secret the Orders I have received. I 
" will not trouble your Lordship with more on this subject, for Mr. 
" Secretary St. John's letter will informe you of all this matter." (6) 



204 

Lengthy epistle in French, dated from the Camp d'Avesnes Le Sec on 
4th June 1712, from MM. W. Hoost, W. J. Haerfolte, and P. P. Vegilin 
ran Glaerbergen, Deputies of the States at the Armj, to James Butler, 
second Duke of Ormonde, in which the Deputies protest with energj and 
contemptuous force against the British Commander-in-Chiefs inaction, 
as alike beneficial to France, hurtful to the Allies and discreditable to 
England. (7) Letter, dated from the Camp at Chateau Cambresis on 14th 
July, n.s., 1712, from James Butler, second Duke of Oimonde, to Kobert 
Harley, Earl of Oxford, in which the writer says, '^ Mr. Bulean was 
^^ with me this morning, and told me that he had received orders from 
** his Master not to seperate his troops from those of the Empire. I 
** suppose the Prince of Analte will tell him the same, which he has 
*^ alre^y done to me, and the Duke of Wirtemberg told me that he 
'^ would follow the example of the other forreigners in the Queen's pay. 

<< I bear that my acquainting the Mareshall de Villars 

^ with the refiisall the Forreign GeneraUs made of seperating from 
" Prince Eugene's army, was not approved off. This was eo publickly 
^^ known in the Camps, that it could not be a secret to him. Therefor 
** 1 thought propper to acquaint him with it, it being what he would 
<< have known in some few houers, and might have given him a sus- 
** picion of my not dealing fairly with him, which I thought out (sic) to be 
*^ avoided. I have been under many difficultys this campagne, but have 

<' done what I thought was most for the Queen's sernce 

^ This is the fifth letter I have writt to your Lordship, without haveing 
** the honour to hear from yon, since my being on this side the water." 
(8) Letter, dated from Chateau Cambresis on 16th July 1712, from 
the same to the same, in which the writer repeats much of the 
contents of his afore-mentioned letter of the 14th inst., and says 
further, ''My Lord Strafford arrived here before the 12, and will 
'' informe your Lordship of what passt between him and the Greneral 
" Officers of the Forreign Troops in her Majesty's pay and in the 
'' joynt pay. I am sorry he could not persuade them to break their 
" resolutions of seperating from us, and joyning with the Imperallists 
'' and Dutch, which they have done this day, upon the Prince Eugene's 
« marching to invest Landerey. Ther is only Walletfs Dragoons 
'* with one batallion of that country that will stay with me. This 
" morning I received a letter from Sir James Abercrombie and 
*^ Collonel King, informing me that they had adjusted everything 
'' with Count de Lemon for the reception of the Queen's troops, 
'' and would evacuate the same on their arrivall. Tomorrow 
** I shall declare a Cessation of Arms from the Queen's army, and I 
'' design to march towards the Schelde, and to pass that river, and 
'' continowe marching until I come to the Liss near Wameton, where I 
" shall stay to receive her Majesty's orders." (9) Letter, dated frum 
London on ^th August 1712, frt>m Kobert Harley, Earl of Oxford, to 
James Butler, second Duke of Ormonde, in which the writer says, " No 
'' pen or tongue is able to expresse the great pleasure I took in your 
*' Grace's successes. It was a very great satisfiiction to see so much 
'^ done for the Public, to see such an example of steady conduct in so 
** great a nobleman, and so courageous a he«'t is what has made you 
^< envied by some, dreaded by your ennemys, and applauded by al men 
^^ of knowledge and understanding. Your Grace's march to Ghent &c. 
^* is a coup de maitre. It is owned so in France and Holland, and I 
'^ must owne I take a double pleasure in it, because it is done by the 
'^ Duke of Ormond, to whose person I have so intire a friendship, and 
'^ in whose success I take so particular an interest." The Duke was 



206 

even a duller man than history represents him to have been, if he did not 
see the contemptuous satire of the Lord Treasurer's affected admiration 
of the coup de fnaitre, 

Lbttjcus touching the Peace of Ryswick. 

1697, ¥^^^ to October ?!?*, The Hague. Nineteen letters in 
June 6lh 3l8t' *=* 

French, by the same hand, without signature or superscription. Giving 

particulars of proceedings at the negotiation of the Peace of Rjswick, 

the letters being dated respectively on ^I^^ June ^, June 3^, 
^ r-- / June 6th' 13th 20th» 

J 18th June 24th j„, 1st , , 8th July 29th a «« * ^th 
^'^"^ 28rh' -July-4th^ -^"^^ Ilth' ^""^y IStW August 8th ' ^"^^* l5ih' 
A «!,.,«♦ ^2th A„„„«f 19th August 26th o , . 2nd « * t. 
^"^'*'' 22ird' ^"^^* 29ih' SepLber 5th ' ^^^'^"^^^^ 12ih' ^^"^"^^^ 
16th September 23rd September 30th ^ ^ 7th ^^ 14th ^ 
26th' October 3rd ' OctoSTTOtT' ^'''''^'' l7th' "''^''^^'^ 24th' """^ 

October |^^ 
31st 

The Babon db Staffhobst to the Duke of Obmondb. 

1704, August 9th. Stoucart. An epistle of courtesy, accompanying 
the copy of a letter which his Serene Highness, the Baron's mastert 
<< vient d'^ire k Sa Majesty Britannique pour la feliciter sur la 
victoire, remportee dernierement au Danube par ses Armes glorieuses." 

The Duke of Obmonde to Hbnbt Watkins, Esq. 

[1712, March Ist.] Sunday two o'clock. — ^^ I just received yours as 
I was going out, and I must tell yon, that I am sorry it is not in my 
power to serve you in this business you mention, Mr. Crawford having 
spoken to me on Friday morning and the Queen having granted it to 
him, on my speaking to her for him. Believe I shall be very glad of 
any opportunity to show you that I am very dear Sir .... your 
kind and .... Ormonde.'* 

The Same to the Same. 

1712, March 14th, London. — ^*<Mr. Lumley has informed me that you 
are willing to be employed by me, in the same station, as Mr. Cordonell 
was in to the Duke of Marleborough. I doe not doubte, but that you 
will deserve all encouragement, which you may depend on frome me. 
I desire you will take care to procure an order from the States, that the 
British cloathing may not be stoped or be delayed att Sass van Ghent. 
You will lett me hear from you as soon as opportunity offers. Praye 
believe me. Sir, your humble servant — Ormonde." 

The DuKB OF Obmondb to the Eabl of Oxfobd, Lord Treasurer. 

1712, April 26th, Hague. — "I landed on Monday in the evening att 
Botterdaro, and came that night to this place. The next morning I 



206 

went to visit© the Pensionary, who received me with greats civility and 
proffessiones of friendshipey and told me that the States relyed on her 
Majesty, and were sure that she would not consent to any peace but what 
was safe and honourable for her allies, but that he believed wee knew 
more of what related to the peace than they did. He told me that there 
was no particular project for the opperations of the Oampagne, but that it 
was lefte to theire Generalles who were the best judges of what was 
fittest to be done. The Prince Eugene went from this place on 
Satturday last to the army. I do not belive the destruction of the 
fbrage [ ? forage] att Arras to be near so greate as was reported. The 
enemy are retrenched behind the [ ? lousett]. I have not yett ai^ 
account of the number of the troops encamped near Douay. I gend 
your lordship the coppy of a letter that I have had from Mr. Cadogan, 
and am very willing that he should be imp[l]oyed, if her Majesty pleases.. 
I send your lordship an abstract of a letter from Mr. Lumley. I 
designe leaving of this place on Friday or Saturday at farthest. I have 
nothing more to trouble your lordship with, but only to asure you of my 
being sensible of the honor of your iriendeshipe which I will endever 

to preserve and am with great truthc and respecte '* — Copy 

in the Duke's handwriting. 



The Duke of Obhondb to the Eabl of Oxfk)Bd, Lord Treasurer. 

1712, May 5th, Ghent. — *^ I came to this place on tuesday last, and go- 
to-morrow to Toumay, wher I shall meet the Prince Eugene. Ther is 
forty battallions and twelve squadrons retained betweene Hordaine and 
Lieu St. Amand, which secure the passage of the Schelde. The 
enemy have most of their foot posted from Arras to Pfdlancourt, and 
have but sixteen squadrons with them. Their horse is on the Somme 
and the Sanibre. They have put 25 battalions into Yalencienne, which 
place they cannot hinder us from beseiging, should it be thought for the 
service, but that place is not of the consequence of either Gambray or 
Arras ; I have not had any letters from England since I received those 
of the 11th of last month, o.s., and am impatient to know how affairs 
go relating to the Peace. The recruit horses and clothing cant be at 
Tournay till monday or tuesday next, wher the Queen's troops are 
incamped. Some of the ImperiaUists are come to Brussells ; the rest of 
them with the Pallatins will not join the army till the 15th at soonest. 
I hope your Lordship dos me the justice to beleive me with great truth 

and respect, my Lord Ormonde. — P.S. Mr. Cadogan 

came here last night and makes great proffessions of zeall and duty for 
her Majesty's service." — Copy in the Duke's handwriting. 



The DuKB OF Obhonde to Mr. Secrbtary St. John. 

1712, May 5th, Ghent. — "I came to this place on tuesday night^and' 
go to-morrow to Tumay {sic) wher I shall see the Prince Eugene. 
Ther is forty Battallions and twelve Squadrons entrenched between 
Hordaine and Lieu St. Amand, which secures the passage over 
the Schelde. The enemy's foot are posted from Arras along the Seuset 
to Pallancoui-t, they have not above 16 squadrons in the Field, the rest 
of their horse lie along the Sone and on the Sambra They have put 
26 battallions into Yalencienne, they cannot hinder us from beseiging it^ 
should it be thought for the service, but that place is not of the conse- 
quence as Gambray or Arras would be. When I come to Tournay, I 



207 

shall hear what Prince Eugene proposes. Our recruit horses will be 
here on Saturday, and the clothing can't be at Tumay («c) untill 
monday or tus-day next. Some of the Imperiallists are come to 
Brussells, and in eight days the rest with the Pallatines will joyn the 
Army. 

^' I can't imagine what can have become ef my letters, for I have but 
those of the llth of last month. Pray, Sir, do me the justice to believe 
me with great truth. Sir, Your most obedient humble servant — 
Ormonde." — Copy made by the Duke's hand. 



Madame la Marquise Pascals to the Duke op Ormonde. 

1712, May 8th, Brussels. — "My Lord, Votre Altesse voudra bien 
que j'ay I'honneur de la feliciter sur son heureuse arrivee en ce pays, 
et comme j'apprends par Mons^^. Laes qu'elle at eu la bont^ de so 
souvenir de moy, je prends la liberie de Pen remercier tres humblement,. 
et la supplier de vouloir bien me continuer I'honneur de son 
souvenir et de sa protection, dans I'etat ou les choses sont, presente- 
ment j'en aie plus besoint que jamais. L'amiti^ et les bontez que Votre 
Altesse at eut pour feu le Marquis de Pascale joint a sa generosite si 
eonnue, ne me laisse pas lieu de douter qu'elle ne m'accorde la grace que 
je luy demande laquelle augmentera de beaucoup les obligations que j'ay 
a Votre Altesse et la tres humble reconnaissance avec quoy je seray 

toute ma vie [^S*] Votre Altesse permettera bien que 

je puisse luy offrir un petit resto Je Via de tocquay, dont Mons'. le 
Baron de Walef a bien voulu se cliarger ; comme c'est uue chose assez 
lare dan ce pays, j'ay erne pen voir le luy presenter, plastot par un esprit, 
de reoonnoissance, et de bonnes volontez que pour autres raisons." 

Madams de Theomolin to the Duke of Ormonde. 

1712, May 15th, L'Hopital de Theomolin pres Oichies. "Mon- 
seigneur, Je prend la liberte a I'heureuse arive de Votre Altesse de 
lui presenter mes respect et soumission quoyque je n'ay pas I'honneur 
d'en estre connti, et je suplie tres humblement de macorder la grace 
de sa protection pour la conservation de notre maison estant un hopital 
pres Orchie ou nous recevons les soldats malades et bless&s qui se 
presente des trouppes des alliez, milord due avoit beaucoup de considera- 
tion pour nous, iJ at log6z cinq semaine daius notre maison pendant le siege 
de Tournay, depuis ce temps la il nous faisait la grace^de faire conserver 
sotre maison dan^ tout les fouragement. Je suplie Votre Altesse de 
macorder la mesme favour et de faire connoistre a ses generaux q'elle 
nous a pris soubs sa protection, et de maunder sit luy plait une 
sauvegarde en blan gratis, j'aurai une veritable reconnaissance et nous 
offriroDS nos veux au seigneur pour la conservation de votre chore 
person " 

The Duke op Ormonde to Mr, Secretary St. John. 

1712, May 25th, N.S., Camp at Marchienne. — **I received last 
night the honour of yours of the 10th, with her Majesty's commands 
to me not to engage in a battle or to undertake any seige, untill I 
receive her Majesty's further orders, which I shall obey as 'tis my duty 
and will keep secret my having received any such commands, and will 
endevour («c) to hinder its being suspected my receiving any such. 



208 

orders, tho' it will bo very difficult for me, considering the situation 
we ai*e now in. The dry forrage contracted for being out since the 20th 
has made me engage with the contractors to continue the delivering of 
dry forrage to the 26, and two days more of oats, ther being no kind of 
green forrage near us, which obliges us to march tomorrow, and to pass 
the Schelde and encamp with the right of Prince Eugen's anny at 
Neufrille, and the left of mine at Solemne, the river Sell in our rear ; 
on our left we shall find forrage for the army. Prince Eugene and the 
States deputys, as I mentioned in my last, proposed the attacking the 
enemy or beseiging of Quesnoy, but now very pressing for the beseiging 
of Quesnoy, if the engageing the enemy be found too difficult — ^These 
circumstances makes (sic) it very difficult for me to disguise the true 
reason of my opposing all proposalls that shall be made me for undertaking 
any thing, haveing no excuse for delays, aU the troops wee expect and 
the heavy cannon being to be here on Saturday next. — I shall do all 
that is possible for me to hinder the true reason to be guessed. — I shall 
expect to have the honour to hear from you very impatientlj. I have 
not yet heard from the Mareshall. When I do, I shatl do as is 

desii^ [P-S.] Could we have found forrage here, 

I would have made some pretence to delay the march, l^o* the 
dispoBsitions for it were made before I had the &vour of yours." — Copy 
in the Duke's handwriting. 

F. DE Salablanca to the Duke of Ormonde. 

1712, May dOth, Ost^nd. — ^^ Monseigneur, C'est avec un tres profond 
respect que jay Thonneur de donner part a Votre Grandeur que men 
Begiment est entr6 hier apres midy dans la Ville D'Ostende s^stant 
trouv6 au nombre de six cents hommes estant form^ sur la place. — Je 
supplie tres humblement votre Grandeur d'aggr^r les soingz que j'ay 
tousjoura eu pour rendre mon regiment en estat de servir comme mes 
Generaux pourront rendre bon temoignage. C'est la grace que j'ay 
I'honneur de la demander que celle de vouloir bien m'honnorer de ses 
ordres auxquelles j'obeiray tons jours avec toutte la veneration et le plus 
profond respect, avec lequel j'ay I'honneur d'estre . . . ." 

The Duke of Ormonde to the Earl of Oxford, Lord Treasurer. 

1712, June 4th, Camp at Solemn. — ** My Lord, This is the fourth letter 
that I have done myself the honour to write to your Lordship without 
hearing from you, which I beleive the multiplicity of business is the cause 
off. — I send this to let your Lordship know that 1 have done all that I 
could to keep secret and to disguise the orders that I received from her 
Majesty by Mr. Secretary St. John, but it is about 10 days since I 
received the Queen's pleasure, and now I can't make any more excuses 
for delaying entering upon action. When I was pressed to it, I made 
my Loni Strafford's sudden journey to England my excuse, and desired 
that I might hear from England before I undertook anything. I have 
been again pressed this day by two of the Deputys in (heir Masters' name, 
to know if I would undertake anything in conjunction with them. I still 
made the same answei that I had not heard from England, but expected 
letters every moment. This would not satisfy, nor could I give any 
other answer, being, as your Lordship knows, obliged to keep secret the 
orders I have received. I will not trouble your Lordship with more on 
this subject, for Mr. Secretary St. John's letter will informe you of all 
this matter. I am very impatient to hear when I may own what I am 



209 

to do, for in the scituation, that I now am in, is very disagreeable as may 
easily be believed. — I mentioned in mj last what wus wanting to sup- 
port the establishment of the hospitalls and the contingencj. I hope 
your Lordship will give orders in it, and believe me . . . ." — Copy 
in the Duke's handwriting. 

The Deputies of the States at the Army (W. Hoost, 

W. J. Haerfolte, P. F. Vegilin van Claerbergen) to the Duke 

OF Oumonde. 

1712, June 4th. Au Camp d'Avesnes Le Sec. — '' Milord, Les Etats 
generaux, nos Maitres, nous ont ordonn6 de vous representer, que ce n'est 
qu'avec la derniere surprise du monde, qu'ils ont re9eu de nous La nouvelle 
de la declaration que vous avez faite, de ne pouvoir rien entreprendre, 
avantqne d'avoir des lettros de l^Angleterre, et le refus que vous avez fait 
de donner les mains on a un siege on a une bataiile. lis nous out 
ordonne de vous dire, qu'il leur paroit incomprehensible, et irresponsable, 
que par ce moyen on ne se sert de I'avantage, lequel on a sur les ennemis, 
tant a I'egard de la quality et quantite des troupes, que par rapport a la 
situation des armies, et qu'on veuille laisser perdre Toccasion apparente 
qu*il y a, de raporter, avec I'assistance divine, un grand avantage sur 
Tennemi conimun, que cette occasion etant echappee une fois, ne ee 
retrouvera pent Stre jamais, et que par la, la cause commune souffrira 
une perte, qui ne pent etre repar6e. — Leurs Hautes Puissances ne 
peuvent comprendre en aucune maniere, que I'ordre qu'on vous a donne 
puisse etre tellement general, qu'il vous lie les mains, dans une aussi 
belle occasion, que celle ci, pour nuire a I'ennemi ; mais qu'il leur paroit, 
que des tels ordres doivent etre en tend us dans un bon sens, pour 
temporiser, timt soit pen, en cas que la cause commune ne soufire pas 
un grand desavantage par la ; mab en aucune maniere pour rester les 
bras croisez, dans une situation, ou I'inaction ote toute esperance de ne 
pouvoir ci apres rien entreprendre, et ou par consequent le dommage 
qu'elle fait a la cause commune, devient irreparable, puis quo I'armie 
restant quelque tems sans rien &ire, le fourage se consume, et les 
operations dans la suite devienneut non seulement tres difficiles, mais 
meme impracticables ; outre qu'on laisse par la, a I'ennemi le tems de se 
retitmcher, et de fortifier son pais, autant qu'il Ini plaira. — C'est pour 
toutes ces raisons. Milord, que nos maitres nous ont charges, de vous 
persuader, de ne vouloir faire un aussi grand tort ni prejudice, a la 
cause commune, de tons les Hauts Allies, que le seroit celul, par lequel 
vous persisteriez de ne vouloir concourir en aucune maniere aux 
operations de la campagne, selon que la raison de guerre et la situation 
pn^sente des armees le dictent : lis nous ont ordonn^s d'apuier les 
raisonnements susdits, particulierement par celui ci, que I'armee que 
vous commandez ne consiste pas seulement des troupes nationales de sa 
Majeste Britannique, mais qu'elle est compos^e, pour la plus grande 
partie des troupes, qui sont dans la soldo commune de sa Majesty et de 
I'Etat, sur les quelles, il est vrai, que le commandemont en quality de 
premier, et de plus haut general, vous appartient ; mais comme elles 
sont engagees pai* les deux Puissances ensemble, pour faire la guerre, 
et pour agir centre les ennemis, elles ne peuvent etre soustraites au 
dit employ par vous seul« sans communication et approbation de leurs 
Hautes Puissances, aa moins que de contrevenir aux trait6s, et aux 
fins par et pour lesquels elles sont engagees. — lis nous ont ordonnes 
encore de vous representer, Milord, que non seulement les trati^s de 
la grande alliance, entre les Hauts Allies, mais aussi les trait6s 

a 88428. O 



210 

particoli^rsy fails entre sa Majeste BriitaDnique et leurs Hautee 

Puissances, obligent sa Majest6 de pousser la gaerre avec vigaeor, mais 

que la declaration que vou» avez faite, de ne pouvoir rien entreprendre 

jusqu'a Bonvel ordre, dans un terns, qu'avec voire communication et 

approbation, on a marchS jusques dans la vue des ennemis, et ou toutes 

les circonstances conseillent d'entreprendre quelque chose, dans une 

•esperance apparante du succes ; qu'une telle declaration, disons nous, 

ne pent etre concili^e avec les dits trait^s, ni avec les asseurances 

iieratives, qu'il a plu a sa Majesty Brittaniquc, de donner a leurs hautes 

/Puissances, tant par ses lettres, que par la bouche du Lord Comte 

^de Straffort, son Ambassadeur Extraordinaire, par lesquelles elle a 

- declar^e, que ses troupes a^iroient avec autant de vigeur, qu'il seroit 

^requis pour con tinner la guerre. Que vous meme, Milord, etant envoj^ 

pour ce fin dans ce pais ici, leur avez fait la meme asseurance pendant 

'TOtre sejour a la Haye. — Et que pour tout cela ils nous ordonnent de 

vous sommer sur la bonne foi des trait6s et alliances, et sur les dites 

asseurances, pour pousser les operations de guerre, et pour faire tout le 

tort imaginable a Tennemi oommun. — Mais en cas que malhenresement 

(sic) vous persistiez dans le dessein de ne vouloir faire agir offensivement 

les troupes de sa Majeste, nos Maitres nous ordonnent de vous demander, 

.llilord, si vous feriez difficult^ de faire employer les dites troupes pour 

couvrir un siege qu'on pourroit entreprendre, d'ailleurs avec la 

promesse positive, de les faire agir contre les ennemis, s'ils viennent a 

tenter quelque chose. — En cas inopine, Milord, d'nn refus ils nous ont 

cliars6s de procest^r de la maniere la plus efficace, et dans les tennes 

les plus forts, eomme nous faisons solemnellement, par celle ci, contre 

ie tort irreparable que TEtat et ses Hants Allies souffrent par la. 

et contre le prejudice que la cause commune viect a subir par une 

telle conduite. — Et a fin qu'ils puissent etre eclair6s, comment b'j 

prendre, il faut que nous vous demandons positivement, Milord, en 

^ quo! consistent predsement vos ordres, de ne point agir, jusques ou ils vont, 

< et quel fonds on pourra faire en suite sur les tro\ipes de sa Majeste 

Britannique, finalement nous vous requerons de leur part, de ne donner 

aucun empechement aux troupes qui sont a la soldo commune, pour 

agir selon la raison de la guerre, en conformity des traites et engagements 

solemnels. — C'est, Milord, ce que nos maitres nous ont ordonnes de vous 

^ representor de bouche et par ecrit, afin que tout le monde, et la posterity 

meme puisse voir, que leurs Hautes Puissances, bien loin d'etre 

• coupable a un aussi grand tort, pour la cause commune, que Cost 

rinaction d'aujourdhui, ont fait tout ce qui leur a et6 possible pour en 

prevenir les suites facheuses, et qu'il sera a des autres, a repondre des 

evenements malheureux, qui en pourroient naitre. Nous vous prions. 

Milord, de nous vouloir rendre la dessus une reponse par ecrit, aussi 

satisfaisante et proropte, que Timportance de I'affaire, et lee interets 

de tons les Hauts Allies le demandent '' Endorsed 

"The 4tli June 1712. From the Deputys of the States at the 
Army.*' 

MoNSB. DE SoYASTBB, Comto de Guines, to the Duke of Obmokdb. 

1712, June 7th, Au Camp de Noyelle.—" Milord. Pei*metr6z 
vous la libert6 que je prend, n*ayant point Thonneur detre connu 
de vous, de mij presenter sous le nom de Madame la Marquise 
de Nibourg. Serois je asses heureux que cette recommendation 
me puiase flatter de vos bont^s et q'une situation, aussi trisie que 
celle des biens de mon pere vous interesse. Milord, a nous accorder 



211 

i'honneur de voire protection, tpute notre couservation en depend, j'al 
6t6 mesme d'avaiice console d'apprendre qu'ils etoient les plus a poitde 
<le notre armee, etant persuade qu'hors la necessite des subsistances ib 
en seroient moins exposes a une ruine entiore, ce qui arriveroit Depen- 
dant par la perte des bois plantis et maison de ces terres, voire generosite, 
miloid, fait tant de bruit partout et particulierement dans un terns 
malheureux ou les marques en sont plus distinguees, que cest dans cette 
•confiance seule que je vous supplie de vouloir bien vons souvenir que 
inon sort est enti*e vos mains, il ne depend que de vos ordres de le 
rendre beureux par la conservation du seul bien qui reste a mon pere 
de tonte cette guerre apres les malbeurs qu'il a essuj^ en plusiurs 
autres endroits, vous m'obligeres^ milord, a une reconnoissance infinie, 
<et ce qui me prive aujourdui de la liberty de vous en assurer moimesme 
ne m'en fait que plus vivement ressentir la difference, elle ne peut 
etre asses procbaine dans Tempressement que jaurois de vous 
persuader du respectueux attacbement avec lequel j'ai I'bonneur d'etre 

" — Accompanying the letter, this brief" Memoirs de^ terres 

appartenantes a M^ Ce. C. de Sovastre. (1) La Terre et chateau de 
Yendegres aux bois avec ses dependances en bois plants jardins etangs 
et autres. (2) La terre de Beauraiu. (3) La terre de la Neuville." 



Sir Joseph Plunkbt to the Duke of Ormonde^ 

1712, June I3th, Cambraj. — ^**My Lord, The hoopes I have in 
your Grace's accustomed goodness to anny of the gentry of your 
contry, and the more being of the house of FingaU, who has the honour 
to be alyed to yours, imbouldens mo to ask your Grace the favor to 
•grant mee a pasporte for fif tine days or a mounth for me and my 
sarrants, and blan (sic) for the conservation of a farmer of mine caled 
Charle Dardon in the vilidge of St. Peton. 1 wil be infinitely oblidged 
to your Gh^ce. Mr. L'Abbe Des Anges, who wil give your Grace my 
lettre can tell you I am maried to a gentelwoman of this contry who 
is a particular frind of Madam la Marquise de Risbourge, with whom 
wee have often the honnor of drinking your health, and that in Barbon 
waters which your Grace sent to her. I only waite for 'your Graces 
pasporte to goe to a Coarte where your (sk) are both honnerd and 
esteemed. If you have anny service to ray Lord Galmoy I shall see him, 
though he is expected here very soone. I wish extremly for a peace 
for sevei'all reasons and particularly that I may have the honner to 
assure your Grace that no body [more] than I am with a profound 

jrespect [P. S.] — ^My adress is for Sir Jo. Planket 

LeAenant CoUonel of Dillon's regement imploido in Cambray." 



The States General to the Duke of Ormonde. 

1712, June 17th. The Hague. — "Monsieur, Apres que Nous 
«ommes informes de I'afiaire de Daniel Sutherland, soldat condamne 
.a mort a Audenarde, Nous luy avons accorde son pardon, en 
consideration de ce qu'il Vous a plu d'interceder pour luy. Nous avons 
cm Vous en devoir donner part, Vous priant d'estre persuade, qu'en 
toute autre occasion, comme en celle-cy, Nous tacherons de Vous donner 
de preuves de I'envie que Nous avons de satisfaire a Vos desirs, et do 

la parfaite estimc avec la quelle Nous sommes Les 

Estats Generaux des Provinces Unies des Pais-bas." — Signed — " J. B. 
Brande Van Cleversherte." 

O 2 



212 



The Duke of Ormonde to the Earl of Oxford, Lord Treasurer. 

1712, July 14th, N.S., Camp at Chateau Cambresis.— " My Lord, 
My Lord Strafford arrived here on the 12th in^ the evening and 
will give your Lordship an account of what has passt between him 
and the Generalls of the Forreigne Troops in the Queen's pay. — 
Mr. Buleau was with me this morning, . and told me that he had 
received orders from his master not to separate his troops from 
, those of the Empire. I suppose the Prince of Analte will tell him 
the same, which he has allready done to me, and the Duke of 
Wirtemberg told me that he would follow the example of the other 
forreigners in the Queen's pay. — Upon talking with my Lord Strafford, 
I was surprised to find that it could be believed in England, that I 
should dissobey the Queen's orders in so essentiall a point as that 
of shewing to rrince Eugene and the Deputys my orders, not to enter 
into any action. The letters I wrote to Mr. St. John of the 28 and 29 
of May, and the 4th of June, makes the contrary appear very plainly, 
those letters containing all that I said on that subject ; but the spreading 
of false reports is no new thing either on this or on your side of the 
water. I hear that my acquainting the Mareshall de Villars with the 
refusall the Forreign Generalls made of separating from Prince Eugene's 
army, was not approved off. This was so publickly known in the 
Camps, that it could not be a secret to him. Therefor I thought 
propper to acquaint him with it, it being what he would have known in 
some few houers, and might have given him a suspicion of my not 
dealing fairly with him, which I thought ought to be avoided. — I have 
been under many difficultys this campa<me, but have done what I 
thought was most for the Queen's service.— I inclose to your Lordship 
an extract of a letter from Mr. Cartwright concerning the subsistance 
of the Queen's troops, and desire your Lordship to give the necessary 
orders for the regular payment of them, which is very necessary at this 
tyme. — This is the fifth letter that I have writt to your Lordship, 
without haveing the honour to hear from you, since my being on this 
side the water " — Copy in the Duke's handwriting. 



The Duke of Ormonde to the Earl of Oxford, Lord Treasurer. 

1712, July 16th, Chateau Cambresis. — '^ My Lord Strafford arrived here 
[on] the 12, and will Informe your Lordship of what passt between him 
and the General! Officers of the Forreign Troops in her Majesty's pay and 
in the joynt pay. I am sorey he could not pcrawadethemto break their 
resolutions of sepcrating from us, and jojning with the Imperiallists and 
Dutch, which they have done this day, upon the Prince Eugene's march- 
ing to invest Landerey. Ther is only Walleff's Dragoons and the 
Holstein Dragoons with one batallion of that country that will stay 
with me. This morning I received a letter from Sir James Ab^cmbie, 
and CoUonel King, informing me that they had a<^usted everything with 
the Count de Lemon for the reception of the Queen's troops, and 
would evacuate the same on their arrivall. — To morrow I shall declare 
a cessation of Arms for the Queen's army, and I design to march 
towards the Scheldo, and to pass that river, and continowc marching 
untill I come to the liss near Warneton, where I shall stay to receive 
her Majesty's orders. I wonder it could be believed that I should 
have disobeyed the Queen's orders in so essential a point as to have 
shewed Prince Eugene and the Deputys my orders for not entering 
into any action, the letters that I wrote to Mr. St. John of the 28 and 



213 

29 of May and 4 of June makes the oontrarj appear very plainly, these 
letters containing all that I said on that snbject, but the spreading of 
fiilse reports is no new tUng either on this or your side the water. 
I have been under prety many difficultys, and have done the best I 
could for her Majesty's service, which I shall endeavour to promote 
to the best of my power. — ^This is the fifth letter I have writ to your 
Lordship, without haveing the honour to hear from you, since my 
being this side the water.— I enclose to your Lordship an extract of 
a letter Erom Mr. Cartwright concerning the subeistance of the Queen's 
troopS; and desire your Lordship to give the necessary orders for th^ 
regular payment of them which is very necessary at this tyme."— Copy 
in the Dukc's handwriting. 

The careful reader of these pi^rs will observe how large a proportion 
of the letter of the 16th consists of mere repetition of passages of the 
previous letter of 14th July. It is significant of his Grace's mental 
condition, that he speaks of each of the two letters, dated respectively on 
the 14th and 16th July, as ihejifth letter he had written to the Lord 
Treasurer since his coming to the Low Countries, without having been 
honoured with a letter from his Lordship. 

The Earl of Oxford to the Duks of Ormondb. 

1712, August -^, Loudon. — ^''My Lord, No pen or tongue is able to 
express the great pleasure I took in your Q-raoe's successes. It was a 
very great satisfaction to see so much done for the Public, to see such 
an example of steady conduct in so great a nobleman, and so courageous a 
heart in what has made you envied by some, dreaded by your enemys, 
and applauded by al men of knowledge and undeistanding. Your Grace's 
march to Ghent Ac, is a coup de maitre. It is owned so in France and 
Holland, and I must owne I take a double pleasure in it, because it is 
done by the Duke of Ormond, to whose person 1 have so intire a 
friendship, and in whose success I take so particular an interest. Mr. 
Torcy wrote a very just compliment npon the affair of Dennain, that the 
Allys might now see what they had lost by her Majesties withdrawing 
her forces, and what value they ought to put upon a nation which every 
where leads victory with it. — ^Tour Grace knows the orders that are 
given for the payment of vour army and such forreigners as you shal 
certify for. — I have ordered M'. Brydges to make a demand on 
Fryday for paying the army np to the end of this year ; and I will 
order remittances accordingly. Tour Grace wil please to consider 
what can be saved in the traine, and also as for wagon money and any 
other particulars. I intend to do myself the honor to write more at 
large to your Grace the next poet. I have sent for Mr. Keightly of 
Irdand, whom I expect in town in a few days, and what shal be proposed 
relating to Ireland I shal acquaint your Grace with before it is done. 
' —I have intimated to Mr. Torcy that to give Lord Albemarle liberfy on 
his parole wil be taken heer very well. I heartily regret the loss of 
poor Count Corneish. — ^The town and country are extream sickly ; only 
the Queen keeps perfect health. Lord Winchelsea dyed this morning, 
and Mr. Auditor Manwaring .... [P.S.] Lord Bolinbroke, Prior 
and the Abb^ went for Fountainbleau on Saturday morning. We expect 
the fonner back in ten dayp. This was designd a secret, but it is not so.' 

The DuKB OF Ormonde to the Earl of Strafford. 

1712, August lOth, The Camp atDrongen — "Yesterday at three 
a clocke I had the honour of your Lordsh^'p's of the 7th by the 



211 

messeDger. — I am very glad that the Dutch Plenipotentiarjs seem tO' 
be more respectful! to the Queen, and sensible of their condition, which 
in two or three days, if our intelligence be true, may be much changed* 
either for the better or the worse. . All the accounts from their army 
mve out that the Prince Eugene marches j^rith design to attack the 
French. I suppose it must be on a. very great disadvantage or I 
should think the Mareshall much in the wvong to hazard a battle at 
this^ conjuncture. His hindering of the. Aliys doing anything Ls^ 
what should satisfy him, and answer his master's ends. I send your 
Lordship the accounts we have of the anny's scituation. — I doe not see 
by the New Plan that Mens' De Buys (?) proposes, how the Duke 
or Savoy will find his account in it, for by it Sicily is not to be his, but 
I finde in your Lordship's that his ^ministers do not approve of it, and 
for the Portuguise they were to go to the Hague to be informed of what 
party they had best take. I suppose the Gonnte de Zinsendorfe- 
is to be consulted. — I hope the cessation by sea between the Queeiv 
and the French will be soon declared. That I suppose will bring 
the Dutch to consider well what measures they take and will 
make them come into the Queen's proposalls. I think they have a good 
deal of reason to believe hat the Queen and her subjects are sensible of 
their ill usage and behaviour to her and her troops. I am very 
glad that our being here has made them uneasy ; they ure more fireight- 
ened than hurte. — I shall soon know whether I may have a free passage 
through Plascandallde Signing to send some boats that way to Dunkirk,, 
with bagage belonging to those troops I sent thither. I have this 
moment received a letter from Mr. Hill^ which informes me of the 
troops' arrivall there on the 80 of the last month o.s., but do's not 
desire any meali, which I winder at, since I told him in my letter that 
1 had keept some at Courtray, for him, if be. wanted it, but he makes no 
mention of it in his letter. — There is orders given to the Commandant 
at Ostend to let everything I send by water towards Dunkirk,' to go 
thro' Plaascandall ; the trooth I shall soon . know. — Wee have no certain 
accounts from the Armys. Some say the Frenches are opposed )>efor& 
Donay, others that there is a stop. pot to the attacking that place. Aa 
soon as I have an^ account that I can depend on, your Lordship shall 

bo acquainted with it l[P*S.] I don't see how I can 

pretend to keep men in Plaosandail, ainqe the Dutch battallions that 
were here are gone. I believe they marched before you left us. — ^August 
the 12th ; I d^ered making an end of this untili I heard the troops 
were in Dunkirk.^' 

MoNSR. Barne^ to the Earl of Strafford. 

1712, August 24th, Utrecht— Letter praying the Earl of Strafford to 
give needfid orders '^a Monsiear Watkins pour quil examine les- 
^* Pretentions des Eztraordinaires et Airierages dues aux Trounpes 
** D'Holstein, et quU les attesto afin qn'ils soyent pay^s, Mon8^ Watldna 
'^ setant excus6 de se meler de ces affitires, n'^tant pas informe de quel 
** terns, il en doit prendre connoissance." — Also, an undated draft of 
a letter from tlie Same to the Same, to the same effect. 



Deputies of the States to the Duke of Ormonde. 

1712, Septcfmber 5tb imd Octobei* 4th, 7th, 94Ji, Bruges. Four 
letters, dated respectively on the afore-mentioned days, from the 
Deputies of the States for Flanders, to James Butler, second Duke of 



215 

Ormonde : ComplaiDing of the excessive contribution required of the 
Province of forage Src, for the horses of the Duke's army, and praying; 
that the requisition may be rednced by one half. 



HovENDEN Walker to the Duke of Obmonde. 

1712, October 5th, Manmou/h in Port Royal Harbour. Speaking, 
of his Journal, and more especially of the Abstract of it, which' 
he has sent for his Grace's perusal, Mr. Hovenden Walker says,. 
<< By that your Grace will see what a troublesome thing it is to 
*< have to do with the Americans. They pretend to arest Captains of Men- 
" of War, for seizing men on the seas suspected of piracy, and incourage* 
^^ the sailors to desert from the Queen's ships, and then with a high band 
** and violence detain them as inhabitants, insulting the Captains and other - 
*< officers of Her Majesties Men of War, if they come a^oar to recover- 
** them, and by those means it is that seamen are so scarce and hard to be 
*^ got in Great Britain. The hurricane we had in this Island is what 
^* never was known before, and has done a vast deal of mischeif , both tO' 
^< the island and shiping, of which Your Grace will see a short account ia 
^^ the abstract of my JoumalL" 



Affaibs in the Low Countries. 

1712 and 1713. Ormonde Papers, touching the positiou and pro- 
ceedings in the Low Countries in the years 1712, 1713. 



Majob Norton to the Duke of Ormonde. 

171|, February 14th, O.S., Ghent. — Complaining that he is still only 
a Major, whilst two officers lately of the same rank with himself have 
been made " Breviated Colonels,'' Major Norton begs that he too mny 
become '* a Breviated Colonel," so that his censorious friends in England 
may not attribute his ill-fortune to misconduct on his part. As the 
letter is endorsed "14th February, l7|f. From Colonell Norton," 
it may be inferred the writer had been promoted before his epistle came- 
to the Duke's hands, or at least that his petition was successful 



Colonel Anthony Coclobibisre to the Duke of Ormonpb. 

1713, May 6th, N.S., Ghent. As the order for his regiment to march* 
fi-om Ghent and take possession of a new garrison obliges him " to quitt 
the Command of the Castle of Ghent," Colonel Coulorabiere, as 'Hhe 
eldest Colonel that goes on that expedition," begs that he may continue 
to command the regiment, *' wherever he and his men may be designed' 
to go." 

The Earl of Oxford to the Duke of Ormonde. 

1713, May 14th, Treasunr Chambers. — ^Letter calling to His Grace's^ 
attention the fact that *' uie Muster Bolls of the Forces in Fhmdert 
*^ are returned compleat to the 24th April hist, notwithstanding the- 
'* Forces were knowne to be defective in their numbers," and deshring 
his Grace '*to call the Comissary or his Deputys to aooouat for 



216 

their doeings herein/' and to discover ^^how this practice happens 
to he reviTed, since Her Majesty has heen pleased to signifje her express 
orders to the contrary.'' — ^A letter of secretarial penmaQship, signed 
'< Oxford " hy the Lord Treasurer's hand. 



MoKSB. Babkbb to the Dukb of Obmondb. 

1713, July 11th, The Hague.— Representing that the two '^ raiments 
d'Holstein au service de sa Majeste la Reine " have not been paid since 
20th March last past, Mons* Earner adds ** j'ay rhonneur. My Lord, 
^^ de Tons prior tres humblement que Voas venillez bien avoir la bont6 de 
^' donner les ordres necessaires, poar qne oes paavres gens soient tir^s de 

la necessity, on ils se voyent reduits &ute de subsistance." 



M 



Bbig^dieb F. Yilstov to the Dukb of Obmonde. 

1713y July 19th, Ghent.— Annonncing that he has this day joined 
with Brigadier Ght>ve in a memorial respecting their pay to his Grace, 
Brigadier Fanton speaks of his debts as having <^biu no wa^s 
*^ contracted, but by endeavouring to live in some measure to the creditt 
'^ of his command and caracter, and by keeping a good troop," and 
observes that whereas he enjoyed till he was made a brigadier, the pay 
of an aide-de-camp, which was no small help to him, he has now for 
three years had no more than captain's pay. — Also, the Memorial of 
Brigadier Grove and Brigadier Fanton to the said Duke of Ormonde ; 
referring to the failure of His Grace's << endeavours to procure the 
*< Generall OflSicers who served the last campaign their pay from 
'^ Farliament," and urging that, as they differ from aU the other officers 
of their rank in having no private means, Uiey are unable ^^ to support 
the character of their commands," the one of them having only the 
pay of a lieutenant-colonel of foot, whilst the other has only the pay of 
a captain of horse. 



The Eabl of Oxfobd to the Dukb of Obmondb. 

1713, September 23rd, Whitehall Treasury Chambers.— Letter in 
answer to his Grace's letter of yesterday ** concerning the Walloon and 
Holitein Troops," in respect to which His Grace is referred to a letter 
sent to him on 30th July last, and another letter sent on the same day 
to Mr. Brydges, copies of which two letters are enclosed. — A letter of 
secretarial penmanship, signed '^ Oxford " by the Lord Treasurer's hand. 

John Bubnbtt to the Dukb of Obmokde. 

171|, January 19th. — Letter b^ging His Grace to move the Lord 
Treasurer in behalf of the writer, who desires to obtain a pUice as a 
searcher, or Landsurveyor, or Queen's waiter at the Custom House. 



Fbbdinando Callahan to the Dukb of Obmonde. 

17|}, March 10th [ ]. — Entreating the Duke to provide him 

with some military employment, in consideit^tion of the obloquy, 
persecution, and personal danger which he has provoked by his 
endeavours to serve his Grace, the unfortunate Ferdinando Callahan, 



217 

sajSy '^ If your Grace be pleased to inform jourselfy from Sir William 
** Windham, aboat tJie list of the Roman Catholick officers, that was 
** sent into France, the necessary directions I gave in the matter, and 
** the search that was made in the offices there, 'tis then your Grace will 
^< be thoroughly satbfied of the truth of what I gave in evidence to your 
** Grace and the CSomittee against them &c., which proceedings has 
** put a stop to forty officers more of the same stamp, that would be 
** put in (if they succeeded) to be on the same establishment. My 
** n^otiations in these matter oblige me now to complain to your 
^' G^nce of the oontinuall danger I am in of my life, being attacked 
^* two or three times at nieht by some gangue and very narrowly 
^' escaped, besides am atta^ed otherwise with fiilse actions and a 
** hundred other villanies by them, and others by their procurement." 



GiOBOLAMO fissToso, a Genoese, to the Duke of Ormondb. 

1714, April 18th [ ].— Averring that he is in a condition of 
abject penury, and by reason of his poverty ate nothing worth a penny 
last Friday and Saturday, the unfortunate Giorolamo Bestoso entreats 
his Grace to bring an accompanying petition to Her Majesty's 
merciful consideration, so that the Lord Traasurer may afford the relief 
of which the petitioner is in urgent need. — Also, the doleful petition 
of the same supplicant to Her Miyesty, representing that he has lost a sum 
of 800/. by buying a certain unrigged diip and putting ten marriners 
aboard the same vessel in the interest of Her Majesty's service, 
through which loss he has fallen to his present indigence. 



William Lkvikz to the Duke of Ormonde. 

1714, April 30th [ ]. — Praying his Grace to compassionate the 
unfortunate Lieutenant Halfhide, who ** purchased his commission with 
'' aU that he had then left, has served ten years, been in severall actions, 
** and [been] wounded in the service," and who has suffered and is 
still suffering so severely ^ for some imprudent words ^ spoke only in 
a private conversation, by way of argument over a bottle of wine," 
Mr. Levinz urges that, unless his Grace shall have mercy on the 
said lieutenant and restore him to some sufficient post, the wretched 
man will be driven by want and despair to lamentable '^ methods." 
To induce the Duke to take a lenient view of the lieutenant's 
imprudent words, Mr. Levinz speaks of the unfortunate man as a 
person, ^' part of whose guilt to his accusers was that he was branded 
in the regiment with the name of a Sacheverelite." 



CoLOKBi CONGRBVE, Lieutenant-Governor of Gibraltar, to the 
Duke of Ormonde. 

1714, May 2nd, Gibraltar. — Averring that, had he "known sooner, 
^* how much he had bin honoured by his Ghrace's protection in the 
** buisness of his commission as Lieutenant-Governor (tf the place," he 
would have been quicker in acknowledging so great an eirpression of his 
Grace's favour, Colonel Congreve hopes, that so 'Mong as he shall 
* * behave himself like an honest man, he shall never want the satisfaction 
*^ and honour of his Grace's encouragement." 



218 



The Duke op Ormonde to Mr. Gwyn. 

1714, May 15th, Whitehall. — ^Letter desiring Mr. Gwyn to '^make s 
signification that a commission may be prepued " for Mr. Chichester, 
'< the Qneen haveing been pleased to give leave to Brigadier Habbard ot 
*^ the Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards to resign his Company 
^^ in the said Regiment to Mr. Chichester.'' — A letter of secretarial 
^ penmanship, signed by the Duke." 

The Duke of Ormonde's Impeachmemt. 

1716. Copy of the Articles of Impeachment of High Treason and of 
other High Crimes and miBdemeanors, against James, Duke of 
Oimonde. 

William Smyth to the Duke of Ormonde. 

[ ]. — Two letters, without any date but "Wednesday Even"" 
and Thursday, in which William Smyth entreats the Duke of Ormonde* 
to take a mercifal and generous view of the madness and folly that 
caused the writer's younger brother to speak against his Grace words 
for which he is now unfeignedly sorry. After speaking in the earlier 
letter of his younger brother. Captain Smyth, as an officer who ^' had 
served two campaines in Flanders as a voluntier att his owne expence," 
before he took measure to get a commission at a cost of more than 
700/., the writer in the subsequent letter speaks of the unfortunate 
gentleman, whom his Grace has refused to appoint to commission m 
his own regiment of guards, as a man who has " been better educated 
then to be disloyal and impudent to Majesty," being *^ of a family 
** entirely devoted to your Q-race's service, which his father, as a 
*^ member of the House of Commons in Ireland, often demonstrated." 
In conclusion William Smyth begs, that Colonel Floyer's commission 
^' may be charged for three hundred pounds which he has had in part, 
" and for the which " the petitioner's *• brother has neither bond nor 
security but a bear receipt." . 



IX.— Jacobite and Pretender Papers. 

Though they add nothing of moment to our knowledge of the *^ Old 
Pretender " and his career, this group of writings comprise several papers 
that will encage the attention of searchers of the ensuing calendar, who 
are especiulfy interested in his story. A curious glimpse of the Chevalier 
in his boyhood is affor«ied by the <' Examination" of John Hounkhorne, 
taken before Rodney Fane, J.P. for Middlesex, on 5th October 1702,. 
in which it was certified that ''Jane Mosson declared that, when 
'' she was in France, she was with the Prince of Wales her king and 
" had him in her lap, who told her she should never want, and that 
'' when he came to IQ^ogland she should have a good estate, which she did 
'' not question but to see shoi*tly." — Of the papers touching the 
Pretender's futile attempt on Scotland in 1715-16, the most interesting 
are :— (1) The letter, (signed " Nairne ''),^dated from St. Germain-en- 
Laye, on 10th January 1716, from Mr. Nairne to the Prince do 
Yaudemont, announcing the royal adventurer's arrival in Scotland;. 
(2) The enclosed note, dated from Peterkead on 22nd December 1715, 



219 

from the Chevalier to the Prince de Vaudemont, beginniog, " Partage^ 
maintenant avec moj, je vous prie, le plaisir que j*ay de me trouver 
ches moy . . . .** ; and (3) The letter from James III., the 
Pretender, to the Earl of Panmure, dated from Scoon on 22nd January 
1716. — The numerous letters from ihe Chevalier to the Prince and 
Princesse de Vaudemont are all of some slight interest. The note of 
''The Case of Sir Donald Mack Donald of Slate deceased" (1718) 
touching the same Jacobite rising is another entr}' that should not be 
overlooked by perusers of the Calendar, which contains, under date of 
April 1726, A noteworthy letter from Lord Balmerino, signing himself 
R. Lander, to Mr. Gordon. The several draft letters, amended by the- 
Chevalier's pen, dated in September 1734 from the Old Pretender to- 
divers of his numerous correspondents, afford some agreeable exhibitions 
of his affectionate concern for the nurture of his two sons, and of his 
paternal pride in the promising boys. Though they have been publislied 
before, the present reporter has deemed it advisable to print in extensa 
John Erskine's letters touching the Jacobite rising of 1745. 



Robert Niccoll's Information touching Seditious Words 
spoken by Gboroe Dawson. 

1691, January 29th. — ^The information of Robert Nicoell of Fryanr 
Bamett co. Middlesex, yeoman, given on oath upon the said day before 
Sir Rowland Gwynne knt, J.P. for the said county ; Giving informa- 
tion that, at the beginning of March last past, the deponent came 
accidentally into the company of George Dawson of Wbettstone and 
George Green wollers, who were ** both drinkeinge of ale in the towne 
aforesaid,'* and that on so coming into their company he ^^ satt downe 
with them in order to spend his two pence," whereupon the said George 
Dawson then and there '' dranke unto this deponent, sayeinge * Here is a 
health to King James,' " to which challenge this deponent replied that 
he would not drink the said health, which refusal caused the said 
George Dawson to utter these words, to wit, '< God damn him that did 
^' not love the father before the sonne, and God damn him that did not 
*< love King James before King William, and, God damn you, I will 
'^ make you gladd to blow upp the bon fierat Kinge James his cominge 
^ and that will be in a little lyme " ; and further giving information 
that, when they hail left the ale house, the said George Dawson '^made 
an offer to suite (sif) the*' deponent with a gun, charged with a brace 
of ballets, but was prevented frmu shooting the deponent by the afore-"^ 
said George Greenewoller who, with the assistance of the deponent 
took the gun from the same George Dawson, — Also, on the same paper, 
the ezammation upon oath of the said George Greenewoller, who in 
his evidence confirmed all the other statements of Robert Nicoll,but 
said he did not remember the alleged words about the bonfire at King 
James's coming back 



Certificate touching the SisuR Jean Dalesso's Service in 

Tseland. 

1692, May 24th, Quineville. Letters certificatory (French), under 
the hand and seal of the Earl of Melfort ^ Premier Ministre et Secretaire 
** d'£tat de sa Majeste Brittanniqne, Premier Gentilhomme de 1» 
*' Chambre, et Chevalier du tres noble Ordre de la jartiere &c»*': 
Certifying ^que Le St#iir'*Iean Daleeso OhevBlier Seigaenr d'Esragny^ 



220 

'* a servi d'Ajde de Gamp du Boy de La Grande Bretague en Irlande, 
** et a eu ordre de snivre Sa Majesty a la Hougae pour la servir en la 
<< dite qualite, on il est actaellement depais troia Eemames." 

Jambs thb Ssooki/s Declaration. 

1693, April iTth, St. GFermains-en-Laye.— (Oopy of James the Second's 
most gracious Dedaration to all his loving subjects, dated from St* 
G^ermaiDs-en-Laye on the afore-giren day of 1693. Endorsed— ^^ Copied 
out of the answer licensed by Trenchard." 



Jamxs II. to FoPB Innocbnt XIL 

1694, May 17th, St. Germains. Letter expressing deep and lively 
gratitude for the manifestations of €Bitherly affection, with which the 
writer has been £aronred by his Holiness. Subscribed and signed, 
'^Beatudinis Yestre Devotissimus Filius, Jacobus B^" countersigned, 
" Melfort" 



Sib Johk Fbnwiokb, bart., and the Biot at the ^< Dog Taybrn" 

in Dmry Lane. 

1695, July 5th, [ ]. Aifidavit by Sir John Fenwicke, bart, relating 
to his indictment for high misdemeanour in being concerned in the 
scandalous and disloyal riot at the Dog Tavern in Drury Lane. — " Inter 
.Dominum Begem et Johannem Fenwicke barr. — The said Sir J. 
Fenwicke maketh oath that he this deponept the tenth of June last 
about 10 a clock at night was taken up by a Hackney ooachmau whose 
name this Deponent doth not know and that he this Deponent hath 
made dilligent inquiry after the said coachman but cannot as yet heare 
of him and that the said Hackney Coachman is a very materiall witness 
for him this Deponent in this cause. Coram me. J. Holt. Signed 
J. Fenwicke." 



Obder of Council touching French Papists. 

1696, April 30th, Kensington.— «Order of Council, dated at Kensington 
on the said day and signed-— Wm. Bridgeman ; Bequiring the Justices 
of the Peace of Middlesex to ** forthwith transmitt to this Board a lyst of 
<< the names of such French Papists, who are not naturalized or made 
** Denizens and Inhabitants within the county of Middlesex, with an 
** account of tbeir quallityes and professions." 



Lords of thb CouNaL to the Dukb of Bedford, Lord Lieutenant 

of Middlesex. 

1696, April 30thy Court at Kensington. Contemporary copy of a 
letter requiring his Grace to give directions to liis Deputy Lieu- 
tenants and the Justices of the Peace for the said County, to transmit 
to the said Council the names of ** ail persons " within the same county, 
'^ who refused to take the oaths when tendered to them or neglected to 
appear when summoned to doe it/' and directing that, in making out 
the lists of such persons, the collecto!*s of the names of the misdemeanants 



221 

should '^distin^uiBh which of them areprotestanto and which are papists 
or reputed papists.*' 



The Same to the Same. 

1696, May 14th, Council Chamber in Whitehall. Contemporary 
copy of a letter from Lords of the <])onncil to the Duke of Bedford, 
Lord Lieutenant of Middlesex ; Ordering (1^ The discharge of all persons 
in custody by warrants from the Deputy Lieutenants or Justices of the 
Peace of the said county, against whom there is no infoimation upon 
oath, with the prisoners, whose enlargement may, in the opinion of his 
Grace or his Deputy Lieutenants prove dangerous to the peace of 
the GoTemment (2) The apprehension and detention of all persons, 
against whom wsrrants have been issued, ana who aft^er the issue of 
the warrants have absconded or ** doe abscond or absent themselves," 
(3) The further detention until further order of all prisoners ** against 
whom there is " information uppon oath,'' and also (4) that a lut be 
prepared and sent to this Board of all persons who by the immediate order 
of the Privy Coucil have *' beene committed to the custody of the sheriffe 
or otherwise within the Lieutenancy," and whose enlargement would, in 
the opinion of his Grace or of three or more of his Deputy Lieutenants, 
possibly prove dangerous to the peace of the Government : — The said 
orders being made by the Council, in pursuance of directions given by his 
Majesty, after he ^* was gratiously pleased before his goeing beyond the 
*^ seas to take into consideracion the condicion of severall of his subjects 
'' secured and committed to custody uppon occasion of the late con- 
^* spiracy agaitast his Eoyall Person and Government and the intended 
•* Invasion." 



John Rounkhornk's Testihoky touching Jake Mosson, a 
Jacobite Agent. 

1702, October oth. Examination of John Bounkhome, taken on the 
said day before Rodney Fane, J.P. for Middlesex. — *^ Who upon oath 
deposeth that in the month of May last one Jane Mosson took a lodgeing 
in Whites Ally in the Liberty of the Rolls, where this deponent Imiged 
and does soe still ; and the said Jane Mosson told this deponent that she 
came from France and brought several letters with her directed to 
persons in England, and this depondent saw her deliver one of them to a 
poller, and observed the -said porter come to her afterwards as he 
believes, to disperse the rest, and sayeth that about the time the Duke 
of Ormonde went to the Isle of Wight, she went from the said lod^eineg 
with intent as she declared to retume to France, and said that if she 
could gett over Holland with the army, she would goe through Flanders 
and soe to France, and this deponent sayeth he is informed some time 
last week she had a good quantity of gold and silver, and sayeth she 
confessed to him she was a Protestant in England, and reconciled to the 
Church of Roome by a priest whose name she would not discover, and 
that she went over to France to be a nunn and pretended to be a 
servant to the Countess of Lemerick, and she said she had a summe of 
mony now at intere>:t in the hands of Mr. James TuUy, which was 
returned by bill from France, drawne on Mr. Daniel Arthur of London 
merchant, and further sayeth he heard her say she had three lines to 
one Mrs. Conquest widdow to Doctor Conquest deceased, for her to 
direct where she might receive her money, and further deposeth thnt the 



222 

*8aid Jane Mosson declared that, when she was in France, she was with 
the Prince of Wales, her King, and had him in her lap, who told her she 
should never want, and that when he came to England she should have 
:a good estate, which she did not question but to see very shortlj." 

French Fleet and Sir George Btng's Ships off Scotland. 

170|, March 17th, Berwick. — ^MS. News letter, giving an account of 
the failure of the French Fleet to land the Pretender on the coast 
•of Scotland : — ^^ We have been here in the greatest confusion imaginable 
upon the news of the French Fleet appearing to a place called Craill of 
tne mouth of the Firth on Friday last. Thej designed, as wee are 
cert4unlj informed by fisher boats that were on board, to have landed 
4heir men the next day and to have marched for Edenburgh where they 
•expected friends. Their fleet consisted of the Rampton Court and 
Grafton^ two 78 gun ships, and 5 others of upwards of 50 guns, and 17 
small frigatts and privateers. But by wonderfull Providence, as they 
were prepaireing to debark, and standing towards the Frith, Sir George 
Bing appeared on Saturday in the morning, which they observeing 
tacked to the northward and ran away with all the sail they could make, 
and being clean ships and nimble and ours foul. Sir George could not 
till about four in the afternoon get up with any of them, att which time 
«5 or 6 of our men of warr engaged theirs of the Line of Battle, who 
made a running fight till dark, and then gott off, the wind being very 
-easy and slack. The next morning Sir George Bing in his pursuit of 
them to sea came up with the Salisbury^ a ship of 54 guns, formerly 
4aken from us, who haveing been disabled the night before struck. There 
was on board of her, as our accounts from Edinburgh say, one Lieut. - 
General or two, the Lord Griffin, the Lord Clermont and another son of 
the Lord Middleton, two pages of the pretended Prince of Wales, with 
severall other persons of note that refuse to give their names, 500 
-soldiers with the officers, and 400 sailors, besides 30,000/. in money 
and 500/. in plate, and abundance of arms, ammunition, &c. There are 
severall of the Letters from Edenburgh that I have seen this post, that 
mendon that the pretended Prince dined on board that Ship the day 
before, from whence its concluded he is amongst those prisoners that 
are unwilling to be known, bnt I believe this is meer conjecture without 
any ground ...«.'' 



Duke of Berwick to • • • . 

[ ] August 30th., Portsmouth. Holograph note with which 

the Duke acknowledges his receipt of an order <' aboute any shipps 
appearing or any troops landing, which shall be executed with speed, in 
•case anything should happen." 

The Spanish Ambassador to ... . 

1712, December 25th, London. Fair draft of a letter (without 
signature or superscription) from His Excellency Ambas- 
sador from Spain to the Queen of Great Britain, to His Excellency 
. . . .; Giving a particular and lively account of the writer's pa^rsage 
from France to England, his journey from Dover to London amidst the 
acclamations of the people, and his gratifying reception in London by 
the populace, by the Ministers of State, and by the Queen. Speaking 



223 

>of his arrival and first eveniDg in London the writer says, ^' J'allaj 
ensuite souper chez milord Dartmoath, on se trouveront milord Bolia- 
broke, milord D'Oxford grand tresorier, et milord Paolett grand maitre 
de la maison de la Eejne ; le repas fat aussy delicat que magnifique, et 
tout By passa avec la politesse et les bonnes manieres si touchantes in ces 
.sortes d'oecasions." 



liViLLiAM LowKDBs to the DuK£ OF Obmonde, Lord Warden of 
the Cinqae Ports. 

171}, March 20th, Treasury Chambers. — " My Lord Treasurer having 
received a letter from my Lord Bolingbrooke, enclosing an extract of a 
Jetter from Dublin, relating to recruits raised for the Pretender passing 
'through Dover for France, His Lordship commands me to transmit 
<oopys thei'eoi to your Grace, that such directions may be given as your 
Grace shall think proper to the officers of the Cinq Ports, for the dis- 
covering and preventing such practices as are mentioned in the said 
extract." — ^Endorsed, '* 20 March 171}. From Mr. Lowndes." 



.James III., The Pretender, to the Prince and Pbincess de 
Vaudbmont. 

1714, April 3rd, to 1715 June 29. Five letters from James IIL the 
Old Pretender.— (1) Holograph, dated from Barr, 3rd April 1714, to 
the Princess de Yaudemont, without signature ; (2) Letter to the same 
Princess, dated from Plombieres, 19th May, 1714, and signed 
^' Jacques E," but otherwise of secretarial penmanship, a fact for which 
the Chevalier apologises, in these words. — ^^ Yous scavez, Madame, que la 
regularity des eauz ne permet pas d'ecrire de sa propre main. C'est ce 
que m'a oblige de me de celle d'un Secretaire pour repondre a votre 
lettre'*; (3) Letter to the Prince de Yaudemont, dated from Bar, 16th 
June 171^, of secretarial penmanship^ with autograph signature 
^^ J.B." ; (4) Holograph letter to the Prince de Yaudemont, dated from 
Oommerci, 29th June 1715, and signed ^' J.R."; (5) Holograph note to 
the Princess de Yaudemont, without signature and with no date but 
** Le Jeudy au Soir." 

Javss IIL, the Pretender, to the Bishop of Edinbubgh. 

1714, May 26th. [ ] Copy of a letter to the Bishop of Edin- 
burgh. — ** My having been lately informed of two honest brothers, both of 
them my verry good friends, bieng at some variance, is the occasion of 
my giving you this trouble to desire you will use your best endeavours to 
make up their difference. I need not enlarge on the motives which may 
induce you to so charitable a work, for besides the character you bear 
jou cannot but see of what fatal consequence any disunion amongst my 
friends must be. I therefore heartily wish you may succeed in this essaie, 
in which if you think fitt to make use of my name, I give you fuU leave to 
doe so, and to assure them both of my esteem and kindness. — Your letter 
came safe to me and was most acceptable as all your shall be. Pray you 
remember me verry kindly to all friends in your parts. I reckon myself 
«ure of their readyness on all occasions, and they shall ever find a gratefull 
heart in me towards 'em all, but to non more than yourselfe."— 
Endorsed, '* Letter from King James the Eight to [names obliterated] 
^< in favour [names obliterated] dated the 26 of May 1714, the Eling 



224 

" bieng at Bar-le-duck or Plombiers.** Transcriber's handwriting has not 
been identified. 



James III., the Pretender, to His Loving Subjects. 

1714, August 29th, Plombieres. Contemporarj copy, by a 
transcriber whose hand^iiting has not been identified, of a Proclamation 
to his loving subjects issued by James III., the Pretender (in later time 
commonly styled <^ the Old Pretender ") from his '< Court at Piumbieres, 
'/ the 29th of August, and in tha thirteenth year of our reign, 1714," 
containing this passage, to wit, '' Yet contrary to our expectation 
" upon the death of the Princess, our Royall sister, of whose good 
^ intention toward us we could not for some time past well doubt, and . 
*' which was the reason we then sat still, expecting the good efiects 
" thereof, which were unfortunately prevented by her deplorable 
*' death, we found our people, instead of taking this favourable 
** opportunity of retrieving the honour and true interest of their 
'* countrey by doing us and themselves . justice, had immediately 
*• proclaimed for their King a foreign Prince, to our prejudice contrary 
** to the fundamental nud incontestable laws of hereditary right, which 
^' their pretended Acts of Settlement can never abrogate. After ^his 
^' height of injustice, we thought ourselves bound in honour and duty 
** so indispensably obliged by what we owe to our self, to our posterity, 
^' and to our people, to endeavour to assert our right in the best manner 
** we could ; accordingly upon the fiist notice sent to us we parted 
" from our ordinary residence, in order to repair to some part of our 
*^ dominions, and there to put our self, at the head of such of our loyall 
^' subjects as were disposed to stand by us and defend us and themselves 
'^ from all foreign invasions ; but in our passing throu^^h France to the 
" sea-coast, we were there not onely refuBed all succour and assistance, 
^' upon account of the engagement that Monarch is under by the late 
^^ Treaty of Peace, but we were even debarred passage and obliged to 
<< return back to Loiaiue." 



Jaaies III., the Pretender, to ... . 

1714, September 26th [ ]. Copy by a transcriber, whose hand- 
writing has not been identified, of a letter from James III., to . . . . — 
^< You ar to acquaint my friends in Scotland of the great sense I 
have of their constant loyalty and zeal [and of] the mortification 
it is to me to have been debarred going to them at a tyme they wer 
so ready to receive me, as also the present impossibility of joining 
them [and of] the reason of that impossibility with the particulars 
of my journey into France and reception there. That, however, 
shall not discourage me from seeking another way of getting to them, 
80 soon as they themselves shall desire it, and that right measures 
ar taken on their side and mine. It is necessary my friends should 
know that no forreign help must be expected at present of men, arms 
or ammunition, and that particularly on this last occasion all the 
Irish regiments in the French service and even every officer of them 
wer refused me. — ^That, though I cannot doubt of having several friends 
in England, yet their great caution on one hand and want of union on 
the other leave me so much in the darke, as to any help or service I 
may expect from them, that I cannot yet say anything positive as to that 
point. Therefore it is necessary my friends in Scotland shall let me 



225 

know what they ur able to doe by themselves, what numbers of men 
they can bring to the field, what their plan is when assembled in a body, 
what number of experienced officers is absolutely necessary and of what 
rank, — ^for I flatter my self e that I shall be able to contrive one way or 
other to be able to bring over a few. — Lastly, that if such a reasonable 
snme as 1 shall be able to procure by the assistance of my friends be 
wanting for your neecessry preparations before my arrival, it shall not be 
wanting.-— On my side I shall doe my utmost endeavours to bring my 
friends in En^and to such a temper, as they may conceive to be of use 
on ane expedition. — But, though all help should faill, 1 shall never be 
wantinge to my selfe or them, but shall be on return of the bearer 
(whom I desire to be sent back fully informed and instructed on all 
those heads), ready to come over at the tyme that shall be concerted. — I 
mention not here soine other particulars specified in a paper writt in my 
own hand, dated August 18, of which you have a duplicate. Two 
things must be strongly recommended to my friends, absolutely 
necessary to bring ane expedition to a happy issue, first, great caution 
and care that they may not in the meantyme be brought to any trouble 
by the Grovernment, and the second, a perfect union and good 
intelligence with one another, without which we see by experience the 
greatest parties ore baffled. Nothing can be undertaken yet, farr less 
succeed. — And as a further and mor ample explanation of my intentions, 
I desire full credite may be given to the bearer, that he may be the 
better able to return with all that is necessary for me to know. I expect 
answer to this in fore or five months," 



Instructions given by James III., the Pretender, to John Fibhsb. 

1714, October 20th. [ ] Memorandum, in the handwriting of John 
Fisher, of the Instructions given to him by James III., running thus 
— ** Ton are to acquaint my friends in Scotland, that after I hsA sent 
yon from this to St. Germain (on the 4th) in your way to them, and that 
I was making all possible preparations to follow in diligence myself 
(nowithstanding the dangers I saw before me), I had by the very next 
post an account that my Lord AthoU was gon to London, though that Lord 
was the person,propo8ed by my friends to bee at the head of my afiy rs (till 
my own arrivall), for whom I had accordingly delivered you a commission, 
impowering him to act as such. — The same post brought me an account 
that he Imd quallifyd himself for the new Grovernment, and that a 
letter had been writt to the Earl of Marr sighned by the principall 
clanns, assuring the Government of their fidelity and submission to it, 
and that the £arl of Breadalbin had been the instrument of procuring 
that letter. — ^About the same time I had advice that the Bishop of 
Edinborough, after consulting with the principall and leading men of my 
friends in the South or Low Country, had desird I should bee writt 
to, not to stirr in thin conjuncture on any account. And though I was 
fully convinct that the letter sent to the Earl of Marr was desighnd 
for their immediate security, in order to be left in condition to serve me 
on occassion ; yet all these accounts coming closely, after the pressing 
instances Forbes made both from North and South (as he asserted) 
oou'd not but give me ground to believe that either he had not authority 
for what he advanct, or that he was ill informd how matters past : 
Nevertheless all these disappointments (how great soever) cou'dnot 
determine me to delay my enterprize, till I had assurance from an 
authority I have not now leave to name, that in case of an ensuing warr 
between England and France (of which there is all human probability) 
• 8MSS. P 



I might sure reckon on su^^lies of evrj sort sufficient to doe mj own 
mid the kingdoms business effectually , with the help of mj friends; 
whouKs 70a must desire from me to keepp upp their hearts and to bee 
assured, that the vieu of no danger or eviil whatsoever will bee oi^Mibie 
to make me fayle in what I owe to mj self and them ; as weU as to a 
nation so signally brave and loyall in all times ; and for the recovery 
of whose liberty, now groaning under the yoak of that shamefull Unioii. 
(which shall bee broke at my landing) I will cheerfully expose myself 
to the greatest of hazards, and doe evry thing to the good and happiness 
of so valiant and faithfull a people.— I doubt not to gett leave for the 
Duke of Berwick to come with me, and at worst to bring what General 
and particular Officers, what arms, ammunition, and mony I can, which 
I am in the mean time taking all means possible to raise. — You will 
consert with my friends what way the mony sent by you can bee most 
effectually imployed for my sei*vice in buying upp ammunition, or meal^ 
or bringing what arms possibly they may from Handiourgh, Dantzick or 
any other parts so as to give no jealousy to the present Government. 
You will particularly, as to what regards the South, take and follow the 
measures approvd of by the B[i8hop] of Edinbourgh, whose advice I 
depend uppon singularly, in evry thing regarding my service in that 
Kmgdome. — I desire they [? there] may be sent by you the heads of such 
a declaration, as they^believe most agreeable to the nation, at my landing ;. 
and that they lett me know what force may bee hoped for from the South, 
what hors more or lesse may in their opinion bee reckoned on frem the 
kingdome, for our service ; what season and place the fittest to land in, 
if I come with a competent number of troopps, and what other, if for 
want of them I am obliged to come otherways. — ^This is the genuin 
senoe of his Majesties instructions and intentions; but his nervous,, 
expressive and succinct style is beyond my imitating---John Fisher.*' 



Mr. Nairnb to the Prince de Vaudemont. 

1715, December 29th. St. 6ermain-en-Laye. Letter (signed-^ 
'^ Naime ") opening with a statement that as soon as he had received the 
Prince's letter of the 24th inst., containing an enclosure for the Qeeen,. 
the writer went to Her Majesty, hoping he might find her able to 
afford his Serene Highness *' quelque nouvelle positive du Boy, mais elle 
'^ m'a asseuree qu'elle ne scait encore rien d'asseurg du debarquement 
^' de S.M. EUe m'a seulement charge (sic) " the writer continues, '' de 
*^ bien remercier V.A.S. de Tinterest qu'EUe prend en tout ce qui 
** regarde le Roy son fils, et de vous dire que selon ce qu'EUe 
<« vous a promis elle ne manquera pas d^squ'dle en aura des nouvelles 
'^ seures de vous en fairo part." In the i^ence of a confirmation of 
the public news of the King's arrival in Scotland on the 4th inst, no 
reliance can be put on that intelligence. '^Gependant la situation 
'^ des affaires presentement est tres douteuse et inquietante, et il ne faut 
'^ pas se flatter, il y a plus a craindre qu'a esperer selon toutes les 
" apparences, mais Dieu est sur tout, et quand la juste cause est 
'* abandonn^ des hommes toute la consolation est d'esperer en la 
" Providence, et se resigner a la volonte du Seigneur." In a later 
paragraph of the long epistle, the writer observes, '* En revenant de 
'^ chez la Reine j'ay passe chez Milord Middleton, a qui j'ay commimique 
'^ la lettre de V.A.S., et il m'a charge de la bien remercier de la bonte 
^* qu'elle si obligeament pour [ ] Milord Clermont, dont le zele pour 
^' son Boy meritoit un roeHleur sort que celuy d'etre mis pour cela seconde 
** fois'a^la Tour de Londres. U y a eu un de mes parens et de moD 



227 

^ nom qui a en nn plus iriste sort II estoit Mi^or d'an Regiment, 
« mais toujooTB bien ii&tentionii^ poor le Boy. Alnsi oa I'avoit reforme 
** et il etoit da nombre de ces officien a la demi paje, qa s'etoit joint 
** au parti du B07 a Preston, ou tout le parti fat oblis^ de se rendre a 
^* diflcretiony et ce pauvre officier aveo 3 oa 4 autres tot condamn^ par 
** nn Conseil de guerre, et pass^ par lea aimes, parcequ'il etoit a la 
^ demi paye, quoiqu'il n'eut aucon poete actuelle. An reste il a eu 
** llkonnear de mourir pour son Roy et pour la justice, qnoique traitt6 
** par le Gk)uyerment eomme deserteur et Rebele." 



The SucB to the Sake, 

. 1716, January 10th., St Germain-en-Laye. — ^'^Avant que do 
commencer mon voyage j'ay encore Thonneur d'assnrer y.A.S. de mes 
tres bumbles respects et la satisfaction en memo terns de apprendre que 
le Roy mon maitre est heureusement arriv6 en Ecosse ayant debarqu6 
aupr6s de Bnchanesse (?) le 2 de ce mois, comme V^A.S. aura le pLusir 
d'apprendre de sa propre main dans la lettre que j'ay Thonneur^ de luy 
envoyercy jointe sous I'enyeloppe de la Reine qui rous ecrit aussi 
Monseigneur. Ainsi je ne veuz pas retarder le double plaisir que 
vons allez avoir en lisant les lettres de leurs Majest^s. Je souhaitte 
que je puisse avoir bientot le plaisir de vous ecrire d'Ecosse et de vous 
mander quelque heureux success des armee de StM." The enclosed 
letter, written by the Pretender to the Prince, and dated from Peter- 
head, 22nd December 1715, runs thus, *^ Partages maintenant avec moy, 
** je vous prie, le plaisir que j'ay de ma tronver ches moy apres avoir 
" si souvent .... mespeines. Toutrespondamessouhaitsicy, 
*^ et avec du secours tout ira bien cy, plait a Oieu. Je me porte a 
** merveille, et en tout etat egalement remplie pour nous." The careful 
reader will not fail to observe Uiat, whilst the Chevalier^s note is dated 
in the o.s., Mr. Naime uses the n.s. for dating his letter and giving 
the date of the Chevalier's landing at Peterhead. 

James III., The Pretender, to the Earl of Panmube. 

1716, January 22nd., Scoon. — ** I received this day yours of 19 by 
Mr. Blair who delivered your commissions to me, and am truely sensible 
of the zeal you shew me therein; I hope you will alwayes continue to 
give me your advice and opinion which on all other occasions I shall 
take as kindly as I do now. I do believe our catholickshad no thonghta 
of doing anything extraordinary next thursday, but my own modesty in 
those matters must and shall be their rule, as it ought to be a sufficient 
proof to all reasonable people of the emptyness of those apprehensions 
they may have been possessed with in relation to Religion. It is over 
the hearts of my subjects and not their consciences that I am desiroua 
to reign, and if my moderation, and all the assurances they have 
received on that head do not meet with suitable returns, it may be my 
misfortune, but can never be my fault. They may be now if they 
please a free and happy people, and I am in great hopes they will at 
length open their eyes and putt themselves an end to all their mis-^ 
fortunes. The enemy make all preparations for marching, and we are 
preparing to receive them, but how the weather will allow of any 
motion on either side I do not well understand, however in that particular 
wee are on equall terms, tho' not on others, but courage and zeal will I 
hope supply the want of numbers. I shall be sure to consider of the 

P % 



228 

other points of your message. Pray remember me with all kindness to 
Lady Panmnre, and be assured both of you of my particolar esteem 
and kindess. — James B." Holograph. 

Mr. Naibke to the Prince de Vatjdemoht. 

1716, May 12tb, Avignon.— Brief note announcing that the Chevalier 
de St. G^rge has received the Prince's letter of the 29thy and has no 
news to communicate since his recent letter to his Serene Highness. 
The Chevalier continues in good health notwithstanding the heat of the 
climate. '* Yotre ancien ami Le Due d'Ormond se porte bien aussL" 

The Same to the Same. 

1716, June 25th, Avignon. — ^Announcing that the Prince's letter 
of the 6th instant has given His Majesty much pleasure, Mr. Naime 
speaks of a letter which the King has written *'a S.A.S. an sujet 
d'nne affaire qui le touch fort," and of a copy of the same epistle, 
which the King has sent to the Prince. ** S.M." the writer of the 
present letter goes on to say, *' luy a envoy6 aussi en meme terns un 
^* Exemplaire d'un lmprim6 qu' . . • . a fait faire sous le nom 
** d'une Lettre d'un Officier de I'arm^e du Boy. Ce n'est qu'oo simple 
^* recit des faits dont 8. M. avoit deja en grande partie inform^ V.A.S. 
*^ at (sic) Commercy, mais comme la lettre est plus detail6e et plus suivie 
^ (sic) eile la mettera plus au fut de tout cette malheureuse affaire la dont 
" on a cm qu'il etoit a propos d'instruire (e publique. Et comme je scais 
" la part que V. A.S. prend en tout ce qui r^arde I'intereat de S. M. je 
** prens la liberty de luy envoyer encore deux autres exemplairet de cet 
** Imprim^ pour en disposer ou elle jugera plus a propos pour le service 
*' du Boy. n n'v a rien de nouveau ici qui merite I'attention de V.A.S. 
** et pour nouvelfes d'Angleterre, Elle les a sans doute en droiture de 
** Paris bien plut6t que nous ici. Par les demieres nous voyons que le 
'' peupio de Londre, tout opprim^ qu'il est, ne laisse pas de marquer son 
^* inclination, <en insultant publiquement le Gouremement pi^esent malgre 
^* la severite avec laquelleon persecute tous les jours a mort les pretendus 
'^ rebeles qui ont la Constance de moiirir en veritables martyrs de la j ustice. 
** Tout cela, joint aux grands chnngemens que ponrra caaser la mort de 
" Milord Marleborougb, qui est en fort grand danger de I'attaque 
** d'apoplexie qu'il a eu, et le vopge de I'Electeur qui est resolu certaiue- 
'^ ment, pourra produire avec le terns quelque nouvelle resolution qui no 
** nous serapeut etre pas desavantageuse, quoiqu'ilen soit je suis persuade 
** que, malgre I'injustice des hommes et TabandoDnement des Puissances 
** meme, on ne doit jamais desesperer d'une juste cause. Malgr6 les 
" chaleurs excessives de ce pays cy, le Roy, grases a Dieu, se porte forte 
" bien."- -Together with.thiji letter, Mr. Hodgkin preserves a clean 
and well-preserved copy of the printed tract, that is so pnrticukrly 
mentioned in the letter, to wit, the Chevalier's authorised accoant 
of his withdrawal from Scotland after the failure of the ill-advised 
expedition of 1715 ; the foil title of the brochure being, " Lettre D'Un 
" Officier De L'Armee Du Roy, Ecrite A Un Des Amis A Londres, 

aprSs que L'Armee sefut retinae cT Aberdeen vers le Nord d'Escasse, 

au tnois de Fewrter 17 1 6. Ti-aduite de L' Angloid." 



a 



The Same to the Same. 

1716, July 2Srd, Avignon..—" . . . II n'y a rien ici de nouveau. 
Le Boy se porte bien, Dieu mercy, malgr^ les chaleurs excessives, et Sa 



220 

Gour augmente tons lea jours. Milord Clermont arriva ici avant hier, 
et nofts esperons avoir hientot ici aussi le pauvre M'. Booth, 
Tancien et fidele oompanion de chasse de Y.A.S. qui trouvera bien de 
manque ici, et la belle forrest de Cummercj, et encore plus I'aimable 
Prince qui en est le maitre." 

Ohablbs Booth to Lord .... 

[1716], July 25th, Paris. — Announcing his reappearance in Paris, Mr. 
Booth refers lightly to his recent imprisonment in England, and his 
examination *' devant le conseil prive ou Malbourough a eu grand soin 
de se troUver." After alluding to the great fear in Paris of a declaration 
of war bj the English, Mr. Booth remarks '^ George n'ose non plus 
desclarer la guerre a la France," adding ^* il est certain que le peuple 
'' le desire, mais c-est purement et simplement pour pouvoir chasser de 
** leurs'pays George et toutte sa race. Us sent en general imbu et 
'* obsede, quails ne peuvent etre nj tranquilleSjUy hureux que mon maistre 
^' ne soit sur son throne. Je suis bien seure, que de dix neuf le sohaitte 
** et le d^ire, et feroient tout co qu'ils pourroient pour cela, sans cette 
** srande arm6e qui est sur pied. EUe est de trente cinq mille hommes ; 
^ les officiers en sont generallement Wighs, les soldats toryes." If 
the King would make a descent upon England with 8,000 men, 
Mr. Booth is persuaded that most of the soldiers would desert to 
his Majesty, and that the whole country would rise, the fewness of 
their arms nothwithstanding. Dissension in the army would give the 
writer's master an opportunity. ^'Si George se remit et luy et le 
** ministere entre les mains des Toryes, en ce cas Je crois que les Tories 
^ casseront le parlement, et grande partie de Tarrmte; en ce cas mon 
^ maistre aura beau jeu.'' 



Mr. Nairnb to the Pbince de Vaudemont. 

1716, October Ist, Avignon. — Letter announcing that the Chevalier 
de St. George has undergone a surgical operation, that has relieved 
him of his recent malady. 



Mr. Dillon to L. M. (? Lord Mabischal.) 

1717, August 23rd.— -Touching, amongst other things, on the suspicions 

of a design on the Chevalier's life, the writer says : — *^ Be wait 

on Andrew to-morrow and shall not fail to make yours and friends com- 
plements, which I am sure will be very acceptable. lie shew your letter 
to William who I dont doubt wil concur with your desire in relation to the 
doctor. Be also talk about Mr. Soot's concern, I supose he is in or 
abciot St. Qermains, and may tell Mr. Dicoonson his pretention.— I am 
suprised at the honour done Prescot at Calais, Barnaby's favour being 
of deep weight in tiiese parts. This great favourite parted hence two 
days ago and is gone in post to Italy. It seems the report about him is 
allmost pablick with Evans, and so well whispherd about here that it 

will ^oon be the same Severall letters from friends with 

Evans having confirmed the danger of not takeing due measures to 
prevent the ill design they believ^ Prescot had, and affirming at the 
same time that the noble Count Douglas was dispatcht before hand to 
Italy, in order as they presume to be aiding and assisting to Prescot in 
his vile undertaking, those advertisements reiterated, tho' perhaps 



2S0 

grounded on suspicion and I believe heressj, determined Andrew to 
send an express to Patrick with full informations on this score. I must 
own Dutton advised as allso William the sending an express, which 
[ ] be with Mr. Kni^t before Prescot can reach Turin. This is 
not all inpleas (sic) your Worship. A faith^ill and intelligent person is 
sent to dog the nobleman and to watch his motion and proceedings in 
the road untill he settles in the countrej he is going to. Ton se by this 
precaution Bamabj must be obliged in process of time to offer us the 
IOO9OOO pounds recompense, or let poor Peter finish his cariere in a 
naturall way. The last would be die more gentlemanlike manner of 
proceeding, but (rallery apart) after all reflection, if it be true that 
Douglas is gone to Italy, it looks very suspicious. Dutton wrote at large 
to Senior about this matter, and tho I am persuaded Patrick will make 
a jest of all this, I am however of opinion its better [to] take severall 
unnecessary measures, than omit one that may be usefull espetially in 

this occasion. So much for the new plot and enough it is ** 

The letter is indorsed, <' Mr. Dillon to L. M. August 23rd, 1717. 
E' at L— ge, Sept. 1st." 

^ James Wilsok to L. M. (? Lord Marischal). 

1717, August 29th, Paris. — Letter tonohing the dissension between 
G^eorge I. and the Prince of Wales, and rumours of a design for assaasinat* 
ing the Chevalier de St. (George. — ** I've had two letters by last post from 
Heer rie Boome. The first says 'tis reported that Cadogan goes directly 
for France and not for Holland as the Newspapers has (sic) it, that the 

divisions betwixt the F and S daily increase ; the first has 

openly declaired that Argyle, Townsend, Walpole nor none that has 
adheared to them shall ever come into the adiministration dureing his 
reign .... In the second he says their divisions are rather worse, 
that 'tis whisphered among the first rank a black designe the Earl of 
Peterborrow has taken in hand, that he was remarkably carest at Court 
for his intelligence while abroad, and is now gone with a resolution 
to serve them effectually by employing his emissai'ies to assassinate the 
Chevalier, and further says that those, who know his Lordship of a very 
long time, a£Bjin there's none redier to undertake such a work, that the 
Court has settled a 1,000/. per annum on Count Douglass who it seems 
is gon for Italy on the same Coningsmark errand. If they would send 
McCartny to make up the Corum, the honour of the Three Kingdoms 
would shine with uncommon lusture in the Whi^sh Annalls. It seenis 
a plum is too delicious a bate even for a blew Ribon and peer of England 
to resist. This free-thinking and free-acting are as inseperable as light 
from the Son (sic). I am inclinable to think no part of the world have 
(sic) so unlimited a claim thereto as Brittain has had for thirty years past, 
where no crimes, impiety nor even Boyal Parade is to be left 
unatempted. These words, that were understood by our forefathers to 
mean the vilest of vices, will in all appearance soon become the British 
virteus, and of consequence above the reach of the commonalty. — ^I had 
also inclosed the .Po^^ Boy and Flyings Post. The latter from Borne 
says the Chevalier, before his departure from thence, climbed up the 
holy stairs upon his knees, in presence of a multitude of people who 
were much pleased with his devotion, that he was presented by Signior 
Beanchi with a Golden Cross adorned with medals and a piece of wood 

of the pretended true Cross Tis said the Earl of Camwath 

is to have a yearly pention of 200/., Lord Widderington 400/., Lord 
Naime 150/. for their subsistance I was with a gentleman, 



231 

"Who took a letter from Bassinay affirming that the Spaniards had 
landed seven thousand foot and 15 hundred horse in that Island, hesides 
cannon, armes, &c., for as many more. He that writes the letter is 
one of the nnmber.'^ — ^Endorsed '* The Sqnier to L. M., August 19th, 
1717 ; B' near i:r-26th." 



MsMOiR by Lord Pbtbrborough. 

1717, September 11th. — Memoire escrit de la midn de Milord 
Peterborow, et trouy6 parmi ses papiers, quand 11 a este arrest^ k 
Bologne le 11^ 7bre, 1717. — An endorsement certifies that the paper is a 
copy of the Memoire by Lord PeterboroVs hand, and that it was received 
by Lord Mar at Paris in October 1717. 



Arks Delivered up at Ikvbrart. 

1717, . — ^Abstract of the Accompt of the Arms delivered up at 

Inveraray, in obedience to the Act of Parliament for securing the 
Peace of the Highlands ; With Ensign Andrew Booth's Beceipt of the 
said Arms. The arms delivered being 1,648 firelocks, 9 blunderbussesy 
11 guiin barrells, 6 gunn locks, 2 pitteraroes, 948 broad swords and 
shaMlSy 329 side and hukter pistoUs, 2 back breast and head 
peicesy 65 tai^ets, 11 Lochaber axes and halberta, and 30 durks and 



Case of Sir Donald Maok Donald, baronet. 

1718, . The Case of Sir Donald Mack Donald of Slate 

deceased, touching the Bill of Attainder exhibited against him and 
many others. — Setting forth : (1) That on receiving notice in April 1716, 
thaty unless he surrendered on or before the 30th June next ensuing he 
would stand and be adjudged attainted of Hiffh Treason, Sir Donald 
Mack Donald of North-Uist in the Isle of Skye baronet was lying at 
his house in North-Uist aforesaid, bound so fast to his bed with extreme 
sickness as to be incapable of surrendering his person in the manner 
requiredby the Bill of Attainder above-mentioned, (2) That, being thus 
incapable of surrendering himself, the said Sir Donald Mack Donald 
wrote to Lord Gadogan, then Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's 
forces in Scotland, whereby he surrendered himself to His Majesty's 
mercy, and on informing his said Excellency how sick he was, the said 
baronet promised that as soon as he could travel he would go to any prison 
his Excellency should appoint, (3) That in the beginning of the next 
September the said Sir Donald Mack Donald set out from his house in 
North Uist to the south of the Isle of Skye in his way to Fort William, 
when a recurrence of extreme sickness compelled him to desist from the 
attempt to surrender at Fort William, and (4) that the said baionet 
succumbed to his sickness and died, without having been able to 
surrender himself. On this case duly supported by evidence, that the 
deceased baronet had in written words thrown himself on the King's 
mercy, and done his utmost tc surrender his person to the custody of the 
Governor of Fort William, there arose divers legal questions, that are set 
forth in the later clauses of the present writing, the most important of 
the questions being whether the late baronefs son was in the eye of law 
the successor to his father's estate, or the son of a man whose estate 
had in his life-time been forfeited to the Crown under the conditional 



232 

Bill of Attainder. — Also, the Letters of Attorney, dated on I7th 
July 1719, bj Sir Donald Macdonald of Slate, appointing Mr. 
John Mackenzie of Delvine, Mr. Colin Mackenzie, and Mr. Henry 
Dalrjmple advocates or either of them, to be the said Sir Donald's 
lawfol proctors and attorneys, to make exceptions, Ae,^ to a survey made 
by the Commissioners on Forfeited Estates of the estate of the late '' Sir 
*^ Donald Macdonald my father and also my lands of Blair and few 
^ duties of Kincardine, as if they had belonged to attainted persons." 



Mr. Nairne to the Chevalier Carrara. 

1718, December 24tb, to December 30th 1724 Six several letters,. 

acknowledging with fit courtesy the same number of letters of seasonable 
assurances, addressed to James III., the Pretender, by his assiduous 
courtier, the Chevalier Can'ara. 



Mr. Nairne to the Prince de Vaudemont. 

1719, September 20th, Montefiesconi. ** maisjayceluy 

de le isdre aujourdhuy pour un sujet fort interessant et qui fera, je suis 
seur, plaisir a Y.A.S. puisque c'est pour aocompagner les lettres que le 
Boy et la Heine mes maitres luy ecrivent pour lui donner part de leur 
manage, qui par la belle union qui est entre leurs Majest^s et par l» 
courage et la fermet^ avec lesquelles elles out surmonte enfin tons les 
obstacles qui en empechoient Taccomplissement, marque asses visibleraent 
que c'est Touvrage de la Providence et un mariage fait au Ciel qui 
produiraj'espere en terns et lieu les {benedictions que tous les honnetes 
gena desirent" In the letter's last paragraph it is announced that their 
Majesties propose to go to Rome towards the end of October and to 
winter there. 



Mr. Nairne to the Chevalier Carrara. 

1720, November 13th, Rome. — *' II y a dcja du tems que j*ay fait 
dooner au Cardinal Dataire votre Memoire touchant Monsieur votre fils 
par Le Becteur du College des Ecossois qui estde mes amiset qui va souvent 
ch^ le Cardinal, et avant hier le Boy m'ayant envoy^ ch6z lui pour une 
affaire je pris cette occasion de recommender encore moi eneme le 
Memoire en question, en representant a Son Eminence que vous [ } 
Gonfalonier de Fano quond le Boy fit \k quelque sejour, ct que vous 
avies fait les honneurs de la ville d'une maniere que Sa Majeste 
etoit tres conl^nte, et que c'etoit la raison pour laquelle je m'interessois 
en ce qui vous regardoit, et souhaittois que Son Eminence vous &vorisat 
dans cette occasion aupr^s de Sa Sanctity. Son Eminence m'ecouta 
favorablement, et me dit qu'elle n'avoit pas encoi*e bien examin6 cette 
aiEaire ni les pretentions des autres concourans, mais qu'Elle verroit ce 
qui se pourroit faire *' 



Lirut.- General Sheldon to Madame . . . (? thePrinoesse 
de Vaudemont). 

[1722], September 26th, Luneville. — ^Letter touching the elections 
in England, and the rumour of the Pretender's conversion to 



PioteBtantism. — ** J'aj montre a Monsieur le Chevalier de St. (xeorge la 
lettre que vostre Altesse m'a fait Thonneur de m'escrire, leqael m*a fort 
[ ] de Yoas marquer sa reoonnesance de vos bons avis, dont je le croi 
tres dispose de profit, a Tegard de sa sante. EJle est^ Dieu mercyy asse 
bonne a une petite rbume prest, laquelle j'esper se passera avant qu*il 
part d'l'cy pour vous aller voire a Commerey ce qui sera Lundy prodiin 
sans £Ekute. — Les nouvelles, Madame^ d'Aiigleterre ne roulent presentment 
que sur les elections des nouvaux membres du parlement dans lesquelles 
les Toris ne reusisent pas si bien qu'ils s'estoint flattez, mais Ion croit, 
que le plus grand nombre sera pour eux. Le pretendu conversion de 
M. le Chevalier a la religion protestante fait parler aasi bien des 
gens, et dont j'auray Phonneur, Madame, de vous entertenire plus a 
loisire . . . ." 

\ The letter is signed '* Sheldon." 



Pbtitiom to the Bishop of Nantks, Abchbishop Djbsignate 

of BOUBN. 

1723, May 20th. *' Monseigneur, Le Sieur Jean Wood de 

fiebegueny en Ecosse represente ti*^ humblement a Yotre Grandeur 
quil T a plus de 44 ans quil a eu Thonneur de servir les Bois d' A^Agleterre 
en qualite de Capitaine en leurs armees, que luy et demoiselle Hamilton 
ont et^ convertis a la foy Catholique sous le regno de Jacques Seoond 
d'heureuse memoire ; Comme, 11 a eu part en la derniire expedition 
en Ecosse sous Jacques 3® il s'est trouv6 obligee de se refugier en Fiance 
avec une famille tres nombreuse ; En consideration de ses services le feu 
Boy et Beine d'Angleterre ont eu la bont6 de leur donner pension, mais 
depuis la mort de la Beine ils n'ont rien eu pour subsister ce qui lareduit 
a la derniere necessity — ^En. consideration du Due de Mar et du 
Comte de Melfort, M. de Beymond Introduc[teur] des Ambassadeurs a 
bien voulu representor ses miseres qui sont si grandes, quil se trouve 
obligor de suplier encor Yotre Grandeur d'avoir compassion de luy et 
de sa nombreuse famille tons convertis a la foy Catholique h St. Germain 
en Laye, et de leur accorder une pension ou gratification annuello sur 
les biens des Beligionnaires votre suppliant et sa famille prieront Dieu 
toute leur vie pour la Sant^ et prosperity de votre grandeur. 

^' Nous sussignez certifions que le supliant et demoiselle Hamilton son 
eponse sont gens de bonnes moeurs, que leur famille est tres nombreuse, 
et que les miseres quils ont soufiert les rendent tres dignes des graces 
quiLs demandent. Comme aussi un certificat donn4 par le llevSrend 
P^re Johnston ancien prieur des Benedictins Anglois fait foy portant 
date le 20® Mali 1723." Followed by the signatures and seal^ of De 
Dillon, the Duke of Mar, and the Earl of Melfort. 



Mr. Nairnb to the Chbvalibr Cabbaba. 

1725, March I7th, Bome. Letter (signed <' Naime **) touching the 
birth of the Old Pretender's second son. — " J'ay communique au Boy 
la lettre que vous m'avez fait I'honneur de m*ecrire a I'occasion de la 
naissance de notre nouveau Prince, et Sa Majesty a fort agr^ la 
part que vous aves prise dans cet evenement et m'a ordonnd de 
vous en remercier. Le Prince s'appelle Henry Benoit Marie, <&c., 
Due de York, et la Beine et luy se portent bien aussi bien que tout le 
reste de la famille Boyalle." 



234 



liORD Ealmebino, (signing himself "^R. Landeb ") to Mr. Gk)RDoN. 

Lockhart 
1726, April . "In your last you refer me to Mr. Dicksou 

the King the Queen, 

for ane account of the difference betwixt Mr. Corbet and Mr. Lambert 
I know he received your letter, but he has not told me one word of the 
contents, and I would not ask it of him, for I never desire to be 
admitted to any man's secrets further than he pleases, — so that I know 
veiy little of that unhappy affsAr. Pray doe not mistake this for a 
complaint, for I never complain of a thing which does not displease me. 
But, since I found by a former letter of yours that yow thought every 

Lockhart 
thing Mr. D^ write to yow (of any moment) was done by conmion 
consent, least that should lead yow sometimes into a mistake, I have 
taken this occasion to let yow know that I am quite ignorant of his 
doings, and therefore let me neither have the honour nor the blame of 
any thing he writes. Sometimes after a thing is done, he sends a near 
friend of his to let me know it. After all it is like he has somebody to 
advise with, and truely (till of late) I thought he had done nothing 

Hary Maule 
without Mr. Nonie (who is by far the wisest and ablest man he can 

Mr. H. Maule 
consult) but Norrie tells me it is otherways. Sometimes he writs 
without telling him anything, and sometimes he writs quite contrary to 

Mr. Maule 
his advice. This I tell you at the desire of Norrie, and likewayes I 
send a Memoriall of his drawing who submits it humbly to your 
judgement. — ^Here I want a name for a young gentleman. I must call 
him Mr. Ashton's youngest son. He has a near relation abroad who is 
in very hard circumstances. I had lately a visit from him, and he 
prayed me to mind yow of this, and to intreat yow to use the outmost 
of your interest to gett him supply'd either from that place where yow 
are or from elsewhere ; this I do most willingly, having a very great regard 

for his family [I*-S.] I have severaU coppys of a paper 

Streaton. 

which belonged to Mr. Jamison. They differ from one another in some 
things, and I know not which is the latest. Perhaps you'l know 
Mr. H. Maule 

Norrie better by the name of Mordant. Tho' I seldom write any news 
that concern either Church or State, yet if *I write to yow hereafter I 
will goe by the name of Bichard Bennet.'' — This letter is endorsed 
«Lord Balmerrino, April 16, 1726. N.B. He signs liis letters for 
the future Bichard Bennet." By writing over the fictitious names the 
real names of the individuals mentioned in the letter, some unknown 
annotator of the epistle has made it a good example of one of the 
precajutions taken by Jacobites in corresponding with one another. 



Jaices in., the Pretender, to the Grand Masteb of Malta. 

1784, September, &c. Draft of a letter moving the said Grand 
Master to gratify the Grand Prieur de France by accomplishing some 
matter, which the hitter would fain compass. Draft of secretarial pen- 
manship, with amendments by the Pretender's pen. 



235 



James III. the Pretender to Mb. Inneb. 

1734, September 1st, Rome. Draft letter of secretarial penmanship, 
^th corrections by the Chevalier's pen. — '* I have received yours of the 
16th August and two from Mr. Southcot of the 9th and 13th, and am 
mighty glad to find by the last that he thinks the whole affair in question 
finished; for as [for what relates to the miracles, that is properly an 
addition which will I suppose admit of little trouble and difficulty, but in 
the copying. I suppose the 3,000 livres you have given to Mr. Southcot 
will suffice for his ezpences. I shall expect his accompt, and as for what 
relates to the gratifications to be given there, and to the sending the 
Proems when finished hither, I have nothing further to add to what I have 
already writ on those heads, and when the whole affair is finished I shall 
then write a letter of thanks to the Official (as well as to the Archbishop) 
as Mr. Southcot proposes. I desire this letter may serve for both him and 

you, having nothing further to say on these subjects 

Upon what was mentioned from Paris, as if two witnesses for the Fama 
Sanctitatis were sufficient, I went and consulted Cardinal Piro (?), 
being in some doubt of a mistake in the matter, and his reply was the 
more witnesses there were of that kind the better, but that there should 
be at least 8, 10, or 12, as you will see by the lines he writes at the 
bottom of my Quere, which I here send you. So jou must see how-to 
rectify the omission, which I should think no hard matter, since wit- 
nesses of that kind may, I suppose, be easily found, and I see no reason 
why you may not take Frendi as well as subjects of my own for that 
purpose.'' — The miracles of which the Pretender wrote in successive 
letters to Messrs. Innes and Southcot, seem to have had some relation to 
the miracles that were at this time said to be wrought in the little church 
of St* Medard in Paris, at the tomb of the Deacon Francois de Paris, 
otherwise and more generaUy styled the '< Abbe " de Paris, who died at 
Paris in 1727, the thirty-eighth year of his age. In his Essays 
(£d. 1756, p. 190), Hume refers to the miracles that were said to have 
been wrought at the tomb of this religious enthusiast. 

James III. the Pretender, to Colonel O'Brien. 

1734, September 1st, [Rome].— "I have received yours of the 
16th August, Cart's letter to you, the minute of your letter to Mr. Win- 
nington. Colonel Bret's letter to you, his news and copies of the two letters 
therein mentioned, with your packet to Lord Dunbar, which shall be 
forwarded to him. I am disappointed in Cardinal Pleury's not dis- 
approving of my sons journey. One might hope that were a good 
sign, but I shall not easily flatter myself on such matters. In the 
mean time it is I think a little odd, as well as a little hard, that he will 
give me no extraordinary supply, but at that I am not suprised. — ^You 
did right to consult with Mr. De Chauvelin about Avery's messajge in 
relation to Walpole, and I see no inconvenience in what you were to 
write to Mr. Winnington, which will probably soon show us what there 
really is in that matter. But wherever Walpole is concerned, one 
cannot bee too cautious and circumspect ; his character and his cir- 
cumstances make it impossible to depend on him, though it would be 
still good to gain him, if one runs no risque by it, since one may be the 
better able to judge of his sincerity by the advances he may make, for 
which he will want little encouragement, if he thinks it his interest to 
serve me, and really intends to do so, and in any negociation relating to 
him I would have make no steps, but with the approbation of the 



236 

French ministers. — ^As to the letter to Mr. Pulteney intercepted, the 
fact is that for some years past neither Edgar nor I have writt but very 
seldom to anybody at Bnixelles, that I have no agent there, and that 
none of my English correspondence has passed that way for more than 
these three years, nor I belieye any letter of politick business been writ 
there during that time, tho' 'tis true some years ago I made use of the 
channel of a Nun there for some part of my English correspondence, 
and I believe the late Bishop of Kochester also sometimes employed the 
same person. I don't well understand what is said in the letter of 
Intelligence sent in March 1732 by Mr. Colman to Walpole ; but you 
know our hopes of France's undertaking something subsisted boUi 
before and after that time.^You know my good opinion of Colonel 
Bret, and I shall certainly be always glad to do what i? In my power to 
be kind to him, but I am unwilling to engage myself beforehand as to 
the choice of any person to be about my son, and I know not yet 
myself where he may make the next campaigne, or whether leave will 
be given him to inake it, tho' I think it very improbable that he will 
ever make another with the King of Naples, and I take it to be im- 
possible to get Colonel Bret into that King's service on account of hiii 

religion I received yesterday a letter from my son from 

Naples, and I expect him the week after next at Albano." — A draft 
letter of scretarial penmanship, with corrections in the handwriting of 
the Old Pretender. 



Jahes III., the Pretender, to the Duke of Obmonde. 

1784, September Ist, Borne.— •'' I have received your two letters 
of tho 9th and 16th August, and shan't faill to write out [of hand 
to Father Clerk in favour of Mr. De Magny, and I shall also mention 
that matter to the Spanish Minister here, which may do good, for as 
neither their CathoUck Majestys nor PaUgero writes to me, I cannot 
well write t<5 them, especially on private recommendations. The Court 
of Spain's conduct towards me is certainly mighty particular, for at the 
same time that my son's reception and treatment during his present 
journey leaves me nothing to desire in that respect, their behaviour 
towards me in other matters is much the same as it was. My next to 
you will probably be from Albano, where I expect my son in 10 or 12 
days. By what Colonel O'Bryeu writes to me, I find Cardinal Fleury 
does not disapprove of my son's journey as I expected he would have 
done. I wish that may proceed from his being less afifrayd of the 
English Government, and that he may not oppose my son's oiaking the 
next Campaigne in Lombardv. The Grand Prior of France is now 
here, he is going with his galleys to Marsailles, and will probably pass 
by Avignon from thence in his way to Paris. He showed great civilitiea 
to my sou at Naples and expresses particular attachment to me." — A 
draft letter of secretaiial penmanship, with corrections by the 
Chevalier's pen. 

James III., the Pretender, to Lord Invskmbss. 

1734, September Ist, Bome.— '<Tho' Edgar and I had not lOQ 
thousand men under our command, we have so many Miserias to attend 
to, that we have sometimes little time to spare, which is the case this 
day. However, I will not faill letting you know we are all well, and 
that I expect my son at Albano in 10 or 12 days. lu your letter of the 
16th you confound him with his brother, for it was the last came into 



237 

the world, contnuy to all ezpectatioa and the natural course of such 
matters. I know not whether you'll see the G-rand Prior of France, 
who is now here in his way to Marsailles and so to Paris. He is a 
young man of merit, and expresses much attachment for me, after 
havine shewed great civilities to my son at Naples. Adieu Dr. John." 
— A draft letter of secretarial penmanship. 

Jaubs in., the Pretender, to Messrs. Innrs and Southcot. 

1734. September 1st, Rome. Draft of a letter (of secretarial 
penmanship, with amendments by the Pretender's pen) about an affair 
of business and the witnesses requisite for its accomplishment. 

Jambs IIL, the Pretender, to his son Ohables Edward, ^tat 14. 

1734, September 3rd, Home. — ** I have received, my dear child, your 
two notes of the 28th and 29th August, and hope in answer to this you 
wiU show me that you have profited of my last letter, which I recommend 
you to read over now and then. Your last indisposition will, I hope, 
contribute to make you more temperate in your dyet, which I also 
earnestly recommend to you. When you take leave of ite King of Naples, 
you will return him thanks in a proper manner for his goodness to you, 
and nsk him the continuation of his friendship, adding compliments in 
the Queen's name and mine, with our acknowledgements to him on your 
account. I hope to see you now in a few days, and in the mean time 
I beseech God to bless you, and give you grace to apply yourself, and 
improve in all respects as you ought, I being yet more sollicitous 
about that '^ihan about your health, as dear as it is me."— Draft letter 
by a secretary's hand. 

James tIT., the Pretender, to Mr. O'Bourks. 

1734, September 3rd, 10th, Rome, 24th [Albano^. Three draft 
letters by a secretary's hand. — Speaking, in the letter of 3rd September, 
of his son's movements, the Pretender says : ** You will have been 
*^ snrprized at the shortness of my son's campaigne, but I hope to obtain 
** leave for hiib to make a longer one next year ; he is at Naples in good 
** health, but I expect him in some days at Albano." In the letter of 
10th September he says : " The Spaniards are landed in Sicily, where it is 
<< said they were received with great joy. I saw our good Pope yesterday; 
'< who is in wonderful good health for his age. I thank G-od we are all 
<' well here, and the Queen is, I think, something better ; but the 
*^ Doctors are of opinion she had better not go to stay at Albano. So 
** she will only come there sometimes and return at night." On 24th 
September the Pretender, writing probably from Albano, says : <' I am 
** glad to receive so particular an account from you about Bishop 
^ Strickland. It is, I think, noways improbable that he may be 
*^ employed by the Court of Vienna in some politick negociation, but I 
<* scarce believe the Emperor will prevail with the English to declare 

** for him this year The Queen was here yesterday, and 

<< I thank God, all the family is well." 

Jambs III., the Pretender, to Lobd Dunbab. 

1734, September 3rd, Rome. — "In return to this, let me know 
precisely the day you will be at Albano, because I would be tliere when 



238 

the Duke of Berwick arrives, and, with mj kind complim6at8. 70a will 

t^ him that he will find me there Yon will have done 

very well to carry my son to Princess Belvidere*s» and it will be 'also- 
fit he should either make a visit to Princess della Bochella, or show her 
at least some other particular civility as you may find convenient, on 
account of her attachment to ue. Yon will take care that my son, in 
consequence of what I now write to him, speak in a proper manner to* 
the King of Naples, in taking leave of him. It wiU be also fit you> 
should make a compliment to Count St. Estafan on his account in the 
Queen's name and mine, and yon will also make a compliment in 
mine to the Duke and Duchess of Madalona and to Don Lellio, as well' 
as to the Prince and Princess Moqtemileto if you see them, and to 
Mons^ De Bissj, Count Charny, and such others as you may think 
proper " — ^Draft letter of secretarial penmanship. 



James III.9 the Pretender, to the Lobd Mabisgelal. 

1734, September 6th, Rome. — " I am apt to believe 

this wiU still find you in Spain, if not at Court ; for, if there be any 
appearance of a rupture with England, you will not probably be allowed 
to go out of Spain at this time. I expect my son back in a few days 
from Naples, and shall go to Albano to meet him and stay with him 
there for the rest of the Villagiatura.*' 

A draft of secretarial penmanship, with a single word inserted by 
the Chevalier's pen. 



James III., the Pretender, to Father Clerk. 

1734, September 6th, Home. — After speaking gratefully of the 
attentions rendered to his son by the King of Naples, the Court, and the 
Spanish army, and of the leave he has given Mr. Butler to return to- 
Ireland, the Pretender observes : *^ Yoicy la neuvieme annee qui courre 
'^ des arrerages de ma pension. Je n'ai touche meme que pen de celles 
*^ que Le Boy Catholique a eu la bont^ de donner a mes enfans. II y a 
" quelque ann^s. Je ^ous prie de solliciter vivement le payement de 
^ ces arrerages, car je suis seur que ce n*est pas I'intention du Boy 
^ Catholique de me laisser dans I'estat ou me reduit le manquement de 
*^ ces secours." — Draft letter of secretarial penmanship, with amendments 
by the Pretender's pen. ; 



James III., the Pretender, to Mr. Butler. 

1734, September 6th, Bome. — Beflecting with asperity on the little 
od that has hitherto come to him from Father Clerk's presence at the 
ourt of Spain, the Pretender observes : <' I should naturally speaking 
- write to their Catholick Majestys and Palino about you, but they not 
'^ having answered my letters by Lord Marischal seems to be a sort of 

" forbidding me to write any more The conduct of 

«( that Court towards me is really incomprehensible, but at least in the 
'' mean time their behaviour in relation to my son is both useful and 

'< satisfactory If Lord Marischal is with you, show him 

" this letter and the enclosed copy." — ^Draft letter of secretarial 
penmanship, with amendments by the Pretender's pen. 



gOOi 

Coi] 



Jambs III., the Pretender, to Colonbl O'Brikn. 

1784, September 7th, Eome. — ". . . . B7 what Lord' 
*^ Marisehal writes to me I perceive he believes that a courier lately 
** arrived in Spain from England brought some account relative to the 
*^ English Gk>vemment's declaring for the Emperor. The motion the 
** English fleet has latelj made looks like it, tho' in the mean time the 
** Spaniards are actually landed in Sicily, so that it will scarce be in 
*^ their power now to render the Emperor much service in this comitry^ 
^^ I expect my son and the Duke of Berwick in a few days at Albano^ 
*^ where I intend to be before their arrival, and so shall keep till I see 
^ Lord Dumbar (sic) the packet you now send for him/' — Draft letter 
of secretarial penmanship, with corrections by the Pretender's pen. 



Jambs III., the Pretender, to Mb. Innbs. 

1734, S^tember 7th, Rome. — ** I have received yours of the 23rd 
** August from Mr. Southcot from Cambray of the I9th, who has also 
'* sent hither his accompts. I don't write to him at present, having no 
** new directions to send, since what relates to the miracles wiU be 
^^ determioed, I suppose, before this reaches you, and that I understand the 
*' citing the witnesses pro Fama Sanctitatis does not belong to the 
^ person commissioned by me. So that till I know what is doing in 
** relation to the mii'acles, or have a return to what I writ last post about 
'* encreasing the number of the witnesses, I shall probably have little to 
** say more on those matters. I should think Mr. Southcot might have 
** attended this affair a little more closely, but there is no help for that, and 
** I hope notwithstanding it will yet be soon well ended, and when that is, 
** 1 shall pay of[f] Mr. Southcot, who I find has ahnost spent the 3,000- 
'' livres was given him, tho' he does not demand that I should idlow 
** of all the expences in the accompt he sends here. Should he want 
'^ more money, you must give it him, and let me know more or less how* 
** much more, if any more, be requisite for you to have in your power, 

** to payoff the other expences " — Drafl letter of 

secretarial penmanship, with corrections by the Pretender's pen. 



James HE., the Pretender, to Lord Inverness. 

1734, September 7th, Bome. — ** 1 have received yours of the 23rd* 
^ August, and am going in a few days to Albano to meet the Duke of 
** Berwick and my son, the sending of whom to the Army is, I find, 
^* much applauded by the publick, and his good behaviour much spoke 
^* of, which is a great comfort to me." — Draft letter of secretarial 
penmanship. 

Ladt Nithsdalb to Ladt Mabt Hebbbrt. 

1734, September 9th [Eome]. — Letter stating that the King 
(James III.) is of opinion that it would be improper " for him to make 
any such request to the Pope " as Lady Mary is moving him to make to 
His Holiness, and that his Majesty cannot see what great advantage 
would ensue to Lady Mary even u His Holiness should grant the 
request, as her '^ own rank as an English Duke's daughter is 
" considered everywhere," whilst " the " titles the Pope gives don't 
'' always meet with, even at Rome, the respect that is due to them."— 



240 

Draft letter of secretarial penmanship, with corrections by the Pretender's 
pen. 

James III., the Pretender, to Colonel O'Brien. 

1734, September 14th, Albano. — " I. have received your two 
letters with a packet for Lord Dumbar (nc), which I hope he will answer 
himself from hence this post, for I expect my son here to-night : his 
short campaign has hitherto had even n better effect than could have 
been expected, and I doubt not of its doing great good in England* 
I am not surprised that the English Gtoverament should be uneasy at 
his joining the Spanish army, for every body must certainly conclude 
from, that circumstance, that Spain is not affrayd of the English Govern- 
ment, and they have no doubt little i*eason to be it at present, since the 
surprizing success they have met with, and what is now passing in 
Sicily, as you will see by the printed account I here send you, leaves 
them little to fear for their conquests in Italy. I have myself very much 
reason to be pleased with the Court-s of Spain and Naples in relation to 
my son, but at the same time I have no direct correspondence by letter 
with those two Courts, and I have no great hopes of receiving money 
from Spain, where not only all payments are made very irregularly, but 
even the old Queen Dowager of Spain was not many months ago in a 
starving condition, and I heard lately that a great sum had been once 
due to a merchant for the Queen of Spain's clothes, and that she was 
cot little displeased at it, but Paligeno in those matters does I believe 
what he thinks tit, and, tho* I suffer myself by want of payment, yet I 
am persuaded that does not proceed from any motive which should 
diminish my hopes in that Court in greater matters. If France were as 
little affrayed of England as Spain seems to be, they would act I should 
think very differently from what they do in relation to my interest, but 
in the present disposition of that Court and publick affairs I approve of 
your having delayed proposing to them the Prince's making a carapaigne 
next year. There is time enough to take measures in that respect, and 
I shall be able to judge better of what steps may be tit to be taken in it 
upon what M^. Chauvelin may say to you, if you insinuate as from 
yoursdf something on that subject to him. But in the mean time, I am 
fully convinced that his making a campaigne some where or other is 

absolutely necessary I am sorry our friends in England 

should seem so unactive in this critical juncture, but I much fear they 
wont easily alter their ways. At least I dispair of their doing it on any 
thing I can say to them ; for they are not ail like Colonel Cecil and 
some few more, and it is not a few can do what we want, but with all 
that, if there be no peace next Spring, we have certainly humanely 

speaking much to hope fbr " — ^Draft letter of secretarial 

penmanship, with amendments by the Pretender's pen. 



James III., the Pretender, to Lobd Inverness. 

1734, September 14th, Albano. — **I have received yours of the 
30th in this place, where I came yesterday morning to wait for 
the Prince, whom I expect every moment, it being near one 
a clocke at night, tho' he has a great days journey of it, being to 
come from Mola without sleeping. This short campaigne of his is 
much talked of, and will I am persuaded have very good effects, and he 
did no doubt behave very well, tho' on like occasions the world some- 
times even exaggerates in good September 15th, 



241 

The Prince arrived here last night about one a clocke Italian, he i» 
mifirhty well. The Kini; of Naples gave him two Spanish horses. 
Adieu." — Diufi letter of secretarial penmanship. 



Jaues III., the Pretender, to the Duke of Osmonde. 

1734, September 14, Albano. — ** I came here yesterday 

morning and the Prince arrived here to-night in very good health. I 
have the satisfaction to find that his short campaigne has had a very 
good effect already, where it has been talked of, and it will I am per- 
suaded do much good in England, where the news of it was already 
arrived, and the English Oovernment is I hear alarmd at it, and it does 
no doubt show them that the Court of Spain is not affrayd of ttiem. . 

• . . " — Draft letter of secretarial penmanship. 



James III., the Pretender, to the Duke of Berwick. 

1734, September 16th, Albano. — *^ .... I am ' much pleased 
at what you say in relation to my I^rd Dumbar (sic) and to my 
son, who I hope will continue to profit of the good education he ha» 
had. He arrived here-on Tu^ay night in very good health, and makes 
his kind compliments, as do the Duke and the Queen who dined here 

to-day When yon take leave of the King of Naples, 

I desire you will return him thanks in the most obliging manner in the 
Queen's name and mine for all his kindness to my son. I hope now in a 
few days to have the satisfaction of seeing you here.'' — Draft letter of 
secretarial penmtoship, with amendments by the Pretender's pen. 

James III., the Pretender, to the Duchess of Berwick. 

1734, September 19th, Albano. — **] received last week yours of 
the 23rd of August, the contents of which I take most kindly of you ; 
you cannot doubt of the satisfaction I should have in seeing any of your 
family, but as for the collar, I having designed it for the present Duke 
of Berwidc, to whom I had already given the Medal of the Order, I 
wish you would keep it, and deliver it to him when you see him, which, 
will probably be very soon, since I expect him here this week in his way 
to Paris ; I always had with reason a particular kindness for him, but it 
is noiv much encreased by his care and affection towards my son, who,. 
returne<l here a few days ago in very good health, as I heartily wish this 
may find vou, having for you and yours the most sincere and affectionate 
kindness. ' — ^Draft letter of secretarial penmanship, with corrections by 
the Pretender's pen. 

James III., the Pretender, to Mb. Cholibb. 

1734, September 20th, [Albano].— '< Monaeur le President Cholier,. 
J'ai receu votre lettre du 27 Aout trop flattense pour le Prince mon 
Filsy mais rempli£ dcs expressions de votre ancient et constant xele 
et attachement pour moi et ma fomllie. Nous y somineB ezt^mement 
sensible, La Beine et moy, et je vous prie de center toujonrs sur 
I'estime et la consideration particuliere que j'ai pour vous, et sur mon 

desir de vous en donner des marques en toutes occasions " — 

Draft -note of secretarial penmanship, with corrections lyjr the Pretender's, 
pen. 

a 884SS. Q 



242 

Jame» III., tbe Pretender, to Colonel 0'Bbibn« 

1734, September 22iid, Albano.-^^' I have reoeived yonr letter of 
the 6th with a paper of the propoisitiolis q£ the Maritime powers; 
Boiidar*s news and a letter of Bingleys, none of which I retarn to you. 
I have also the quarterly Bill for which I here send you my usual 
receipt. You will have heard before yon get this of the advantage the 
Germans have got in Lombardy, which circumstance will not I 
imagine facllif^te any prbject of peace. 1 remark' what passed between 
you and Mr. Chauvelin, you do well to speak to him sometimes, but 
till England declares, I fear we have little to expect from! him. What 
he said to you of my sen was very agreeable to me. The brother is, I 
thank God; quite well again and, as much as one can judge of a child 
of his age, promises yet more than the Prince, whom I sent to Rome 
on Monday to pay his respects to the Pope after his journey, being 
glad of a natural occasion of his seeing the Pope alone, and I have 
heard since that His Holiness was pleased with him. — I am sorry 
you send me no better account of the Duchess of Bouillon; 
Prince James in a languishing sort of conditioo, but he may linger on 
so a long while. He was much pleased to hear of my son's 
journey. — I am sorry to find poor Bingley so uneasy, but you must do 
your best to encourage him that he may not quitt the Duke of 
Ormonde, for he is certainly an hionest m^n, and it is good to be sure 
to have such a one about that Duke. I expect the Duke of Berwick 
here the end of the week, and the Queen at dinner to-morrow. The| 
Doctors having thought it more advissable that she should not 
remain here. She is much as she was in health, which I wish may not 

be affected by the change of the season "—Draft letter of 

secretarial penmanship, with corrections by the Pretender's pen. 

Jahbs III., the Pretendefi to Mk. Innbs. 

17,34, September 22nd, Albano. — " I was mighty glad to see by yours 
of the 6th that your were able to write me an account of your being quite 
recovered. £ am not surprized at your present opinion on some matters, 
after what I had communicated to you upon them, but after that, I am 
not, I thank God, of the number of those, who cannot bear that other 
people should be of a different opinion from them, tho' the truth is, in 
some matters, when rightly stated, all reasonable people will think alike. 
I send you a letter for the Duchess of Berwick, who, having writ to me 
that her son would bring me the Collar of the Order, I have desired 
her to keep it for to deliver it to the present Duke of Berwick, for 
whom I had designed it, but in the way I have writ to her, she cannot 
reasonably be ofrended at what I say, and Lord Dumbar (sic) teils me 
that the Duke is eatisfyed, his brother cannot pretend reasonably to the 
Garter. — I have no more to say about the affair of our Process, after 
what I writ to you on the 7th of this month. I see this affair will cost 
a good dele of money, but provided it is well ended, I should not grudge 
it. My son is returnd to me, thank God, in good health, and his good 
behaviour and the good effect his journey has had gives me a great 
dele of comfort, as it will I am sure to all who wish me well, and to 
you in particular, whom mj' constant kindness ever attends.*'— Draft 
letter of secretarial penmanship, with corrections by the Pretender's pen. 

Jahes III., the Pretender, to Lord Inverness. 

1734, September 22nd, Albano. — "I have received yours •f the 
6th. My sons good behaviour is prodigiously talked of, and is a 



243 

^r7 gf^t' aomhrt to me. -JI^ was M.Bome iV^kier. ,4aj to pay 
iag rmpeob to ..the Pope alone, and I, hcHyr .|iif( J^oUpesa was well 
]plcM0ed with .hinu- I baye all reason to hopeiibhat his biv^ther. will 
not be inferior to- him when he makes his appearance in the world 
ibr' at present he promiises at least as much,, and, I .ba,Ye also the 
sAtisfaction to aee they Ioto one anq^er veiy well, tho' I believe the 
Diike^B affliction on bis brothera journey proeeed^ii as much froip 
emulation as tenderness. I am in OHieh pain for pooF' Sir Thomas, hm 
I hope there is no danger 4n .hi^ a>ils«. and that he .will he here the 
beginning of next month. I expect the Duke of Berwick here at the 
end of the week. I know not yet what road he takes to Paris, but I 
imagine he will go thither .straight without passing bj Avignon. I am 
reallj extremely pleased with him and am sorry to see him leave this 
comtry, where I.believe he is not like to return. Edgar writes to you 
about the Berline. The Queen dines here to-morrow, and it being late 
I shall bid yon good night, having nothiiu; more to saj at present. 
Ajdieu.''' — ^Draft letterrof secretarial penmanship. 



Jav£^ III., the Pretender, to Mft^' Southcot. 

1734, September 27th, Albano. — ^** I did not press the answering your 
letters of the 19th and 27th August and 2nd September, in one of which 
was your accompt, having little to say in answer to them after what I 
jha<| already writ on the subject of our proems, which I would fain see 
eoon and well ended, and if that can be dope without the inconvenience 
of your being at a distance frozigi your own affairs at Paris, where you 
must be of an unavoidable expence to me, so much the better. Enfin^ 
it is your zeal and prudence, and prudei^e must direct jou in this affair, 
which I should be glad, i{ possible, to see finished under your care, and 
when all is oVer we will make up 9ur acQompts together as to the 
evpencesyfor it may be that you may still^ obliged to lay out more 
money on my account •....• You will be glad to hear of the 
Prince's safe return to me, siler a short journey which I hope will have 
a lasting good effect. . w . . . . September 28th. Since what's 
above I received yours of the 10th, in which you send me a French letter 
which I here return to you. You will place the small gratification to be 
^ven to the Uuissier to what further accompt you may have occasion 
to send. You will have seen by what I writ some time ago about new 
witnesses, that this affair was not quite so near finished as you thought. 
Aa for your returning or not to Paris, and deputing another to act 
in your rooms (sic) I need say nothing here, for I reckon all that will 
be determined before this letter can reach Paris, and I doubt not of 
your actincc in relation to those particulars, as you will deem most 
expedient for finishing the affair soon aud well." — Draft letter of secre- 
tarial penmanship, with corrections by the Pretender's pen. 

James III., the Pretender, to Lord Inverkess. 

1734, September 28th, Albano—" ... * You will hear 
of the bloody doings in Lombardy, but I have not yet heard a 
positive and particular account of these . matters, tho' I make no 
doubt of the French having the advantage in what has happened, 
since the Germans passing the Secchia. Ho my great satisfaction 
the Duke bf Ormond has at last dc^tenained • i^epkey's claim;?, and 
in consequence of the decision I n^w Bea4 th^.- I)i4^: . pf' Ormond 

Q 2 



244 

an order for 100/., and send hint over and above for Zeckj aa 
obligation of his to Belloni for 200 crowns, which is giving him so much 
more than the Duke of Ormond determined, so that now I am at liberty 
to let mjself be no further troubled b)' this troublesome gentleman, whe 
I am sorrj should have acted so odd a part, but I am persuaded that 
what has passed as to him for some moneths past will have a verj good 
effect for my service, aud even for my ease for the future, by showing 
people in England how little they ought to mind the tracasseries and 
idle talk on this side the sea .... • •" — ^Draft letter of secret 
tarial penmanship. 

JFahes IU., the Preteuder, to the Duke of Ormonde. 

1734, September 29th, Albano. — ^'I . - . . shall now 

begin with telling how kindly I take of you your deciding in the 
affair of Mr. Hamilton's claims, and I lose no time in sending you here 
inclosed an Order upon Waters for the value of 100 pound Stirling pay- 
able to your Order, and you will also find here an obligation of Mr. Hamd- 
ton for 200 crowns lent him by Belloni, which I desire you will send to 
him with 100 pound, and which is in reality giving him so much over 
and above, but I was desirous in this affair to do rather too much than 
too little, and to put both myself and you in a situation of not allowing 
ourselves to be any further troubled on Mr. Hamilton's account, who i 
am persuaded will not be satisfied with your determinations. But 
having once complyed with it myself I shall be easy on the point of 
Justice, and as for favor I am sure I have none to ;Mr. Hamilton at 
present. For notwithstanding what he may have said to you in relation 
to his future conduct, by what he has writ since to Edgar and me, he 
sticks to his two letters to the Queen and the Prince as not being onduty- 
full and disrespectf uU to me ; so that he appears no ways disposed to> 
alter his way of thinking, which is indeed at present of very litue conse^ 
quence but to himself. A.11 1 have to add further on this subject is to 
desire you, if you write to Mr. Hamilton in sending him his obligation to 
Belloni and about the 100 pound, to be a little cautious in saying any- 
thing on that occasion, which he' niay be able any way to make use of 
to impose on people as if I were satisfied with him, not thinking it for 
my service that it should be thought that I were it with a person of his 
sentiments and in the dispositions Mr. Hamilton appears to be. I like 
very well your thought in general of my having, as one may call it, a 
minister incognito at Madrid, for in that shape I really think he may be 
of more use, and I remark what you say in relation to Sir Charles Wogan 
and Mr. Oxburgh, but I am not inclined to take any hasty resolution 
in that particular ; for in the present situation of that Court I see little 
good any minister of mine would do there, and I am so low at present 
in money matters^ that I am not in a condition to make any but necessary 
ezpenoes. Lord Marischal, I find,*has given up his Cypher and Instruc- 
tions to Mr. Butler ; and when the last leaves the Court, I can always 
apply to the Spanish minister at Bome or Father Clerk upon any 
occasion, [and] am still master when I please to appoint a minister of my 

own to reside at the Court of Spain " — ^Draft letter of 

secretarial penmanship, with corrections by the Pretender's pen. 

Jambs III., the Pretender, to Colonel O'Bbiek. 

1784, September 29th, Albano.— <* Though the 

Prince of Astoriaa wis oat of danger from his late illness, yet I hear aa 



245 

if there were some reason to apprehend his beine subject to melanchoUy 
distempers like his father, but whatever may be in that, it is I think 
verj probable the King of Naples will become King of Spain at last, 
which makes it of the more consequence that my son should have 
had some acquaintance with hin), and I believe the King has even a 
personal tenderness for him. At least I know he writ favorably of him 
to the Queen his mother. .... The Duke of Ormond has at last 
decided in the affair of Mr. Hamilton's claims on me, and thinks if I 

S've 100/. sterling it is sufficient, and so this post I send the Dake of 
rmond an order for that moniey, and with it an obligation of Mr. 
Hamilton's to Belloni for 200 Bomam Crowns, which is in reality giving 
him so much more over and above. But in this affair I was glad to do 
rather more than enough. I imagine Mr. Hamilton will not be satisfyed 
with this determination, but after my complying with it, I need not 
-allow myself to be any further troubled about him. ...... ." — 

Draft letter of secretarial penmanship, with corrections by the Pretender's 
pen. 

The Prince's service in the Spanish Army, of which the Pretender 
speaks so often, was his presence at the Siege of Gaeta. 



CoLONXL James Gasdiner to the Bsv. Doctor Dodd&idoe, 
at Northampton. 

174§, January 24th, . An interesting exhibition of the writer's 

religious fervour and disposition, this letter is disfigured by the editorial, 
touches put ui)on it by the pen of the Addressee, who became the Colon eVs 
unsatisfactory bi<^apher. The Colonel was the religions enthusiast 
and brave soldier, who fell at PrestonPans, fighting against the Jacobite 
rebels. 



DiSBURSKMENTS by the Deputt Chamberlain of Arotll. 

1745, August 6th. Accompt of Disbursements for the service of the 
Government, at the desire of Lieutenant-Colonel John Campbell, and 
Achibald Campbell of Stonfield Deputy Sheriff of Argyll, and Deputy 
Lieutenants within the Shire of Argyll, paid by John Campbell Deputy 
Ohamberlain of Argyll, fix>m the 6th day of April 1745. 



John Erskine to the Bev. Charles Wsslet. 

1745, September 9th. Millbank.— " Very dear Sir, I wrote to 
you by last post but one. I am told not to go to Scotland at all, and 
indeed, as it is believed [as] things are there, if I went I could hardly 
miss falling in the young Pretender's hands. General Cope, who 
commands the forces in Chief in Scotland, on the Young Chevalier's 
landing in the West Highlands, sent up a plan ci operations to the 
Begency, which was to march through the Highlands with all oar 
King's troops, and attack him before he gathered strength. The 
answer was approving and ordering him to execute it, but to t«lk thereof 
to Duke Argylle then in Scotland. His Grace said it was wrong, and 
that the Singes forces being so few should be kept at Sterfa'ng, the great 
pass between the North and South, and if thereby the Chevalier should 
get leave to overrun all the Highlands and Northerly Countys (f of 
Scotland) yet the Southern part and that called the West would be 
safe, and when our King got more troops, the Chevalier would easily be^ 



246 

driven from the Northerly, and if Cope ^ith his h«ndfiill of men 
ventured through some strut narrow passes in the Hrghland monntains, 
a very few could destroy him, and they not lose a man. This being 
represented to the Regency, they notwithstanding ordered him to perf orme ' 
his first plan; and the orders being sent by Marqnis Tweeddale, 
Secretary for Scotland, were drawn so peremptorily and angry, that 
there was no latitude left him to delay or vary. So he marched, and 
advancing to a place among the mountains called Dallwhinyie, where' 
the road be was to take towards Fort William (within a few miles of 
which the Ohevaliet landed) goes to the left hand, and finding he could 
be quite routed in the straight passes by ^ of his number and-th^ 
ennemy not lose a man, he took the right hand road, which goes to the 
town of Inverness (which is a fine ^lace), from thence intending to 
march and attack the Chevalier by a better and safer road. But this 
put him at about 50 or 60 miles distance from the ChevaKer, who 
thereupon marched down to Dallwhinnyie without opposition, and 
thence to Blair of AthoUe (the chief seat of the Duke of that name), 
and rested there abodt a day or two, to get the Atholle and Lord Perth's 
highlanders to join him, and then marched for Stirlmg. At the last 
rebellion, the old Duke of Atholle was alive, and went not into the 
rebellion, nor yet his 2nd son, but [the] eldest did and was attainted of 
High Treason. On the old Duke's death, the estate and title 
descending to the attainted eldest son, would have [been] forfeited ; 
but to prevent tiiis, an Act of Pleurliament was passed, fixing the 
succession of both in the 2nd son, who accordingly is Duke <if Atholle an4 
Lord of the Isle of Man (his grandmother was a daughter of Earl Darby's)* 
Now the eldest son is with the Chevalier, and if they should have 
success would take all from his 2nd brother ; and the Highlanders 
being much attached to the lineal succession and what is called the. 
right of blood, it is thought probable they will follow the eldest, and so 
join the Chev^er. Lord Perth is popish, as the &mily has been since 
the late King James's time, when his grandfather was Chancellor of 
Scotland, and his brother Earl Mellfort Secretary of State, ^nd both 
turned popish and bigotted, and fbUowing King James to France. ' It 
is feared iJiat the Chevalier is now in possession, not only of Sterling but 
of Edinburgh ; and except one regiment of Dragoons, which is ' at 
Edinburgh, our E[ing has no forces in Scotland stall, but those of 
General Cope at Inverness,' which by the highland road (and the nearest)' 
that he marched, is upwards of 100 miles north of Sterling, and Sterling 
is called 24 miles north-west from Edinburgh, but here you would 
reckon it more than 30. SheH^f-Muir, which is about four miles from 
Sterlings and on the north side as Sterling is on the south side of the 
Biver Ii'orth, Us the place where the battle was the last rebellitvii, at 
which the rebells were driven back, and the King's troops ^turiied to 
Sterling, and waited there tiU more troops joined Siem^ ai^ particulariy 
some regiments of Diitch and Swiss, which forced the Preteuiler to fiy 
to France, ahd Qux,.Kio^» troops marching thraug)l^ tl^e {lighlao^ 
reduced them 9i\ tff.H^ Majesty's obedience. At that.time the pcoplsi 
about Gla^ow and fartlier we^ who aremosthrtpresbyterianvandz^oaS; 
for protestancy ackd. the revolution (and swecod, c?Hiyi. a^d Uoo^jT: 
persecution soon after the Bestoratiqn till the Bevoliition)^ .sent *abput 
5,000 men in arms on their own charges to the.£ang*A iQa<np-9k|^.Sterli9g. 
but afterwards complained that they were w^o^lj ths^ei ,.qx f¥9^y^ 
by the.Qovemmient fpr^^is (^rvio^and s^id ^y^.w^uli ^^M9^Jb«^, 
so forwal-d. I have not beard tl^at any of -tlienv now.ba^r^ 9ffii^^.^ 
take arms, nor thfit .any orders or .wmrcanls for ara^iqg ^figi^^ .^ 



247 

rebelis haye been seift to such in the Highlands, who we h4^r.di4 offer 
their service to the Government. But we are tpld that Sir^ Alexander 
McDonald, Mr. McLeod (member of Parliament for the County of 
Inverness) and Lord Lovat, men of great interest, and iwho cfa rause 
many bold, hardy, fighting fellows, have assured the Goverajnentthat 
they wU^ not assist the Ohevalier. Thusi except that one regiment at 
Edinburgh, there is nothing in th^ South of Scotland, to^. oppose the 
Chevalier; and, if he be at Edinburgh, Cope is upwacda of 130: miles 
north from him the nearest way, and cannot return but. ei^er through 
the Highlands (where I fear there are still more than enough to fati'oa him 
in his march, if on the Chevalier's, success they take [ ] in their head^), 
or about by the Eastern coast, which though not HighUnds^is a. i much 
longer march, and incumbered with fenys and large '..rivers. 

• •. Thursday, 10 Sfsptember. The ChevaLi^ was not 

so far a^ Sterling, when the last post came oS; 300 of hia men had 
seized the Town of Perth. Your brother having read the Sumof /Savin ff 
Knowledge Spc.^ thought it too Calvinistia He. told me so^in the 
presence of five or six others, in my own room, Friday la^ ,'., i> y , . 
I did not see him again, hut a short start last Lord's day between the 
evening sermon and the meeting of the Society at the Foundry. Among 
other very good things he said to the societv, I waa exoeediiig gM of . 
the moderation and brotherly communion he advised th^ to, with 
regard to Mr. Whitefields people. May the Lord prosper you all in 
the Work of the Gkxspel and lUot partyship. Dear sir, most faithfully 
yours — J. E.'* . / 

John !^bskine to the Rbv. Chasies Weslet, 

1745, Septemfber dOth, London. ^'My dear Friend, the ihcToijed 
wad aeht too late to the post house, Saturday last. I had hot, room 
to notice jour many kind expressions. None of them are losst on 
me, * • • • • YThen the young Chevalier came to Edinburgh, he 
o^ tbe Satfufday night sent to each of the Ministers in the. City. 
that they might preach next day <&c., as usual, ttut, if they woiili^ [pi^ayj 
at all for King, Innee, ibc., be desired them to keep in gehetal and to 
name none; > The bells rung nesX day at the usual hours for the forenobn 
and nftennoon 'service^ but no Minister went to a pulpit^ not^ 'daring 
to.pcay for Kin^ George by namej nor willing to forb^r it (as 1 ' 
8U|>po6e) if Aey appeared at aQ. But whether they fled fromi t)ie city 
on the Che^lier's approach, I have not learned. I suppose the Episcopal 
or Church of .England men have continued in their meeting houses as 
befiore, fqr they never prayed otherwise for King, Prince^ <fec.,' than sis 
the Chevalier enjoined the Presbyterians of the Established Church. 
— ^The battle, that was between the Chevalier and our King's forces,* was 
upon the estate I have six miles on this side of Edinburgh, and the Preston 
jou see mentioned in the Gazette is my house, gardens and incIosur€t& 
and Presfon-PauuB, a villagohard by, the best part of which is niine. I 
don't yet hear of any dam^e my estate has suffered, if it b^.PjG^ Jl^redd^f 
down sboie 'of my walls.-^The victory gained by the ChevaU^r iqppei^ft 
to'hiive been compleat,and they say his Highlanders fought Q^e enraged 
fniini, an^ drove all down before them in less than \ of hooi:./: Qeneral 
Cope got soon to the town of Lauder 12 or 14 miles tfaen^Of aod over 
hills.'. Tfite dragoons behaved abominably. Colopel Qardi^^eii^ if|nditlg! 
he ec^ld not 'Stop the flight of his regiment of dragoons^ put bi^elf'Oni 
foerl'iiit^^ fafead of the foot forces, and was so mortally woimd^ thift.he 
dyed. I hear the Chevalier visited him in his woundls and spoke civilly 



248 

to him; and I am told Gardiner said to him, ^You are come, Sir, to 
8eek a temporal crown, and I am going to get a crown of glory.' He 
was an honest, brave fellow, and I believe a reall Christian, as for many 
jestn he professed to be. His lady is my kinswoman and of the same 
name and fiimilly, and his honse and land was divided from mine at 
Preston only by the high way. I find our people here speak of the 
Chevaliers army as but about 4,000 strong. How then came they to 
^hm so complete a victory over Cope ? And yet the Chevalier had 
many not there ; and of those there, 'tis said that only 2,000 were 
engadged, having so suddenly done their business, that the rest had 
nothing to do. This seems to have been partly owing to the cowardice 
of the regiments of dragoons, both Irish. 'Tis reported by both sides 
that the Chevalier till he came to Edinburgh was dr^sed in the 
Highland habit ; that at crossing the Forth and other rivers he was the 
first who jumped in ; that he goes to the King's Palace at Edinburgh to 
hold his Levees, and receive company, but lies every night in his tent in 
the Camp, and eats there and dines on bread and a bit of cold roast beef 
or mutton, or any scraps ; that he headed his men and went on with 
them at the battle ; that on his standard, and the cockades his men wear 
there is on one side a Crown and on the other a Cofiin, with some such 
motto as this * The one or the other ' ; that there is no sort of violence 
committed by his people, but what is unavoidable by an army ; that in 
his march from Sterling to Edinbursh, one of his Highlanders stole a 
sheep, for which he held a council or war on him, and had him imme- 
diately shot ; that he has levyed a contribution in the City of Edinburgh 
of 12,000/. sterling, and of 15,000/. from Glas^w, which was demanded 
peremptorily ; that at Perth (and Edinburgh) he danced with the ladys 
at their Balls and Assemblys, does all he can to ingratiate himself with 
all sorts. — The Dutch troops and those of our own come from Flanders 
«re marching north, and 'tis said that Mariscball Wade sets out 
Wednesday next to command them ; and that all the rest of the British in 
the Netherlands are ordered immediately home. This will make an army 
much superior every way to any which I can see how the Chevalier can 
get except there be a French or Spanish invasion in his behalf; and they 
-cannot ^udly land on us,, there being so many of our King^s navy now 
on all sides of the Island. Admiral Yerncm and his squadron now in the 
Downs is to sail northwards, and for that purpose he has got pilots from 
HuU and Newcastle, that are well acquainted with the Scotch coast. 
The two from Hull I travelled with for two stages as I retomed from 
the country, they in one post-chaise and I in another. Both appeared 
to be honest, religious men. They are dissenters. One of them is 
4M!quiunted with some of your people at the Foundery and entreated me to 
take a note of one of them, who by trade is a chapman, that I might 
call for him, which I intend to do at the first time I can find foor it. 
J.E." 



Robert Oabdinbr (Brother of Colonel Gardiner) to Lord Stair. 

1745, November 7th, Brunstane. — ^*' My Lady desires me to acqaint 
your lordship, That by the return of severals from the Highland army 
accounts is brought, that the advanced gaurd of the main body consist- 
ing of a few of the gaurds and some other horse whom they call 
Hussars were to be [ ] Lockmaben and the main body itselfe at 

Molfat yesternight. That another body had after crossing Tweed at 
Peebles taken a shorter road, but the other could not foUow by that 
coad, becaase they have the whole heavy baggage and the cannon with 



249 

them. But both are directing their march to Langtown near Carlisle. 
That a third bodj of their army, supposed about between two and three 
thousand of the nimblest and best part of it, have gone bj Lauder and 
arrired at Kelso on Monday's night last. Thi» bod/ is commanded by 
the young <rentlemany and was to hover thereabout on purpose to bring 
Marshall Wade down the Wooler road, and is determined when he 
comes near and has Cheviothills on his left, then to go by Jedburgh and 
Hawick to Langtown to join the other bodys that are to assemble there, 
and then endeavour to penetrate England by Carlisle where they expect, 
as they give out, to be joined by a great body of Boman Catholicks, and 
a body of forreign troops to be luided on the west coast. Though 
probably this may come too late to hand, yet my Lady was desireous it 
might be sent. 

" I wrote your Lordship of the 29th ult., per M', Commissioner, as 
also^on the 2nd anil 3rd current, per ^ Salton,' all which I hope came safe 
to hand. The most matteriall news since they left this neighbourhood 
is, that their Councill is seldome unanimous in their opinions about 
their operations, and the desertion from them is eztremly great. 
Mr. Bob, the Minister of Kilsyth, wrote to his son at Edinburgh that 
on Monday last he counted of deserters some with and some without 
arms passing that way on their return home about 500. A gentleman 
from Lithgow, whom I spoke with yesterday, acquainted [me] that 30 was 
taken at Whitburn on Sunday's night and stript of all their arms, and 
the whole country to the westward of Edinburgh swarms with them, but 
as the whole country is now up few of them escape. The country people 
fall on [them] with forks, flails and any arms they have, and bring em in 
dozens and halfe-dozens to the Castle of Edinburgh. The General lets 
most of them goe, but strips them of their arms and anything that is sup- 
posed does not pertain to them. Some of them have had very large sums 
of money found upon them. I wish this indemnity had come while they 
lay here. If it had, I'm perswaded many more would have left them.— 
A son of John Dun's (sic) Writer In 'Edinburgh, and 4 more of the 
Edinburgh volunteers look it into their head If^t Saturday to goe to 
Cramond and demand a sum of money of the town under pain of Military 
Execution, but the town's people mastered them, took their horses and 
arms from them, and then carried them to the watter-side where a party 
of Captain Beaver's crew were with their boat, who carried them all 
prisoners aboard his ship. I was yesternight informed that a fine horse, 
belonging to the Dnke of Athole, which was taken from this by this 
yoang Mr. Dunn (mV), might probably be among the horses taken from 
them^as to which I shall have enquiry immediately, and see if possible 
to get him back. 

** As soon as the General heard of the Highlanders having marched, 
he sent out several detachments fh>m the Castle, which picked up several 
straglers and a vast deal of guns, swords, taints, pistols, tents, and 
other military stores, which had been left behind in the hurry of 
going away. On tuesday last, when a party was searching the house 
of William Lumisdean (?), Writer in Edinburgh, for arms, several papers 
were found, which 'tis sayd contained some things treasonable* The 

a carried both him and the papers to the Castle, and there he remains 
led. His sone is one of M^ Mnrray's clerks and is with the party's 
at Kelso. It is sayd he has found means to destroy some of the papers. 
There happened a tumult on his Majesty's birthday between some there 
and a gaurd of Highlanders, wherein a French officer from Minross 
going to the army was killed. Miss Betty is better. My Lady begs a 
Ime from your Lordship now the coast is clear, and to know where 
Marshel Wade is gone. I am Ac. . . . Robert Gardiner." 



250 

Branstaoe^ from which this letter is dated, was the hoase which 
Prince Charles Edward occupied before the battle of Preston Pans. 

Ladt Ibwik to the EIbl of Mobton. 

1745, D^ember 3rd, London. — " England is now 

become the seat of war, and tho' 'tis att present more than 100 miles 
distant from the Capitol^ the wholid country is in a consternation 
which I never remember : stocks are low, credit is much hurt, many 
people break ; and this effects allmost all ranks of people, besides hard]^ 
any person is without a very near, relation in actual service, which at 
this time of .year and the idea we have conceived of the Highlanders 
makes everybody ti*emble ; they are now In Lancashire, dispersed in 
bodies irom Preston to' Mai&chester : the Government is yet ignorant 
of their numbers, no care having been taken for proper intelligence. 
The whole body is judged about 7,000]^ an army of 10,000 is assembled 
att Lichfield^ and this day begins their march from thence to me^t the 
rebel?, the Duke commands Sir J. Lignoier and Anstruther under hin^ 
my dear Colonel belongs to this armv ; another army of equal strength is 
marching from Newcastle cross Yorkshire by Leeds, Hallifax and so over 
Blackstone Edge In Lancashire in order to cut off the retreat of the rebels. 
Marshal Wade commands this body. My brothe^r Howard is with himj 
If the rebells will venture a battle, the Duke is determined to engage 
'em. We ai*e now upon the eve of that great event, and tho' I make no 
doubt of the success in general, yet particulars may be infinitely unhaj;q)y. 
England may be safe and I a most miserable woman • • . • • 
You did not apprehend how this affair woud be treated, for it has been 
carefully nourished by thode in power ; totall neglect, discredit of facts, 
and misconduct in millitary appointments has brought to the head it now 
has, and should success attend it, 'tis the King's friends and not his 
enemies that have produced it. • » « ." 

Prince Cbarues EmvARD, ^* the Young Pretender,*' to Mr. DoRltBE'. 

1750, September 1st, Anvers. — ^^ t here send you. an authentick copy . 
of my comition of jle^^t^ and a full power for you to receive any . 
money thi^t zealous p^ple may offer for my service,. but you are not to 
make use of this power, or sh^w uyy comition, untiU you have further 
oirders from me, reccomen.ding .to'ypv^ an absolute secrecy from every 
mortal without exception. , I remain your sincere friend.-r-Par ce - 
present je donne plein pouvoire au Sieur James Dormer de reoevoire 
toute somme ou sommes d'a^^enii que lea personnes disposes a me s«rvir 
voudront preterpour piph. coinpt. ^ C. P. B.t— Et d'en donnier les 
quitances." Holograph,, .','.. - . . 

iKDKJtMBirp of WttttAjr 'Fenwick and Others for Sedition. 

. 1763, Hilary Tenn^ Westiiwster.-7-Indictnifint of William Fenwiok,/ 
a/tof Phoenix, taylor, STicbolas Laytcp, staymaker,. Humphrey Thomav,. 
egrdwaineri and 4°>bi?pse P43nny„ p)ushweaver, all of the city of Emetmti 
for.1),aying on 22thSi9p^a^Ver 17$^. Bt the New Ion publie house, in 
$aint Sydwell's parish^ .inf^]^ swd ^ty.and county o£ lite same city of. 
]^x,eter, styled fals^yJfuneaStiyuIr the Pretoiider ''King. Jamee III*,''. 
a^djor having abused, a^^s^uljtj^ I apd. maltr^ted one Jonas Johnaoh,^- 
a.loyol sul^ject of ,hia ^i;es^n^ Miyeatyj for refusing to drink the health:, 
of said I^t^der to the throne of England. 



251 

Clemektike Waxkikshaw to Prikce Chables Edwabd, ^ th« 
Young Pretender." 

, 1767, Jnlj 25th. — liCtter (French), protesting the steadiness of the 
writer'fl Attachment to the Prince. The lady, whose intimaey with 
Charles Edward proved so injurious to his interests^ appeals to him 
for justice and a renewal of his affectiou for thcmotiier of hisi child. 
—••Also, another letter from the same ladj to Chades Edward^ signed 
Dnlbestreff, and dated ^'a labbaye de Notre Dame a Meanx, le 
16 Decembre 1768."— Also a letter of 26th July 1767 frqm Clemeatine's 
daughter,. Charlotte Walkinshaw, to her father, the young Preteader, 
ia. which .the writer proclaims herself animated by *4es. sentiments 
d'amoor. et de respeot qu'elle doit a son Roy et a son augnste pere." — 
Also, another affectionate letter from Charlotte to her father, in .which 
she alludes to her mother, saying ; ^' Nous sommes a labhaye de notre 
^ daine a.Meai^x, on nous Tivons en inconue ; personne dans la tnaison 
'Vne ftfais qui nous sommes." This last letter, which is neither signed 
nor dated, was probable enclosed in Clementine's letter of 16th Beeember 
1768w 

Peikcb Chables Edwabd, " the Young Pretender," • 
to ... . Cantiki. 

1779, Jjane 8th, Florence. Letter from Charles Edward, the Toiung 
Pretender, to Cantini at Some, bidding the addressee to decline all 
requests, by whomspeTer they may be made, for lodgings in the writer's 
pfdace at Borne. Signed *^ C. B.", and sealed with royal ano^s of England. 

Louise de Stolbbbo, Countess of Albany, to her Booksbllbbcl 

[ ] May 31st, Florence. Letter from Louise de Stdberg, Countess of 
Albany, to her booksellers in Paris, Messieurs Treuttel et Wiirtz, 17, Bue 
de Bourbon, touching books the Countess has recentiy perused or wifiies 
to read. She desires her bookrsellers to send hereby post, Lady Morgan's 
'^ Itfdy." in Englisli and also in French. '* Je sera " says the countess,, 
*^ curieux de voir coment elle nous traitera."-— »Al80 a brief note^ dated 7th 
August .1809, from the Countess to Mr. Fantin, requesting him to send 
her the. works of Baumarchais, and '^ la derniere Edition de Tadie en 
6 volumes de Mr. Dnreau de la Male." 



X -Miscellaneous Pafer$. 

In my inability to produce a complete summaiy of n^y tetith calendar 
of the Hpdgkin MSS., that would not by reason of its length hinder 
more than ijtWjpnUl help the 8tuden;t with littie thnefor searcbiiDg my 
pages^ I prefaoe thet loiige^ of: my catalogues with a statement^ that^^ 
wifiiOQt l^ng a perfect table, of its contents, will give the pemsera 
notiflflarof itsmere noteworitiy matters : (1). Contemt»ntfy ctopy 04 veilum 
of the Oath of AUegiaape and f:ealty 1p Henry YI., liOcen in St Paul's 
'Cathedral on 10th March 1462, by Bii:hard, third Duke. of To^k; 
(2) /Letter under the signet ^nd sign-manual of Hemy YII*! daited ea 
Ist December l'4a$y requiring u kMm. of .30^« from Maister £^)»oaiid 
Stalwortb» subdefku' of Lixicoln Cathedral^ towards the obargesW tb^> 
war agaiuat the King of Seottes'r(3} Letter^ dated on 24th April: 1647, 
from the Bector, Doctors, and Masters of the University of Wittenberg, 



252 

to John Prederic, Elector of Saxonj ; (4) Privy Seal writ, dated on 
l7th September 1557, by Maiy, the Queen, to Richard Ewer, clerk, 
requiiing of him a loan of one hundred marks ; {S) Brief Latin note from 
Joachim Gamerarins, dated about 1565, announang the death of Anne, 
the writer's domestic servant, to his friends and neighboars, who are 
thereby invited to attend her funeral ; (6) Letter, dated on 14th July 

1568, to Lord , commending to his Lordship^s iavour a 

foreign military adventurer, whom it would be well for Queen Elizabeth 
to employ in. the way of his profession; (7) Petitioo, dated in 
December 1568, of PMllipe Oonwaye, a messenger of the Queen's 
chamber, for payment of a bill ; (8) Depositions, dated in August 1578, 
touching scandalous words spoken by Gylbert Ollyver, gentleman, 
against the Earl of Leicester ; (9) Contemporary copy of an Address by 
the University of Oxford to Queen Elizabeth ; (10) Account, dated on 
12th December, 1576, of Sir Edward Horsey's charges in travellinfi; to 
and fro between Hampton Oourt and the Low Countries ; (11) Itauan 
letter, dated from Borne on 4th April 1581, from Creighton, the Jesuit, 
to Monsieur Dandini, the Papal Nuncio at the €k»urt of France; 
(12) Conviction and sentence in the Court of Star Chamber, on 16th May 
1582, of '' Vayne Yallenger " for libelling the Queen ; (13) Paper dated 
on 12th February on the Offences of D. Atslowe, Thomas Somerset, and 
Petro Gubiare ; (14) Paper, written in or near 1588, touching, England's 
preparations for resisting the Spaniards; (15) Petition, dated on March 
J 596, of David Jenkins, one of the Queen's messengers, for the pannent of 
his bill for riding to divers places at the command of the Bight Hon. Sir 
John Fortescue, knt. ; (1 6) Account of extraordinary charges for work, &c., 
done in December and January, 1598, on sundry of the Queen's houses ; . 
(17) Examination taken on 3rd November 1 598, of Thomas Hawkshaw, 
touching the escape of Thomas Titchbom, a seminary priest firom the 
Gatehouse Prison ; (18) Examination taken before John Grange, esq., 
J.P. for Middlesex, on 16th June 1599, of Nicholas Tucheborne (sie) of 
Hampshire, brother of Thomas Tucheborne, priest, sometime prisoner 
in the Gatehouse Prison, touching the escape of the same priest ; (19) 
Privy Council warrant, dated on 31st January 1601, and addressed to 
the Lord Treasurer by Lords and others of the Council, for the payment 
of 2,216/. I3s, 4^. to John Wood of London gentleman ; (20) Account 
dated on 4th May 1601, of the moneys assigned for a monfli's pay, of 
the Queen's forces in the Low Countries ; (21) Petition, dated on 8th 
December 1602, of Thomas Evans, one of the Queen's messengers, for 
payment of his bill for riding with letters from the Lord Keeper of the 
Great Seal to divers lords and ladies; (22) Petition, dated on 9th December 
1602, of Francis Goodwin, one of the Queen's messengers, for payment of 
his bill for travel and charges, at th» command of the Barons of the 
Exchequer ; (23) Petition, without a date, of the Catholics of England 
t6 James 1., for freedom to exercise their religion ; (24) Letter under 
the signet and sign-manual of James I., dated on 20th July 1605, 
addressidd to Sir John Stanhope, the Vice-Chamberlain, requiring a loan 
of 200/. by way of benevolence ; (25) Warrant temp, James I. directed 
by Sir George More of Losely House, eo. Surrey, to the High 
Constables of the Hundred of Famham, for a show of horse at Browninges 
Down ; with interesting particulars of the arms and duties of '^ a 
hargobuzier or dragon, which hath succeeded in the place of light 
horseman, and are indeed of use almost in all actions of warre " ; (26) 
Petition, dated on 25th October, 1G08, of Robert Stanesby, gentleman, 
collector of His Majesty's subsidies in the division of Basingstock and 
other hundreds of co. Southampton ; (27) Letter, dated on 1st January 



253 

1609, from Sit Thomas Chaloner, kat, to the Lord High Treasurer, for 
an additional payment of 150/. to Mr. Inigo Jones ; (28) Certificate 
dated from Woolwich, in January 1611-12, of the ordinary charges at 
Woolwich yard in the said month, amounting in all to 172/. Os, 9d. ; 
(29) Tabular statement, dated on 16th May, 1612, of the yearly receipts 
and disbursements of Prince Henry's revenue ; (30) Bill, dated on 
2l8t of October 1612, of Sir Lewes Lewknor, Int., Master of the 
Ceremonies; (31) Bill of disbursements and charges, from 8th August 
to 19th December, of Sir Humphrey Winche, Sir Charles ComwaUys, 
Sir B(^er Wilbraham, knts., and Greorge Calvert esq., Commiasionei^ 
into Ireland; (32) Estimate, dated on 30th April, 1618, of the 
charge of His Majesty's ships in the Narrow Seas ; (33) A relation, 
temp. James I. of the carriages of the marriages that should have been 
made between the Prince of England and the Infanta Major, and after- 
wards with the Younger Infanta ; (34) Acknowledgment, dated on 5th 
June 162 1, by William Bobinson, gent, of a payment made to him for his 
pains in raising bars and ingots of s'dver from the sea near the coast of 
Cornwall ; (35) Mutilated schedule, dated 23rd March 1623, of acquit- 
tances of divers tradesmen and .'artificers, in*, respect to their charges, 
for providing. *' necessaries for his Highnes service and journey into 
Spaine" ; (36) Contemporary copy of the speech made at Whitehall on 
23rd April 1624, to the Committees of the two Houses of Parliament; 

(37) Two Papers, dated on 16th February, 1625, teaching the afiray 
between Tlioma8Stourton,esq.,and the Bt. Hon. the Lord Henry Pawlett ; 

(38) Four Papers, dated on 28th April 1625, touching the 
suspicious misdemeanour of Thomas Worley, servant of the Viscountess 
Purbeck ; (39) The information, taken on 31st May 1625, before Sir 
Bandall Crewe, knL, Chief Justice, of John Bidley, touching the affray 
between Sir Thomas Savile and Sir Frauncis Wortley knts. ; (40) 
Examination, taken on 3rd June 1625, before the same Chief Justice, of 
Sir Thomas Savile, knt., touching the same affray ; (41) Contemporary 
draft of a congratidatory speech, delivered in 1625 by Sir John Finch 
to Charles I. and Henrietta Maria at Canterbury ; (42) Examination, 
taken on 27th and 28th April 1626, of Henry Anett, Baphe Genard, 
and otherH of the Middle Temple, touching ^ a scandalous letter fownd 
in a Temple pott concerning a very great person " ; (43) Official copy 
of the onler made on 2nd November 1626, by the Privy Council, 
touching the seditious speeches made by Thdbas Brediman against the 
King and the Duke of Buckingham ; (44) Contemporary account of 
the arraignment and trial in Dublin on 11th June 1628, of Edmond 
Lord Baron of Dombovne, for the felonious killing of James Prender- 
gest gentleman ; (45) Account of the moneys, amounting to 14,202/., 
assigned to Sir George Douglas, knt., and others, for the charges from 
31st May 1633, to 17th July 1637, of his employment as agent in 
Gkrmany and ambassador extraordinary in Poland ; (46) Heads and 
notes, dated in 1633, of a speech to be delivered against Prynne, 
on the occasion of his trial in the Star Cbambei*, for libelling 
Queen Henrietta Maria ; (47) Letter, without date, from Sir Thomas 
Browne, M.D., touching a petrified bone of a fish, found underground 
near Cunnington; (48) Order of the Privy Council, made in the 
King's presence at Greenwich on 24th June 1638, touching the 
difiisrences in Chancery between Lady Elizabeth Hatton and the 
executors and sons of SSir Edward Coxe ; (49) Original minutes of 
proceedings ou 11th, 13th, and l7th Jane, 1639 of the Council 
for the Pacification of Berwick ; (50) Certificate, dated on 23rd March 
16|f,of work done at the King's tapestry works atMortlake; (51) 



254 

Warruitfl, directod bjthe Eflri of Essex 'lo Sir D»v(dr€inadbgkat6y 
kar payii^ Hennr Sdile, statioiier^ t for ^bboks, ibs;p Mpplied ' bji' faim 
for the uae^ of Uie Ihrince ot Wales and H.ILH.<tiie Duke of ToFk>; 
(52) Bill, iMed on 4A Deisember IMS^ of Vrederit De Bougv, hosier, 
for divers pairs of hose and a £nel sitio e6at, provided by hiAi ^for 
the use of his Majestie '' 9 (5S) Order 6f Cotmcil,> made at Whitehall 4m 
27lh Jaamry 1653, hj the Lord Ftotector and the Ck>iincil, for the 
payment' dt '^ an^ snmme or sommes of money, «iiren fay the late PsrUa- 
**' ment to any wifldowes or orphans, who have mt thehr rdatidns in the 
"^ servkie"; (54) Letter, dated from the litirefast in the » Dowses on 
28th July 1654, from Yioe- Admiral Lawson' t6 the Oommols^ioiiers d 
tbe Admiralty, touching the sentence by conrt martial on the gnnner 
of the Wtnslnf iVigate for embeaslement; (55) Letter, dated from 
London on 20th May 1665, from John Olarke to Colonel Robert Benet, 
touching Sir Henry Vane's newly published book, entitled The Retired 
Man's Meditations ; (56) Jjetter, without date, ihim Joseph GlanviU, 
F.B^., chaplain in Ordinary to Charles 11, to Heaiy More, D.D., 
accompanying a presentation copy of the writer's Lu» Orientalie ; 
(67) Petition dated from Landgunrd Fort on 14th May, 1668, from 
the soldiers In that Fort to the Honourable Colonel Ftfrr, praying the 
Colonel to call the King's attention to their deplorable condition from 
famine ; (58) Certificate, dated on 6th June 1664, by Edward Proger, 
certifying tiiat certain' sums of money are due from* His Majesty to John 
Fotherley, esq. ; (59) Letter, dated'on 4th July 1664, from the Lord 
IVeasurer to Charles II., tomdiing the petition of John Foiherley, esq, for 
payment of the same soms of money ; (60) Letter, dated from Whitehall on 
22nd December 1664, from Henry Bennett (afterwards Lord Arlington) 
to Sir Bernard Gasoofgne) (61) Letter, dated froita London on 18th 
September 1666, from Henry Griffith of London to Henry Griffith 
of fienthall, co. Salop, grring an account of the great fte of London ; 
(62) Letter, dated from Whitehall on 16th August 1672, under the sign- 
manual of Charles IL, and addressed to the attonieT>general, who is 
thereby requii*ed to prepare fcx His Majesty's signatmre and tbe Great 
Seal a bill granting the King's free pardon to Sir John Banks, bart., '^of 
** all corrupt and usurious contracts and all tmlawfull' takin^if k^ any 
^^ greater sums of money than the consideration of six per (^^nt, " for 
money provided by him for His Majesty's use, or lent by him to any of 
His Majesty's subjects ; (63) Letter, dated from Whitehall on 20tR 
August 1673 (and signed,«-Sbaftesbury C, Anglesey, Arlington, and 
6. Carteret), from the Lords- of the Admiralty to H. H. Prince Rupert ; 
(64) Original letter of sixteen folio pages, dated on 29th September 
1675, from Coleman the conspirator to P^re La Chaise, the prolix 
epistle being the thirteenth of the letters read in court on Coleihan's trial 
for being conijemed in the so-called Popish Plot ; (65) ' Sketch, dated 
on Ist January [1676?] of a political speech with this descriptive 
heading, '^ Reasons o6bred by a Person of Honour att a Meeting of 
'' the Gentlemen of Glostarshire against the addressihgof the Kin^ 
** for the sitting of the Parliament, Jan. 1, 26 " ; (66) Rough draft 
[ ? 1680] of a speech, prepared for Walter, third Baron Aston's defence 
against an indictment, charging him with high treason in being concerned 
in the so called Popish Plot ; (67) Three heads [1680 ?] of the expedient 
proposed to the Parliament at Oxford, in lieu of a formerly prepared Bill 
forexcluding the Duke of York ; (68) Docquet, dated in February 1681, 
for a geDeral pardon to Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland ; (69) Bill 
of William Howell, the waterman, to the Rt. Hon. the Countess of 
Plymouth, for payments made and services rendered on or between 29th 



255 

Sej^tember atod 28th November in her Lad)nihip*s service; (70) Five 
aeverftl papec8» ten$p. CSiaries llif touobingv a project for reUeving the 
National Bevenne of ila burdeinsoln^ debte^ bj raising tiro millioDa 
steiling bj '^ a Mont " m the model of '' fche Monte " of diveib of the 
Italian states; (71) A trae relation of Elh^g Charles II's death, by an 
adherent of the Gttlhoao GHureh ; (72> LMter^ dated from Brajton on 
2Gth March I688| frdm the Earl »oE FeserbiMrough, Lord Lieidwoaot of 
Batkmdy to the Hon.- Baptist Noelresqj;. (?a)AecouBt of monerfs 'Maid 
oat bj.ths Lord;Lnoas» Goveinoar of th4 Tbirer^ from Angnet 1690 " to ' 
August of the next year 1= (74) Copj^ dated at London on oth of May 
1694» of tlie Book (4 .leaivea> of the Debts of Don Pedro Bonquillo^ 
Count of Gramodo, ambaaaador eKtcaordinaryto the Court of London; 
(75) Copy (examined and certified) oC the warrant, directed by the 
Dakeof Slurewsbury on 2nd April 1696, to the keeper of Newgate Gaol, 
requiring him *to receive into hie custody Bobert Blaokbume, committed 
for high treason; (76) Petition, dated' from Newgate G«ol, in 
September 1696, of the same Bobert Blackbuvne to the Lord Mayor 
and other Judges at the Old Bailegr^ praying that he may either take his 
trial or be admitted to bail; (77) Contemporary paper of the reasons 
that determined certain o£ the peers, ion 28rd 'December 1696, to 
dissent from the Bill of Attainder against Sk John Fenwick bart., ; 

(78) Lists [1696?] of dirert infaabitaaits of divers of the suburban 
parishes ofi Middlesex, suspected of disafiEection towards theGoremment ; 

(79) Liformat'on, taken before Chief Justie^ Holt on 1st July . • ., 
of Simon Harcoiirt of the Inner Temple, « esq., giving informatian of » 
highway robbery committed, upon his person on Hounslow Heath ; 

(80) Letter, dated from Windsor on 3 let July 1700, by'G.Sayer, 
giving, a partacular aooount of the last illnesS' and deslh of the Duke of 
Gloucester ; (81) Papers, dated from 1st August 1702 to 8th January 
1719, touchins^ the abominable condition of certain of the gaols of 
London and Westminster, and the cruel maltreatment of prisoners in themj 
(82) Letter, of feeble penmanship and mournful tone, written on 28th 
April, 1703, in his extreme old age by Sir Biehard Bulstrods to hie son 
Whitelocke Bulstrode, esq., of the Inner Temple ; (83) Three documents, 
dated in 1706, touching Bobert t^eilding's marriage with Barbara 
Duchess of Cleveland ; (34) Last will and testament, dated on 23rd 
March 1710, of Charles LordMohun; (85) Collection of MSS. and 
printed papers, dated 1711 and 1712, touching the assaults and other 
nocturnal disturbances perpetrated by the Mohocks and Hawkubites in 
London and the suburbs. 



BiCHABD, Third Duke of York, and Kino Henry VI. 

1452, March 10th, London. Contemporary copy on vellum of the Oath 
of Allegianoe and Fealty toHenir YI., taken in St. Paul's Cathedral by 
Biehard third Duke of York ; differing in divers minute particulars from 
the text of the copy of the same Oath on the ParHatnent Boll 38 Hen. 
VL, and from the text of the Oath in Holinshed's Chronicle.-- ^^ I 
Biehard due of York confesse and beknowe that Y am and owe for to 
be humble subgect and liegman to you my Souvemin Lord King Henri 
the Sixe and owe perforce to bere you feithe and trouthe as to my 
Sonverain and liege lord and so shall doo at alle dayes unto my lyves 
ende and shidle not at any tyme wille nor assetite that any thinge be 
attempted or doone ayenste yoour moost noble persone but whanne so ever 
Y shall have knowelache of any such thinge ymflgened or purposed Y 
shaile with alle spede and diligence possible to me make that your 



256 

highenes shalle have knowlache thereof and over that do alle that shal 
be poB»ble to me to the withstanding imd' lette therof to atterest of my 
lyfe T ne shalle in any wise any thing take uponne me ayenst yonr 
Roialle Astate or thobeissannce that is due therto, ne suffre any other 
manne to do as forsoothe as it shalle be in my power to lette it, and also 
thai come at youre commaundement whenne soever Y shal be called by 
the same in Hnmble and obeissante wyse, but if T be letted by sikenesse 
or impotencie of my persone or by suche other cause as shaUe be 
thoughte to you my souverain lord resonsble, I shalle never hereaftir 
take uponne io gadre any rowtes or make any assembles of your people 
withoute youre conunandement or licence or in my lawefuUe defense. Y 
shalle reporte me att alle tymes to yonr Highnesse, and if the cas 
require to my peeres, nor any thing attempte by wey of feete ayenst any 
of your snbjettes of what astate d^ree or condicioun that he be, bat 
whanne so ever Y shal feele my self wronged or greved Y shalle suwe 
humbly for remedie to your Highnesse and aftir the oours of your lawen 
and in noon other wyse savyng in myneowen lawfulle defense inmanere 
abovesaid, and shalle in alle l]binges abovesaide and other have me to 
youre Highnesse as an humble and trewe subget owethe to have him to 
his souverain lord, Alle thees thinges abovesaide Y promltte trewly to 
observe and kepe by the Hooly Evangelys conteyned in this booke that 
Y lay myne hande upon, and by the Hooly Crosse that Y here also touche, 
and by the blessed sacrament of onre lordes body that Y shalle nowe 
with his mercy receyve, And over this Y agree me and wille that if Y at 
an^' tyme her^ailir sti with the grace of our Lord Y never shalle any 
thing attempte by wey of feete or otherwise ayenst youre Roial 
Astate and thobeissance that I owe therto or any thing take uponne me 
otherwise thanne is above expressed Y fromme that tyme forthe be un* 
habled and holde and take as an nntrewe and openly forswome manne 
and unhabled to allemanere of Worahippe Astate and degree, be it suche 
as Y nowe occupie or any other that mighte in any wyse growe unto me 
heraftir, And this that Y have here promitted and sworne procedeth of 
myn owne desire and free voluntee and by noo constrainte nor ooaction. 
In witnesse of alle whiche thinges above written, Y Richard due of York 
above written subscribe with my owne hande and seel this with my seel." 



Thomas EtTS and William Hawkslowb. 

1470, • London. Gi*ant of Arms to Thomas Elys gentleman 

by William Hawkeslowe '^othirwyse called Gbrensenx King of Armes 
of the South marches of Englande.'* 



Kino Hknbt YH. to Master SiMOuin> Stalwobth. 

[1496], December 1, Westminster. Letter under the signet and sign- 
manual of Henry YII., addressed to Maister Simound Stalworth, Sub- 
dean of Lyncohi Cathedral, requiring of the said Sub-Dean a loan of 
20/. by way of benevolence, toward the further sum of forty thousand 
pounds needful for the vigorous prosecution of war against the King of 
Scottes and the invasion of the kingdom of Scotland, to be paid into the 
Receipt of the Exchequer at Westminster this side the Feast of Candle- 
masse next coming ; and promising that the said 201. shall be repaid to 
the lender at the same Beceipt at the Feast of Seint Andrewe next 
coming. 



267 

The TJnivbbsitt o» Wittbnbbbg to tJie Electob of Saxont. 

1647, April 24th, [Wittenherg], Letter addressed to John Frederic, 
Elector of Saxony, by the Rector, Doctors, and Masters of the University 
ot Wittenberg, acknowledging the Elector's two gracious and cheering 
letters, and declaring the writers' gratitude to Almighty Gh)d for having 
hitherto preserved his Electoral Grace from the devilish and murderous 
practices of his enemies and strengthened him against them, and also for 
now giving him a victory, which has prevented much evfl and will 
henceforth make for good. Signed by Caspar Creutaiger (the Rector), 
Johannes Bugenhagen, Bendictus Pauli, Bieyckhart Syndicus, Philip- 
pus Melanthon (sic) and seven others. — This noteworthy letter is said 
to have been found on the field of Muhlberg. 



Inobossbbs and Forestallbbs. 

1551, July 17th. Indictment of William Ghurdinge of London fysh- 
imonger, for forestalling five hundred fishes called '< muddefyshe," of 
the value of 11/. 13«. 4d., by buying the same fishes at St. Kateryn's 
poole CO. Midd., as they were being taken by their owner, one Surbeke, 
towards London market, to be sold in the same market. — ^Also, a dateless 
presentment temp. Edward VI. by a Buckinghamshire (spelt " Buggyng- 
hamshyre ") juryjof one Wyllyam Streeme, for being an ** yngrosser and 
forstawler." — Also by the same jury, a presentment of one Thomas 
Wellhede for being " a forstawler of markeles, who wyll brynge ii or 
" iii sakes to the market and leve ii of them yn his ynne and brynge 
^' one to the market, and yf one sell more better chepe then he, then 
*^ wylle bye the other manes hole lode and sell yt agayne a penny e 
« dearer then all other sell, and in lyke case the foraaide WUliam 
-** Streeme." 



Middlbsbx Misdemeanants. 

1552. Presentments, made by Thomas Tong and his fellows, of the 
following persons, to wit: — (1) Thomas Nicoll of WiUesden, 
merchant, ^'for over prysing of grownds," containing in all six acres, 
and taking the same ** out of poore mens hands " by paying 3/. I3s. 4d. 
of yearly rent tor the same land, '^ which of late was lette to ferme for 
3Ss. SdJ' (2) The same Thomas Nicoll for going '' with aU his family 
on sondayes and other holidays" and gathering akeoomes for his 
hogges and therby ^leaving" service in the churche to the eviU 
example of other." (3) The Dean of the Cathedral Church of St. 
Pawle in London, the Chief Lord of Willesdon Grene, for having no 
^< comen pownd there as of late hath byne," and for omitting to hold a 
yearly court in Willesdon, ''as it hath bin heretofore accostomed." 
(4) John Walbank, "for supporting a hoore within his howse,** by 
whom Thomas Yong was robbed. (5) Mr. Hollmes, of Paddington, 
^' for making a ditche crosse over the Einges highwaye/' (6) The 
aforesaid Deane of Powles, '' for lack of ii sluces for the comen sewer 
in Cheswike." (7) The Deane and Prebendes of the Cathedrall 
-Churche of St. Peter in Westminster, for neglecting to make a sluice 
'*at the west end of the towne of Knightesbridge, by reason whereof 
the higheway there is greatlye decayed," and also '' for lack of repairing 
the Bridge at the Spitell Howse in the Est End of Knightesbridge.'* 
<6) John Gknrrawey, of Acton, 'gentleman, ^ for lacke of making a 
a 884SS. B 



258 

ditche on both sides of a lane called Turneham Grene^'; and (9) 
Ri^liat^ tuilfe o'f'H^in^n, "for lijak^^^idiich fe'iigtwitf ntfjiKunce 
*^ to the kipges leige people, and for casting pf a ditch, into the^kinges 
*< highew%y^^, .. „ , ^, ^ . . . ^, ^ ..,. , .^,.. 

* 15S5, . the .Ferdyt\(irtc)' of the toimeshype of EnfeyHln" 'fli8*Cfetihie 
of Mids, , containing tlie' following; ' lists :—" (l) These be tHe^ nfcnies of 
" such as if met to kype allhowsys as foloittlte anrfno fdo'to be'alowyd 
^ [20 persons]/ .(2) Hereafter folbith the namerf'of those that pftijth 
" at uhiaf^ll games, that ys to say ai' dyce^ cards arid bowlse [11 
" persons]. '(3) Here after foloithe the .fames of such^'-j^qrfe aa the 
** township of Enfeyld ys charch wyth [Si persons]. ' (4) This be the 
*' names of those agid impotent pore pepulle that dayley goo from dore 
" to dore as foloithe [26 persons]. (5) Herafter foloithe the names 
" of thos that hath rede^d yong women to 6hild in to ther housys 
wherby ther hath byn gret. disc^^uyet amongst the 'inabytans ther 
Her ' 



** [3 persons]' (6) Herailer foloith the namis of| suchiiifeh 
*' hath netjher masters nor any leven of that we know they Ij^re sufeis- 
" pycius.** Against the names of the two offender^ nnder this last head 
are written tiese words of judgment, to wit. *< puniantur et fligjellentur 
secundum formam statuti.*' Followed by the names of tWo persons, 
convicted of having " sold wyne contrari to the statute.*' ' '■'/.,.' 

^Unlawfpl Coitvebsion of Arable Lai^d into Pastubs .f^i4: oth^r 
., .]Vtispj^£4^pu^ in. Middlesex. 

1556, March 2Sth. Pamphlet of ^x " leaves stitched together, 
described at the head of the flrbt leaf with these words, to wit, ^^This 
** is the Presentment of William Genninges and his Fdiowes' of all 
^* suche offences as do cum to ther knowledge before thi« diay, the 
'^ which is the xxviiith of the present moneth of March, annis 
'^ regnorum Phillippi et Marie &c., secundo et tercio," containing 
presentments against the following persons: — (1) Richard Worley^ 

^^ntleman, fetrmer of Ayberry, for keeping in pasture " a <^ose oawlled 
" Hyll Feld ^onteyninge iii" acres^ wherof xx*» acres was. plowed aad 

' *' sowne fouje tymes within this xx** yeres." (2) Richard ^hitt, of 
Holbom^inholder, for keeping. all in pastune;^ clos^ of .the^above-said 
Richard Worley^," parcel! of the farm of Ayberry ci^wlted Hyll Felde, 
" conteyning xl acres, wherof 3;x** acres was plowed,aQd ^owen within 
« this xx^i yeres foure tymea.'* (3) Rodger Raper,^ pf^Hplbome, 
puUter, for holding all to pasture ^.' two closes, parcell of the farme of 
St. jaymes, conteyning xx^^ acres,", that were plowed and sown four 
times withi^ the lai^t forty ^ears. (4) Raphe Martyn, of ,S*yAt Gyelles, 
for keeping jto pasture. and in spnxe years mowing. ior .meadow ^^a close 

. oawlle^ Seynt Gyeles Felde* conteyninge xxx^^ acres," that was ploughed 

.and sown four times within, the last twenty years,. ,.(5) Hej^ryjSouth 
for holding .to £eirm in Kensington tdr[ty] acres of ground, o£ jBirhicb ^e 
keeps. to pasture twenty-seven acres,, that were ''plowed and,. sf^wen 
fowre tyroes within this xl yegres." (6) J9hn Awmry anfi. Si^e 

^ Cannock, of Westminster, for keeping, to pasture in tLensingtou .V,a 
closse cawlled Hoggmocwell," conteyning. aix acres, tjiat were plpwhed 
and sown fqur times with .the last. foi;ty. vWs;^ i(7),WiUia^oH$dan 
of Battersey, and Hunte of Holborn^ tor .keeping, to.. pasture in 

' Kensington '' ii ^llossea cauld Qwale Feld^s, conl^yj^Agr ^ix ^^«'/ ^^^ 
were ploughed and sown four times within the. last foicty yearp. 



(8) .>. . , Simlif^ ol 8U .C3m»^i'e.^h^ 

3[i acresy'' tte was ploughed, lutdfiowa loQr> tialtxii.lTUbixi theJMt 
£orij ytBktB. (9) Joha (^vrwvraji.tod :Jaitfe& Kemivl<g6i)ilem^n, .aiid 
Ohristoph^ Lejland (mc), for keeping to {Mustiuni anehimdred aitre9 ni tend 
in Aeton^'held bj.them of the Countess of Bedfoifd^ widoir, which IfM^id 
has been ploughed and 6own loor tibies ^Un' the laiit' ' . 7^"* 
Also another pieeeatment afloat ihe said ChiliBtophec Leiand; (fie) :tor 
ke^p&ng' to> pastore in Acton << aeloateoatledlDeabeaEeM codDtt^yning 
xis^ aorea/^ that was '^ plowed atfd so^enlowre tiiMS. wtthih this. xUiii 
jefes.^' (10) Bobett Burden, of HarleBfeon<Mc),jS](r keeping to pasture 
^^.aclosse Sitid serten paroelas of knde in' the ptoisbef »f Actob cawUed 
Fosters^ fiootejaii^ ki acfes^" that wese plonglied'aiiA soitat f ot(r .times 
w&Khiiir-the last lihicty yeani. \ (11) John Awnlrjrof Weatxn'iister, 
bobheB, for. k^ping to pasture a ^< closse^MuUed' JNorfb feMe^ e^teyning 
xltaores^" in AoUiUy that were ploughed. ^d Boirti four tifai^ within 
the. kst tbir^jpeats. ^ (lfi)A^i§liam HaJknr^nithoUeii forkeoi^nst'ito 
paatvpe^.^^iad'inr aolne jiaars inol^ing^ hr inefl^w*^aib}oifee<i!k)R(»;^Mng 
ztixVaored^' .iii^'Acton^ that was i^o^hed and.isowir &atr timl9s(mtliin' 
the.last thirty yeai«s.-. (13) EMwtd Forsett, gantfemiitt, fDrKoldiig)ito 
pasture-in MaiytelboBe **'bDPiH*^",a«:rel!i.parcdl fof 'ttievFernieof Mary- 
bofffke> wheroSxx aorea^ wereipkw^^d and soiirii four timds withii^tiLe 
last thirty fyelf^^.<^ (i4)'<ireeo^<Han!yfenoh,'geriditawnv for keeping! to* 
pastHire siltraeves .of ^ the tatne fbrm of ^Marybotiiiei that Were pjoi^hed' 
and sown four times within the last thirtff yeaxV. (1^ John Tremi^, 
fbr keeping t^ pasture t^i|rty^«i:iD acres of the same faano of' Itoybdlliey 
that weoe ploughed aijdsown'four times withiiL 4he<la8t!<JbuY47 ^Mrs: 
(1€) Nichblas HtU^ toe ke^ng to pasture twenty-four acres of the^same 
farm of MavyberiKei . (17) Jdiin Fellowes, for keepinjg topaatuife^ftve 
aoteS} paccelof Ihe sane farm of Marybome, that were piougbedfand 
sown lour liibes within the<3dsif thirty* yedcs. (18) John Beddfliv^oi" 
keepijig tO'pasture eighteen acres of the same farm. of Matybeime, 
that W^r» ploughed and sown four times, within the. ,hsA thirty years. 
(19) Hodger Taveroer) gentleman, for keeping..to pastiire three i|K2rbi of 
the. satne farm of Maryboi-ne, that \7ere ploughed and town fbnir ftimes 
within the last thirty yearSw (20) . John Bartfttm of London^ iuboU^r, 
fo|[!<k€fspisig to pasture .*' a feld :CauUed. Hyll FeMe conteyning ssl acres " 
in BeiddJDgton^ that was.ploughed tuid sows four thnes.witbiil thfiflast 
forty years-; iand aoolber, presentmetift of the.^ same Jx^mfiArisrlim^ for 
keeping to pasture f iii.-closses leotit^niugiiis acres, ia Faddlng^to*/' 
that were ploughed and sown four, times iajtbe kust. foittji' years. 
(21X John Stamford of London, buteher, for keeping ..to pasture..^' a 
clo'sse oawlled lK)unge MeaSt oonteyniftg zyl acres in.Padii^ton/' .that 
was ploughed and sown four timea firithin the last thir^: years. 
(22) John Bellow of Smythfeld>t inholder^ .for, keeping, tp.npaatnre 
^'a dosse cawlled. Ponde Felde conte3ming xl acrea iunPadingtop/' 
ibaX wtta ploagjied .and sowa four times- in the ;last thivtyj. yiears*. 
(8&) / Richard Whytt of Holbcme, ior keeping- to. padtiirei''iii olosses 
conteyningls acres in Padington" that were plough^ and sotar^flur 
times withiil thei last thirty yeany ^^howbit diis y««e ibe ittthe.iplawed 
andsowenix aeres." l24). . . . Gaivpton of L^bdon, babotdaafaiBr, 
fcMT kee|nng t^.peiaure ^'a farni in Padiagtoocontajliiiig Lcjaonesy 
*^ wberaoC xt acirea>was {klowedand Sdwiie fowire^^nni&s jwi^iUi this.'noc^' 
^ yere&" (26) John SlanJljAg^ior>keeping JHO.aeves io Hamt>fi^ 
and also for keeping to pasture another farm/ called Chawt!Qit% e^^ 
U^igm ] W aareft, iu the same .parish^ iwhioh Iwd he |d^ to ba^Qhaliftlnd 
itt»lwiieiftoC.L<>ndon. :- ''-y » 

B 2 



260 

Followed by presentments a^pdnst the following persons, tor allowing 
the hedgerows and underwood near the highway to grow, so that they 
are dangerous in giving harbour and ^concealment to thieves, to wit : 
(1) Nicholas Holmes for allowing his hedgerows ^^by the highe way 
'* ledinge horn Acton to London . . . conteyninge in length from 
'* the west end of Wyldes Hawle to Stone Hyll two hundred resides," so 
to grow. (2) Thomas Pechy, for allowing his hedgerow by the same 
hignway to grow so ^' to the grete daunger of traveling men/' (3) . . 
. . Cfhesterton of Paddington, for allowing his hedgerow lying along 
the Grene Layne, so to grow. (4) Thomas Essex, for allowing the 
hedgerows of his '* certen growndes cawUed Bound dosses and Swan 
'^ Leas, the which lyeth betweene Hammersmith and Kensington, nye 
" unto Counties Brydge " to " growe soe thyck with underwc^des, that 
it is a grett harbour for theeves." (5) John Addams, for allowing his 
'^ dosee lyeinge on the wes[t] syde of the same Counties Brydge by the 
" same highe-waye lykwyse " to be " srowen with underwoodes to the 
great daunger of traveling men," {6) William Ustwyk of London, 
pewterer, tor having •* a grove of wood growynge by the highe-waye 
** cawlled PewterePs Grove, the which^aye IcKleth from Braynfurth 
'' to London nyghe Hammersmyth/* which grove is ** a gret harbour 
for theves." (7) William Hall, for having ^^serten underwoodes 
'' growing by the highe waye leding from Acton to Loudon verry 
" daungerous for robbing.'* (8) Hnmfray Crosse of Kilboroe, "for 
" the cutting downe of iii acres of wood and leving no standards in a 
" wood caulled Florers Wood." 

FoUowed by presentments of the following persons, for selling and 
felling woods, without leaving " storyars,'* according to the statute, to 
wit :— (1) Sir Thomas Wrothe, knt., the Lord of Hamsted, <'fbr that he 
" bathe sowlde the woodes grovring uppon the common of Hampsted 
^ withowt the good will and consent of the tenauntes, conteynyng by 
^ estimacion zl. acres, and also ther shuld have byn cutt downe but the 
" fowrth parte for the first yere, and the same to be enclossed, and 
" nowe he bathe sowlde the whole wood and the most parte therof felled 
" this yere." (2) Richard Bevnes gentleman, John Jevmes and John 
Yerdley, " for that they have felled and cutt downe mis yere in the 
^* foresayd commen woode iii acres, parcell of the same common wood, 
*< and have not left eny olde Storyars, wheras of every acre they shulde 
" have left xii of the oldest and fayrest lyke to prove tymbre." 
(3) John Yerdley and Jaymes Pullen of London brewar, ** for that they 
" have felled and coott down xiiii acres of wood this yere, in a wood 
<< cawlled Armvn BM^ and of iiii acres parcell of the same xiiii acres 
^ have not left eny of the same olde storyers ..... which 
** Standers and Storyars the saide Pullen hath cutt them downe for 
<< tymbre for bulding." (4) John Slannyng of Hampsteed gentleman, 
for cutting down twenty acres of wood in a wood " caulled Cayne Wood " 
two years since, and for "nowe suffering horses and mares and other 
cattell as doth appere to destroye the springes of the same wood " ; and 
also for cutting down " xiiii acres of wood in a wood cawlled Wyldes 
" Wood two yeres past and doithe put in bis cattetl this last wynter, 
" soo that the sprynges are sore eatten in the same wood " ; also " for 
<< that he hathe felled and cut down this yere xx^ acres and bathe left 
" no standers but young sapHnges in Wyldes Wood," and " hath felled 
" and cut down this yere vi acres of wood in a wood caulled Chawcootes 
" and hath lefte no storyars but young saplings of the age of xiii yeres 
" growth." 

Followed by (1) a presentment against " Bodger Lee, for wering 
" of velvett cawlled a nyght capp, the zth of March last in anno Domini 



261 

** 1555/' and (2) a presentment against *' Thomas Pratt of Westm ynster 
** for weringe of velvett ci^p cawUed a njghtcapp, the xxii^ of Marche 
« last, 1555.'* 

In connection with the foregoing presentments, notice may be here 
taken of a paper (two leaves) of presentments n^ade in the same year 
1556, against persons for keeping in pasture lands lying in the parishes 
of Homsae, Tslyngton, Kyntyshe Towne, Hollowae, Clerkenwelly 
Stappenae, and Stokenewyngton, that were in tillage for four years 
within the last forty years. — ^A paper with this heading, to wit, " This 
grounde hathe beine in tyllyge wythin this xlyers^iili yers as wear 
able toJQStyfy/* 

PuEVETAKCE and Pbicb at the CotmT Gate. 

1556, February 1st. The receipt of Eobert Bayley for a dozen hens for 
the use of their Majesties the King and Queen Phillip and Mary, 
received of Richard Bedinge, constable of the half-hnndred of Gore, co. 
Midd., by virtue of their Majesties commission to their servant Edmond 
Hamshire. — ^Also, the following receipt for oats taken for the use of the 
same Queen on October 12th, 1557, *' Received owt of the Hunderithe 
^ of Goore being within verge for the use of the Queues Majesties 
'^ provision at the mewse, of Josua Coourt by the apoyntment of John 
^' Parson, Highe constable ther, the xii^^ day of October annis Regis 
** Phillipi et Regine Marie iiii^ et v^, xii quarters one bushel of otes 
** at \s, the quarter, according to the price of the Courtt Gate. By me 
" Henry Marshe, purveyor." 

QuBEK Mabt to RiCHABD EvHEB, Clerk. 

1557, September 17th, Manor of Saynt James. Privy Seal writ^ 
directed by the Queen to Richard Ewer, derk, " person of Cleavs.'* 
Requiring one hundred markes of the said parson by way of loan for her 
Majesty's use, and directing him to deliver the said sum to Hughe West- 
wood esq.^who on receiving the said money will subscribe the letters of pi ivy 
seal with a sufficient acknowledgement. At the foot of the P.S. appeAis 
the acknowledgment in thb wise, '* Receyved the xii day of January 
'* the yere above-wry tten of the above-named Richard* Ewer clerk to 
^' the Queues highnes use one hundred markes— -per me Hugonem 
'* Weetwode." 



Joachim Camebabius to his Fbiends and Neighboubs. 

[ctVc. 1565]. Brief Latin note, undated, from Joachim Camerarius 
the learned Reformer and friend of Melanchthon, to his friends and 
neighbours, announcing the death of his domestic servant Anne '^ proba 
** et educandis liberis meis sedula et rebus domi me» administrandia 
'* fidelis famula," and inviting them to attend her funeral. 



Unlawful Assembly at Wbstminsteb. 

1566, Julv 28th, Westminster. List, addressed to Mr 

Sonthcote, J .P. for Middlesex, of ** the names as well of suche misordered 
^ persones as did unlawfully assemble theym selves at Westminster the 
'* xzviii of Julie laste, 1566, as also the names of suche as are hable to 
** testifie their demeanour at the same' day and tyme aforesed/' 



262 

•j -;!-•. ji^niJ'-*7/"|o ^'i-ri*-! r^ri'u •IT'* i f*' ^^^j "f!«-':"-'rM j? .' *: , ».nj. "/,/;?.i ** 

1568, July ,14th [ • I- letter commendiiik' to; his 

^^Xor^phip*s^faV(iiu^ ^n'i patrona^ a cejrttiin for^gtf ^litfery tfd?eiitirrer, 
'wWm it wotll'd^W^'<^r^^ for Mer:3M^^ 

md emploijr in'the^-Way of faW- jJtbfeadlbn. ** The desyre IT have, 
my veiiry*! good iJ^rd,** says the writer at the opening of the 
long epistle, **that tJie Queenes Majestie might have pach in, hir 
'' service, as may be' for ^e advaunoement of her Majestyes nonolr and 
•' for the ?^rvlce of the CoWmoh Wealth hath made m6 thn? bowldif to 
*' trowble your Lordshipe at this tyme, and to let you unebet^hde, that 
*^ there is here a gentleman, who hath before tymea servid the French 
'' Einge, and. havinge heard^. a just [ , ] of tb^ great favor the 
*' Queene's Majesty she with, and the good accompt she maketh of such 
"^ a^^t^' wourt^ to b^ esteemed; he semith to have k ^i^oaty great affec- 
•'/^ tibn*tiilto ;hi^Maje8tyl&; aind:[to b&] T^ry^-defiipotts Wi«b his servis'to 
^^^ d^ft^rteh^ Maj(^tye9 good opinion, «uad ^ that th^ matter bath bene 
'" to6vid'ii*it6m6, T have thought good to breake yt lykewise unto your 
^ Lorddhi|^, ihirt yow kn^)iwittg* the) QueeoeeMlij^to^diBpositton fb^^the 
** ^teptmg^ or refire^nge of this* mans 8l^^^•1nafye^ Wx>rditigly ti&e 
"" order witii me eythw for the discouraging df hknin hfe suite OT'els 
^< fbr'thegrowingei with him to some mbre^^ pttiticmlarities then hithef- 
'^ to I have done.' ' It is. one, my Lord, 6f a setled judd^ament, havinge 
^* bene norished cooliittiially In the wwr^s^ by whose meanes' Mdns'. 
*^ Brisach gat(e his gt^atest reputMie^ ib a)) Ms. eti«i«prisee kr Py6^ 
mont." — This letter was found amongst the Fepy« Papers, which Mf. 
J. Eliot Hodgkin acquired in 1889. 



Biix for RIDING wHh Lbttebs into Sussex and Hamfshire^ 

15i58, December. Petition of Phillipe Conway, one of the ordinary 
messengers of the Queen's chamber, praying that he may be paid by one 
of the tellers of Her Majesty's Receipte at Westminster 42s. Sd., to wit, 
at the rate of 2^. Sd. a day, for his charges and paines in ridinge at 
the commandement of the Lorde Hiehe Treasourer of Englande and 
others of the Queene's privie counsell from London into Sussex to John 
Appesley esquier and there delivering him a letter, and thence into 
Hampshire to Sir John Bartlett Knight, and there delivering him a 
letter, and in retorning to London again, in which jurney the petitioner 
was "out" the space of sixteen daies. — Allowed in full, signed 
Winchi^ster. 



ScAivD^ALOus Words against the Earl of Leicrster. 

15789 August 2n49 3rd, and 13th. Deposition, signed by Bycherd Page, 
Henrye Heward (fic)^ Davy Miller, and John Blonte, respecting th« 
scandalous and defamatory words, spoken against the Earl of Leicester, 
in the hearing of the deponents, by Gylbert Ollyver, gentleman, 
dwellinge in St^ GlemeDt's parishe [at] the Templ(9 on the said days. 
On August 2nd, Gylbert Olliver said^ " That knave Brown, the Earle of 
" Lecester's tkiai^ im not paya the officers dieir dutyes, and his faster 
'^ '(li&^l&¥i& ''^"h&^T ' by iMMMf ys B^ttaytor to «li Qae^ \ I kniito io 
*" ' 1iWt6'!i^hY[f h«dd ><^tt (^ a^ bis Faihisr and O^flikMiiii^ier waai^i^qpn 
Att^itet 3^ ^f!im Olliver Bkid W fleywarde'(»>), "^ AU the raae of thid 
'* ErleofLM«rwbt«trayiorB,aiidItinistd1^UvetoB«ehishe^ 



S$3 

^/ offjf.ir Pn. I3th Ai%u«^«09 bemg. i^k^ l^j^ D^vye. Mjller /whether he 
^o^ld^ .@|taa4 to ,hia ^pr^,,ttie a9ao4f4A>^|S{^or said, *^l,.jpavj§ 
I will, and ejther he js in the Towei; Alr^ey o? dialbe shor^i^^. ftn4 
** so tell Brown by the same token I spaike with hym in Fowles 
« yesterday/* 

' Unitebsxtt op Oxeord to Queen Elizabeth. 

1576. (P)i CcimtempoiAcy.dopy cf an Addiiess to Queen iE^lisabeth by 
the University of Oxford, containing this significant passage, ^'Dabit 
itaque, spero, veniam Begalis toa dementia, si audacius paulo, et horum 
et omnium Oxoniensium tuonim nomine contester execrari nos et 
detestari seditiosos eos publicee pads pieritirbatores, qui nos divino tuas 
Miyestatis beneficio, in summa tranqui||ii^te constiti^to^i jante paucos 
menses,, in pe^iculo^issimarum tampestatum, ejt metus et motus 
tio^jecerant. Sed ultor et Tindex perfidiae Deus, patronus et 
profM^atOf BegBlia.Digtkitatis justum dOiiUiB stlpplicium siunp^it^" 

' C^ARGt^s for Jquei!ikys I9 and frp between Haslpton Court 
, / and the Low CouiiTRiEs. . 

\ - L " , 

1676, December 12. Account' of the charges of SinSdWard Horsey 
in travellings to and fro between Hanlf^toft CcfUtl and ih»i Law 
CoontcidSf on ihe oGctteion of his first jpurney to.th/9: ]f et)ieiiaii4s' to 
Izeat'irithi Don. John of Austria, r^pecfciiig the-protestfmt. «^J0c^,,oi' 
Spain and the joaltrdatment of English vMrahants jLn the Low Oountri^ : 
a journey that occupied him from l2th December 1576, to the 13th of 
the next month. — Also, in the same btitched sheets of paper, the 
account of Sir Edward Horse/s expenses in travelling to and fro 
between Hampton Court and the Low OoUDtries, on the occasion of his 
second journev, whjch began on 20th January 1576-7 and ended on 
9th February 1576-7. 

CBGiaHTON, the Jesuit, to Monsieur Dakdini., 

1581, April 4, Home. Italian letter from Creighton, the Jesuit, to 
Mons''. Dandini* the F^pal Nuncio at the Court of France, touching the 
religious state of Scotland and the prospect of mating the youxig King 
of that country a Catholic. Saying that the Queen is still in prison, and 
that the young King is not yet a Catholic, the writer expresses fear that, 
should tiie same King by the aid of the Catholics succeed in his 
afiairs, and then get no assured assistance from the Apostolic See, he 
may conceive sentiments of aversion, that would hinder many reforms, 
which might be hoped for and compassed, if he were helped in time. 
On the other hand, the writer is of opinion that, if timely aid were 
afforded; him, the young King would be grateful ai|d obedient to the 
Holy see. 

Vain Yallenqek's Libels against Queen Elizabeth. 

1582, May 16th. Conviction, in the Court of Starre Chamber, of 
Yalleaigec caUkd. *.'Vayne YaUepgei? by. ^u»}x as k«iowe hiim'!. of 
makiiigland t^pqUi^hingUbeteiigaivifi thequf^aq. W^tji jucigmjen.t.(l) 
tlia^iieibe imptiisooed during th« Qiu<^n'^, pleqsui;^ (2) that, hq p^y tp 
the Queen a fint of: one huAflred .pom4%,iwd ^3>t^i^t he stanct.^fifwic^ 



264 

on the pillory, one day in the palace of Westminster and one other day 
in Chepeside, and <' loose in echo place one of his eares, to remayne aa 
a perpetual! marke of his lewde dealings." 



Offsncbs of D. Atslowe, Thomas Souebsxt and Piktbo Gubiabb;. 

1585, February 12, . Notes of the several Offenses of D. 

Atslowe, Thomas Somerset, and Fetro Gubiare (sic) ; a paper with mar- 
ginal notes touching the offences set forth in the body of the document, 
running thus : — 



By hk owDe 
coDfesaon and 
the E. of 
Anmdel. 
Yf he have 
written or 
pab]iihed the 
libell, it iv 
treason. 

By a letter 
from Horton. 



His owne 
confession. 



^ D. Atslowe 

" A practiser for conveying over of the Earle of Arundell. 

'' A conveyour of moneyes to Seminarie priestes beyond the seas. 

*<A slanderous libell founde in his Studye against the Queues 
Majestic and the Justice of the Bealme. 

''Hathe practised meanes to have furder intelligence with the 
fugitives for their relief and conveying of letters unto them ; and was 
directed by a letter from Horton a Traytour, to make his conveyances 
to the Rector of the Jesuits and to certen Flemishe marchauntes to be 
instrumentes for those maters. 

^^ Hathe had intelligence with Tho. Morgan the Traytour, and sent 
and received messeges to and from him. TUs man is unfitte to beset at 
libertie, if her Majesty shall not please to have him proceded withall. 



His owne 
confessions. 



By letters 
from Tho. 
Morgan. 



" Thomas Somerset. 

*^ He confesseth that sondrie letters have passed betweene him and 
Tho. Morgan but nowe sithence his laste imprisonment. He confesseth 
the sending over of letters and money by Tho. Morgan and Doctor 
AUen, and that he received two severaU letters from Allen. 

'< He excuseth hb sending of letters and money, and receiving of 
letters firom Allen : alleaging that the same was concerning the educa- 
cion of ii boyes, the one his bastard sonne, and the other a bastard of 
his brother Francis Somerset. 

"He hath given money and relived priestes being 'prisoners in the 
Marshalsea. 

^^ He hath ben a deliverer of diverse letters from Tho. Morgan ta 
sundrie personnes in this realme. He hath ben an instrument for con- 
veying over of letters and money to relive the Semynaries beyond the 
seas. 

'' Yt is to be probably gathered by a letter writen to him from Tho. 
Morgan, that Tho. Somerset hath had intelligence with Scottishe 
Queue. 



" Piedro de Gubiaure (tie). 

His offenee is " By his letters in cipher intercepted addressed to Don Bamardino de 
capital Mendofahath wished that this Realme might be conquered by the King 

of Spaigne : and advised him that if any shold be sent hether to treate 
of the conquest, that he shold be a Spaignard and no Italien. 



266 

^To make the meanes of the conquest of England the more ftcile^ 
he delivereth in his letters sundry particularities of the State of this 
Bealme and affection of the evell sabjectes. 

** Uppon his ezaminadons he hathe bokUie confessed his disposition 
to practise for the invading of the reakne, and that he hathe desired the 
same to be performed^ for revense of sundrie wronges by him supposed 
to have ben don to the King of Spaigne by the Queues Majestic. 

** Yt doth not appere that he had any commission from the King to 
deale in any causes as agent here : but was sett on worke to practise 
treason within the reaime by Mendo^a. 

** He hathe ben a continuall inteUigencer for the Prince of Parma^ 
and Mendo9a here in Englande. 

^ Hathe corrupted oerten of the Queues Majesties subjectes^ to 
surprise Flushing for the Prinoe of Parma. 

** Hathe certified the Prince of Parma that somme of her Majisties 
Privie Counsaill have apparted (?) Rowland Teorke to murder him. 



Pbepahations for Bbsisting the Spaniards. 

[1588 ?]. Paper touching England's preparations for resisting the 
Spaniards, running thus : — 

"The opinion of the Lord Gray, Sir Francis EjQowles, Sir John 
Norris^ Sir Richard Bingham, Sir Roger Williams and others, what 
places were most • likely the enemy would land at and what were 
most meete to be done to make head against him, with their answer 
to certeine other propositions and heades set downe by my Lords of 
the Councell. 

'^ Which are the places most to he suspected that the Spaniard in- 
tendeth to land in. 

Milford 
Heylford 
. Falmouth 
Plymouth v 

Torbaye ( 

Portland 
Poitsmouth 

The Isle of Wight J 

Dusse in Sussex "^ 

The Do?mee and 
Marget in Kent 
The River Thamies 
Harwiche 
Yearmouthe 
Hull and Scotland 
Milford for Wales ^ 

Plymouth for the west 
Portland for the middle of the 

west parts 
The Isle of Wight 
Portsmouth and the river of 

Thames 



These are aptest for the Army of 
Spaine to land in. 



Thes are aptest for the Army of 
Flanders to land in. 



How many of these places may 
» bee put in strenght to hinder 
their landinge. 



** Althoughe wee doe suppose the barrennes of the county to be such 
as it is not Ukely to bee invaded, yet touching Milford Haven in respect 
of the goodnes of the same haven wee thioke y t convenient that there 



OoM: bee ;a thuied fiNDbar oiMfipQufioetf rand^^dOa^iiOfffiia itfetteofeTied 
and bad in ftTod^iM andSotf itoinprfabeNtf bovaofaoaii ifsmj^laobbtibea 
tbe gentlemen witb their sennagixicB 'inay bae iOn«iinaiiii«dit» anppty 
the defiilidt o€<flieiumb€r afer^aAidii.'i. 

<j:<'iTbe«easlKL<t9JiyiPl^iteHtb'iflitbotigfatno be4;tha£iiiottiikl7.;|ilace m 
fer tba* it iauofikly ihaitbe.Kiqgiof tl^jma wilLenfagaito faim wkiuB 
the Sleewe (?) before thej have master^ sooote goodbarborrowe of wbich 
Bljnibath is the neecesk. to Spaineand easy to be "^oiuie, speedelj by 
tb^ to be fortified and situate, conurenieat to aend aueocc 'tOi^eititov out 
of Spaine or France. 

•^^ The veason. why Poctiand is alsoe an apt place to land in i^ hit that 
ther is a great harborrowe for all his shippea to ride io« good landing for 
mep, the Isle being won is. a atoong place of retrait, the country 
adjoyniug Champion, wheroi with great iOommoditie hee may macch 
with his whole army* ...;.•. 

" The reason why tbe Downes^ .Maiget imd fhe Thames ore thought 
soe fit landing places is in respect of the commodity of landing and 
neerenes of the Prince of Parma, in whose forces the King of Spaine 
reposeth. 

^^ How in these places order n^a^ he taken to M^er 
their landing [?] IfJiether by fortificatiofi^ assembiie 
of people or both [Py* . 
For Plymouth both by fortification and assembly ^peopie. . . 

^In Devon and Cornwall there ore of trained mea in the Ooanties and 
Stannaries 6,000 men, whioh are- to be assembled' - for the * defence of 
Plymouth, standing equall to both counties, ot which wee are of opinion 
in place of muster dayes, which is very chargeable and in effect to noe 
purpose, that 2,000 of thes should bee assembled together at Plymouth 
under such a generall as shall bee ordeined to governe that Westeme 
Army, to the intent that they may knowe their leaders, bee acquainted 
with wateh and warde, bee throughly instructed to all purposes, that 
on suddaines there may bee no amaze nor confusion. This shall bee 
done thone halfe at her Majesties charge, the other at the Countries, if 
the Countries charge doe not surmount the ordinarie trayinges. 

« For Portland by assembly of men and fortifyinge. 

^ In Dorset and Wilshire there are of trayned men 2,700 men, which 
are to bee assembled for the defence of that place^ and that 2^000 of the 
said nombre showld bee assembled and exercised as before is said at 
Plymouth or in [a] place in Wiltshire appointed, for the Lsle of Wight to 
take Somerset in which there are 2,000 feet. 

^ At Sandtoiche and the Downes by assembiie of men, 

" In Kent and Sussex there are of trayned men 4,500, which are to bee 
assembled in those places for defence there, and ;2y000 of the nombre to 
bee assembled at Sandwitohe to bee governed and exercised as before 
is said for Plymouthe. 

M Soe likewise; &r Nocfelke aod 8uffelke' t^ like lOtder is to bee 
observed. 

'^ Our furthec meaning is that theise garrisons shall semaiae but for 
xx^® dayes, to bee throughly trained and acquainted witi» moamping, 
and then every such 2,00D men in garrison being with thia discipline 
acquainted shall geve example to a great army of raw men, whereby 
1iiere)flhalll||Sno»iMaiDer.«f cimiiiBioaottsA '- 

^^Farther^miaM^oplB^tbat^ptthese ^600 mte^: there shall: ))ee 
20^9 Ca^ptaiiies. ^pfMuit^ having eaich of 100 trained men iUmU i«beVe 



367 

'tuidMDitiMiiicl»i!BB«lKnIt}iftiA9ii ilMiMzAsaemUanlMiliioirey ^milB^ in 
eflliqtditlMsa dall beul,OGO riieniin oHe¥.mnAi\kwBiaD^nBgtiBJ^diBeijtdaBii 
AhoofaoLbi dliivlMt;GlapferfiMifi^tmBlDe fiMy fiv.thotie hfedfc to bexltftite 

uppdukb^iav' thciriliflateniMtsy i-J^Molt order iai U^hsfeiAmwMeddnje^TB^ 

CtheC'gaillBOa. .•.."■•),. ■• •).•.' :i ; i n f . i, ; 

'^ WTkatimkr.t/^t^ /o^ tf^ifigHv^tk the Snft^mpe^lfif force. he -land. 

' ^ Tdr the muttier how^ lo fighfe -with thennemie is ixyhe Mt to the 6^ 
teretion of thii GeMrldl^ only, we give' this ftdvis^, that at hiij^^ding,hei& 
V&ay bee impeached' (if conveniently it may be domi^), and'if he martshe 
forward, that the country be driven soe, as Doe victuall remaine untb 
hiin;btit such as they^^Auin cliWryone' thelre backus (whieh will'*be 
smdliy, that h^ bee kept i^iiskitlg with perpetoall a&arums, bnt in noe 
cias^ tbat anie battkile; bee advtotured ttntiU sath^ 'times, as tUve^ 
Biedtenants bee assembled' to make a grossc itrmy as wee specified 
befote, except uppon speeial* advantage. 

>'<* Faither it is^ thought necessary that in theise two provinces^ and b^ 
other where mtoie lieutenants bee, some- one bee appointed to bee dneft 
toleadethe army, that amende many lieatenancs there may be noe 
strmning'of bnrtesie, least by dehty and eonfbsion great advantage shbuld 
grow^ to tfaeennemy and itieonvenienee to the cctontry; ' Andtherteft)!'^ 
everie Liuetenant coming out any eontry with his' force, his anth6rity 
ites^ te^xtend to governe his company as Oollone!! of that regiment, 
itod soe to be com!mfanded-bj the* Geherall Liuetenant, tts for exieLmpIe hi 
Devon and Corwall there are ten Liuetenants, wberby it may bee 
kttowne whoe shadl command in either as need shall require. 

^^ Whai pr&potition of mem. mUst be prepared fbrarmiesto 'Bewe to 
that ende. 

** Whensoever thennemy shall land, as if at Plymmouth by computation 
of 6,000 men armed and furnished in Devon and Cornwall, we conceave 
that the assistance of Wiltshire, Dorset and Somerset, adjoining to- the 
6,000 men of the west, will make up a sufficient army, being strength- 
ened by the gentlemen and servingmen of the country that shall be 
adioyned, tho not so throughly armed as the rest ; and if it happen 
einter by resistance or contrary. Whether the ennemy land at Portland, 
then the trained soldiers of the West shall repare unto them. And 
fnrthei^'if the invtwion bee in Kfent or to the west of the river Of Thames, 
then the^ shires directed to assist the West may tume to the east along 
the coast. 

* If the armie of Flahders: land to the east of the river of Thames 
then the Fame order is to bee taken with the shires adjoining, namely 
Suffolke, Korfolke,' Essex and the Oitty of London. 

^ Arid because there is a 'speeiall regsard to be had to her MajetitieS 
persons (eio), wee lAiinke it convenient that an Army shonld- bee 
provided to that end, 4;0>^bee < compounded . of' subh Coujoties ^ ite^^are 
reserved f^r- thai purpose, to joyne with the fe^roes of London^ and 
such as' may bee armed>otit;^ her Majesties stoares. • '• • a- 

^^Pnrthef ttfeere genetidlf ^or thenetiease of 'footmen laeking'ai»tt^itt^^we 
thinke it fitt that there bee of the able men unarmed, whefof elioisei^iAiC^ 
faeeimadaito.|»yile withitbe^itaijinai mfrnt-emvoed-ime JowrtbipaBtf/more 
olitha aduohj 9f^immafu\mi pikss^jvidtjiOiJbiMs^iori piooridiiig itfae^stfUoh 
weapons ihereroBuat ke ..a|^0e4y^^ieiiidoa^cbeibg<tfaio8e thiiti thi» 
doth fumishe. ..»..• . i: . . . . .^ j i ./• ' » • 



268 

** Alfloe for th'encreaM of anned pikemen, in this time of fctrdty of 
armor we thinke good that all the armed bill men bee armed pike^ 
meni and that able billmen nnarmed should bee levied and chosen in 
theire places^ because the ranckes of bilmen in battaile are invironed 
inth pikes, for the billmen serve espeeiallj for ezecncion of the ennemie 
in battaile overthrowne, but here is to be noted there must be reserved 
a fewe armed billmen « or halbards to garde ther rancks wherin the 
ensignes and drommes Ac. are place (nc) in battaile. 

^ Also for asmuch as upon any sudden invasion jt would bee to late Uy 
provide those thinges necessary for defence, it is thought good that a. 
stoare of ordonnance and municion bee provided beforehand as also 
powder spades and all other furniture to be left at the forenamed 
garrisons. 

^It is alsoe provided that at these generall assemblies, assemblies for 
trayninge as well horsemen as footmen may be exercised and to that 
end, and that Plymouth, Portland, Sandwich and any other place that 
shall bee thought fit to have the like trayning, the horsemen of the next 
adjoyning connties bee brought together as namely at Plymouth those- 
of Devon, Gomewall and Sommeraet, at Poitland Dorset, Wilts, Hamp- 
shire and Bercke, at Sandwich, Kent, Sussex, Surrey, and soo foorthe ; 
but because it may fall out that in those plaees appointed for trayning 
of the Infantery there may want a place fit for the horsemen, yt may 
bee left to the discretion of the Lieutenants to choose the fittest plot for 
the cavallary as neere the footmen as conveniently they may. 

'^ Farther as concerning Scotland which landmg wee cannot resiste, 
wee thinke it meete that a strongei proportion be considered of for that 
part, namely 6,000 footmen and 2,000 horsemen whereof to bee a 1,000* 
launces, armes of farr more defence and may bee furnished as good 
cheape as the Jacke and those to bee taken out of the store, if therfore 
the Army of Flaundres shold happen to land in Scotland, wherby their 
forces and strength shall be soe great as the Army aforesaid shall not 
bee able to encounter with them, then wee thinke fit that a good part of 
the Army prepared to garde her Majesty shall marche to ioyne the 
army of the North aeainst that ennemy and joyne with the trained men 
of that countrey, anS the army of the West to bee brought to supply 
that charge. 

** It it most earnestly to be considered that the King of Spaine is not 
hopeles of some Papistes and malcontents all which, if these small 
regiments before spoken of bee not in readines, it will be to late both 
to assemble them tor resistance of the forreigne ennemy, and withstand 
them at home both in one day, for every one shall stand in feare of 
fiering his owne bowse and destruction of his owne fiunily. Therefore 
if any sturre should happen some proceeding or execution towards such 
offenders wold be used by Martiall lawe. 

*^ And to conclude when it shall be bruted in Spaine that there are at 
Plymouth and other places such a nombre of armed soldiers under 
ensignes and leaders the numbre will be said to be double or treble, soe 
as the King of Spaine by good probability that those soldiers and such 
as are at other place on the coastes in like readiness are determined to 
land in Portingall or the Indines (sic), the same opinion fortified by 
preparation of many ships as are given in charge to be made ready by ' 
Sir Erands Drake. 

** Wee thinke it alsoe necessary that throughout ail the counties of the 
Bealme this proportion as well* amongst the anned and trained as the 
unarmed Pikes and Bills bee observed, that is to say that of every 
hundred theie bee 80 Pikes and 20 Bills. 



269 

^ Wee thinke it neoessary also that some orders and provicion be taken 
by their Lordshipps that her Majesty's ships bee not entrapped at 
Rochester.** 

As this paper was found amongst the Pepjs Papers, which Mr. J. 
Eliot Hodgkin acquired in 1889, there is reasonable ground for thinking 
the document may have been in Samuel Pepys*s custody, and, moreover, 
that it may be one of the writings touching the Spanish Armada, which 
in one of his printed letters John Erelyn speaks as having been lent by 
him to Pepys, and as not having been returned to him by the borrower. 

JoHK Ibelondb of London, Tailor. 

1590, November 30th, Manor of Richmond. Privy Seal addressed to 
John Irelonde, for a loan by way of benevolence of 50/., it being 
promised that the same loan i^all be repaid ^^at th*end of one year." 
The receipt of John Ireland, taillor, Bredstreet Ward, Ix>ndon, shows 
that the money was repaid to him on 20th June 1592. 

R. Ybbbight to Mb. Ekqushb. 

1594, May 28th, London. Letter from R. Yrbright to Mr. Englishe 
at the Receipt of the Exchequer ; in which '^ good Mr. Englishe '* is 
entreated to ^' further this b^urer John Wright for the receipt of the 
mony due to the writer, for his quarter's paye now due at mydsommer." 
To account for his action in sending a messenger for the money, R. 
Trbright says, *^ that because of her Majestyes progressed cannot come 
myselfe unto you, because my service bindeth me to attendance." 



A Messengbb's Payment for riding with Lettebs. 

1596, March, [ 1 Petition of David Jenkins, one of the messengers 
of Her Majesty's Chamber, asking allowance for his pains and charges in 
rydinge in haste at the command of the Right Hon. Sir John Fortescue, 
knt, from his house in London with letters to the Customer and 
other officers of the porte of Southampton, thence to Poole, co. 
Dorset, with letters to the Customer and officers there, thence to Way- 
mouth, with letters to the Customer and officers there, thence to Way- 
mouth with letters to the offycers of the portes there, thence to Exeter, 
CO. Devon, with letters to the Customer and offycers of the porte 
there, thence to Dartmouth with letters to the offycers of the porte 
there, thence to Plymouth with letters to the offycers of the porte there, 
thence to Fowey, co. Cornwall, with letters to the offycers there, 
thence to Bridgwater, co. Somerset, with letters to the offycers of the 
porte there, and in '' stayinge in those severall places for certificate and 
letters of answere tenne daies," and in retumine to his house again 
with answere. Instead of making definite prayer ror the sum due to him 
at the ordinary rate of official payment, David Jenkins at the close of 
the letter " prayeth to have allowance for his charges and paines to be 
'V rated by the Right Hon. Sir John Fortescue, knight, Chauncelor of the 
** honorable Court of Exchequer, and paid by one of the Tellers of the 
** same Court." In a postscript David Jenkins begs that the allow- 
ance accorded to him may be made with due considertaion for 
** the greate dearth " and the length of the journey. " For," he con- 
cludes, ** everie thinge is soe chargeable both for our horses and our 
^ selves, that we cannot travell with such allowances as heretofore we 



;270 

of 700,19^1109,^4 ten 44tjB';^7;iii th^ |ow^^%fi«ifaigj^;popaaf . ,. ^ , 



WpM^j^PoNB qpojtt Diy^^a. of tie CJxj^isn'^s JRousfis,' j 



{ 1 



1$98, December atad Jaatiarjr. -A bteviiite ^if tht extraoiHJiriii^y 
charges ex^ixdydoil sorfrfry' Tie^'MaJMl^'Bo'^itei'lti the mcmethesJ'^ 
Decembet and Jannai^ last, 1598.— i2l5^. 1'3^^/ B^'d- : the iiottaed b^ftig 
We8tmiii(ster, Sbknetset Houde, Rychmoiiiity'iiniiGrtnwiehv'l^dl&^Hrbrk 
done for 106/. 13^. Od,y the first charge of the bill, is set forth in the 
following words : — ^ Westminster in framing and setting np new pales 
" and rayles in tht lyityard, a neW^slnce in me garden, reparing of tho 
". Slawglitfii; -apup^r bridge,,, i^jalflpg, ^^r partidofts^ Jpj^ngj ^f^id 
'^ bourdingj^i^nd^yjaower^y m^kijtigjj^y, the great ci^a^ (. . 

<^ syde for, the p^ayes^ yiz^ setting .^p degrees tables, fpuro^e^^ and cnb-; 
'* border 4&C, agajnst xptomas, setting .up rayles in sondry pysjeing placed 
^ about the howse,; wi^ ;^erW dores wynd^^s ^^ making it i^ew bri^lge^ 
^' in Grays Inne feldes, making sondry new raundges furnyses and 
^ boyling places in the kytchens for boyhng of the boars and bryne &c.y 
" tyiing over sondry lodges .rep^fing the entvyeff j an^ passages with new 
'^ paving tyles, also sowdring of leades and gutters and laying new lead 
^ in diverse places, lathing with lyme and hear (sie) decayed ceelitlges 
'^ wf^ls and particions, wiui new joyiied - workes* lettyses &e. «bouti4the 
*^ howse new matting and duly mendii^ ^ndry lodges about the howse^* 
*' new graveling the hie way all along the Tyltyard, with new Jroa 
'^ workes glasing &c. As appeareth by K monthes booke» ^^^oach 
** paartictilier inore at large*— cvi/. xiiii-.** /-r 



Pakticulabs of Thqiias Tichbobne's B9GA?b from the -^G^tehousb 

Prison. 

1598 November 3rd. Xhe examini^tion of Thom.a3 H»ukphaw, taylor^ 
tak^n 3rd November . 1598.-^" The Examinate dothe cpmess that he 
h^tb . been famiUiarly acquaipted with NichoJIas Titchborn^ who is 
brother unto Thpmas Titchborn a seminary preist, and that the saad 
N|icholas did rej^Ir unto, tbi.3 Examinate, and did .will him U> provide a 
suite of aparrell ,with a ,cloake. boots and i^urres, and all pther 
n^ce.asary garments, with rapier and dagger, <^i„ and that the said 
apparell should be made to fitt the said Nicholas, and something larger, 
an4 (paused this Sxaminate to take measure of the said Nicholas, and then 
tti,e said Nicholas Titchbom did deliver to this Examinate pertain monie. 
(as he thinketh amounting to the ^um of xiiii/e,) and at severall ^roes). 
after this Examinate did receive of the said Nicholas and Thoma^ Titch-. 
borp the preist so muche monie as with the former .somme of xiiii^ did 
amount unto xxmli or thereaboutes, of which monie be did deliver backe 
i^aineXas he. saith), unto the said Nicholas ^^itjchborn,. for his. brother 
til^e .preist the Qonume of. v/t. Of tbeis monJes so received as aforesaid 
tms Examinate bought for the Bj^id preist^J^e said appareil, and.* guildinij 
with furniture appertaining unto him; and t^is Examlpate doth^, 
confeii^ that he did some tymes use meanes ami devices to. opeake with^ 
the paid preist whilst he was prisoner in the Qnte {louse^.and that he^ 
1^ acquainted with.. the .preists escape, being made prjvie ^hereto by 
tibe^said Nicholas Titchbom, and this Examinate dothjoh^e t^at he isi, 
ipi^ conference with the preist, but at one time jin the Gatehouse^ which 
^^.woen tl^ ^aid jpreist did retom frpm tl^e. house of ease .to hi^L 



271 

-ekm^i^at wliichiighBe Ae^^sifiiLiTlioiiiafrirTitehbbn^'jdid 
^hisBsmiQinat a bagg o£>modkirdth;jarBQt&iathe('bag^<howitib««»i(l 
moneys shoald be disbursed. Jdifter the . aud appareU waa maddifedyy 
and the horse bou^t for the feid preist's eiscape, the said If idbolas liMi- 
barn' didsay unto this Examinat, that tbc^ had a pnrp«ae; ito eteape at 
a tymev when his brother the pceiat should be sedt for to beeKaipil^ad by 
Mr. Waad the Clarke bf the Coansdl^; and (aii -he ^iih)i the pV)lwa^ 
.laid far thisesoape^ but QotdisooTered tpr this^ExamiJMt untill JiMitjvery 
instaaiy wJben yt w,aJB put in execudoiti^ at wliioh tjrib^the said Tit^bbdim 
coming to the shopp where this Ejcaminat dul!Work49,'CoiB/raiadhet 
^ goe with me for the.tyme is now and all tiluoga.iiedy for. perfonnanoe 
of the plot for my brother's eacspe/ whereupon this Kxaminat pwjenHy 
stept into the house and took up a rapier and diM^iv with bim and wen^t 
wiUi the said Nicholas, till they cam; to' the ^e bear Weslmittatery 
wheare yt was.'ment ihey should' tecape, and this Bxan^inate-stayod 
iheare walking to and froe aad by 'Whithallt' ^^^ the said Nicholaa 
•went &om him, fbr to tell the keeper that be should bring his brother 
unto Mr. Waad to his lodging at Chatingcrose, for that he would speake 
with him, and as he retomed to the asid prison againe, this Examinat 
todke his opertnnity and cum behind the keeper, that went with the 
prisoner, and with the liilts of his sword strake the keeper on the head 
that he fell to the grounde, and soe the pr^st escaped. He dothe 
lurther confesse that there was nothing promised hhn for his assistance, 
but the cause why they did intreat him herein, and wherefore he did 
on his part undertake yt was, they knew him to be a Oitholieke^ and 
one that would undertake suche a thinge for the release of a preisU 
Signed^— W. J. Waad, J. Grange." 

Writing from the imperfect instroction of Dr. Champney^s '^mannv 
sciipt history," Dr. Challoner is at fault on one or two points .in whaft 
he says about Thomas Haukshaw in Memoirs of Musionary Prietti. 
Gtiving him the 6rr<Mieous surname of ** Hackshot," Dr. Ohalloner speaks 
of Thomas Haukshaw as '' a stout youDgman," without saying any^iiag 
of the young man's industrial vocation, which qualified him to midee the 
secular apparel in which it was designed thAt the priest should make 
his esoape into the country. It is needless to say that the courageous 
young tailor died bravely at Tyburn on 24th August 1601, for his part 
in the escape of Thomas Htchbom, the priest, XhaX Nicholas Titehlwm 
was executed at Tyburn on the same day, the aforesaid Thomas Titchbom 
-the priest having been executed at lybum on 20th April 1601. 



Nicholas Ticheobnb's Confession of his Fabt in his 
Brother's Escape. 

1590, June 16. The Examinacion of Nicolas Tuchebome of . • . 
.within the countie of Hampshire, bro .... Tucheborne prieste 

.sometymQ. prison taken before John Grange esq. ' • • . 

jfustice of the Peace for the coun .... the xvl^ of June 1599. 
^dorsed, '^Th.e Examinacion of Nicholas Tucheb):)]:ne il^usant ^a 
Sf^minary jpriest escapci," and running thus— ^' This Examinant. bein^ 
jcbargedwitfa,therescuinge and convayinge ; . . . his.broth^ Thomas 
Tuchebome a Seminarie prieste from one of the .keepers of the Gratei^o^ae 
at Westminster. Jbiayli\ge him in charge sayeth and con^esse^ ^t trifc ;t 
ifl.'hedid knowe that a gueldinge was bought. in So^ythfielde by, pi^e 
!Ehomaa Haukshaw^ for & brother to escape withall from the ^teb9WS0 
where he laye prisoner, but beinge prevented and that, this p)ott,9f 



272 

•escatnnge discovered he imported and deelte with this eTiminant for 
his escape some other waje, and as it shonlde seeme having contrived 
his plott before hande with the sajde Haukeshawe he sent this .... 
tent unto him to will him to do as he had apojnted .... used 
these wordes then to imparte the matter . ... at large which hee 
did vidx that he together with this Examinant should goe and make 
^urvaye of some fitt and certen place for him to be rescaed by them and 
by that ther meanes to escape eyther goinge or cominge from Mr. 
Waade one of the Clarkes of the Conncell at Charinp^ CroBse, and saith 
that the sayde Haukeshawe together with this Examinant went and made 
sarvaye of some fitt place for theire porpose and apoynted the sayde 
Haukeshawe to stand at the end of Channel! Bowe attendinge the sayde 
Thomas Tachebomes goinge to Mr. Waades lodginge, and the sayde 
Haukeshawe strik up the keepers heeles whereby this Examinants 
brother might make an escape, and this Examinant doth further oonfesse 
that he was the means to gett his brother at that tyme to be sent for to 
Mr. Waades, and that as this Examinant and his brother together with 
his keeper were retominge from Mr. Waades lodginge to the gatehowse 
the sayd Haukeshawe stand[ing] at the place i^ynted did, as it was be- 
fore concluded betweene this Examinant and him, strike upp his brotheis 
keepers heeles, and by that meanes his brother escaped. This Examinant 
fiyinge with him thorowghe Ohannell Bowe to the water side, where they 
cauled for a boate, wherein they went both together to Parish (nc) 

Garden steares, and went both together to St. Mary Overy 

Winchester Howse, where his brother willed him to staye untill his 
cominge agayne unto him, And sayth that he stayed there some three 
quarters of an bower expectinge his cominge, but from that howre to 
this he never sawe him or harde from him, only he had notice .... 
before by the sayde Haukeshawe to goe to the signe of the Bears in 
Beaddinge where he shoulde heere of his brother, but the daye apoynted 
was past before this last escape, Wherwppon this Examinant b^ng 
distressed went to one Thomas Kerrye a gentleman dwelling near 
Bedding to be advised by him beinge a caUiolyck, whoe woald not 
advyse him any thing. And this Examinant being dentaunded bowe and 
with whome he hathe lyved ever sithence the tyme of his brothers rescue 
sayth that presently he went to a brother in lawe which he hathe that 
keepeth a park of Sir Edward Grevell at Melcott in Woostershiere, so 
he taketh it, whoes name is Wyllyams, with whome he made his abood 
ever .... J. Grange." — ^The paper being so much worn and 
frayed, as to be illegible in the places indicated by dots in this printed 
copy. 



Obdinabt Chabges at Chatham. 

1600, October Ist^ Chatham. Certificate of the ordinarye charges at 
Chatham for the moneth of September last past, as well for wages of 
all sortes of shipkeepers, entertainment of clarkes, and for watchemen, 
howse-rentes, grownd-rentes, and such like ordinary charges, as allsoe 
for waiges, bord-waiges, lodging of shipwrightes, caulkers, toppe- 
makers, howse-carpenters, joyners, oaremakers, and such like artificers 
and klK>rers, and for provicions of sondry natures incident to carpentry 
worck donne in Harboroughe theare for the use of her Majesties 
shippes, &c. — ^The charges for the month amounting in all to 986/. 9f . 2d^ 
and the bill being signed at its foot by Foulke Grevyll, Henry Palmer, 
and Th. Trevor. 



273 

The Lords of tlie Council to the Lobd Chancellor. 

1601, January 31st, Whitehall. Privy Council Warrant, in the form 
of a letter from Lords and others of the said Council addressed to the 
Lord Treasurer, who is thereby prayed to give order, in the exercise 
of the authority given him by a certain Privy Seal dated by her 
Majesty on the third day of January 1699, for payment of 2,216/. 13*. 4d, 
to John Wood of London, gentleman, in accordance with the terms and 
conditions of a certain contract, made on the 13th of December last 
passed between his lordship and certain of the Lords of the Privy 
Council of the one part and the aforesaid John Wood of the other part, 
whereby the same John Wood undertook to provide "a oertaine 
" proporcion of victuales to serve for the victualing of the nomber of 
" 4,000 men for two monethes serving in the province of Mounster 
** in her Majesty's realme of Ireland," and the aforesaid Lords of the 
Privy Council, acting in her Majesty's behalf, agreed ** that the said 
** John Wood should receive and have the somme of fower thousand 
*^ fower hundred thirty and three poundes six shillings and viiidf. 
'' for the foresaid proporcion of victuales," of which last-named sum the 
same John Wood did receive the sum of 2,216/. 13*. 4</. beforehand, 
and is still to receive the second moiety of the 4,433/. 6*. 8d., the officers 
of the ports, ^' from whence the said victualle<i were to be transported," 
having duly certified their Lordships ^' of the ladeing the whole comple- 
ment of all the said rictuales and of the goodnes thereof." 

Payment of Hbr Majesty's Forces in the Low Countries. 

1601, May 4th. Account of the moneys assigned for V A. moneths 
** paie for hir Majesties forces in the Lowe Countries, beginnynge the 
^^ ziiith of Maie and endinge the ixth of June 1601." The said moneys, 
amounting in all to 1,488/. I6s, 0(/., included the 28/, allowed to " Greorge 
^* Guilpin, esquire, Councellor for her Majestic with the States in the 
^ Lowe Countries at xxs. per diem per hebdomad vii/f. for a moneth 
** xxviii/t.," and the 42/. assigned to William Meredith, paymaster, for 
his own wages at lOs, a day, and for the wages of his four clerks, at 5s, 
each a day. At the foot of the account appears Paymaster Meredith's 
letter, dated 4th May 1601, asking Lord Buckhurst to give direction to 
Mr. Skinner for the delivery of the said 1,488/. I6s, Od. to him, by 
virtue of the Privy Seal, dated the 16th November 1598 ; at the foot 
of which letter appears the minister's note of direction, to wit, 
" Mr. Skinner make an order for payment of this. — 12 May, 1 601 , T.B." 
From Paymaster Meredith's letter it appears that Messrs. Urie Babing- 
ton and Robert Broumleie of London, merchants, had already ^* made 
over by Exdiainge and paid the aforesaid somme" of 1,488/. 16^. to 
John Meredith, l£e Paymaster's brother and Deputy at Midlebroughe. 

Payment of a Messenger for riding with Letters. 

1602, December 8. Petition of Thomas Evans, one of the ordinary 
messengers, for an allowance ^ to bee allowed by the Eight Hon. the 
*^ Lord High Treasurer of England, and to be rated by the Worshipp- 
^< full Mr. Vincent Skinner, and to be paid by one of the tellers of Her 
** Majesties Boceipt," for the petitioner's charges, travell, and paines in 
ryding with letters from the Lord Keeper of the Qreate Scale of England 
and the Lord High Treasurer of England, directed unto Lords and 
ladyes into divers sheeres, for the payment of the seacond part of tho 

a S8428. S 



274 

seacond subsidy granted to Her Majestie by the last parliament at 
Westminster, to wit, a letter to each of the following persons, the 
Earle of Nottingham att the Court, the Earle of Sl^ewsbury, the 
Earle of Goomeberland, the Earle of Eutland, tiie Lord Compton, the 
Lord Burleigh, the Countesse of Huntington, the Countesse of ButJand, 
the Countesse of Essex, the Lady St. John of Bletso (the seacond 
dowager), the Countesse of Kent in Essex, the Lady Cheyneyes at 
Tuddington in Bedfordsheere, the Lord St. John of Bletso of the same 
shire, the Earle of Kent in Bedfordsheere, the Lord Mordant in 
Korthamptonsheere, the Lady St. John of Bletso (the first Dowager) 
in Warwicksheere, the Earle of Huntington in Leistersheere, the 
Earl of Bedford in Butlandsh6ere, the Countesse of Shrewsbury in 
Darbysheere, the Executors of the Lord Darsy in the North (with 
another letter from the Lord Treasurer to the same Executors), the 
Lord Bevere Steward at his house in YorcL^heere, the Lord Wharton at 
his house in Westmorland, the Lord Scroope at Carlile, and for the 

petitioner's charges and pains in journeying back to Lord 

Allowance made, 10/. Signed,— T. IBuckhurst. 



Pebsons Bbfusing to pay their Pbopobtioits of a Subsidt. 

1602, December 9. Petition of Francis Goodwin, one of Her 
Majesties messengers, praying that allowance may be made to him by 
the Bight Hon. Sir John Fortescue, knt., Chauncellor of Her Majesties 
Exchequer, to be paid to him by one of the tellers of the Beceipte at 
Westminster, ^'for his traveU and charges in Her Highnes service, 
'* beinge sent by the Barrons of Her Majesties honourable Court of 
^' Exchequer to bring in dyrers persons to the number of thirtiCi 
*^ dwellinee in and about the cittie of London, which refused to paie to 
" the Coliectours suche somes of mony as they were to paie to the said 
*^ collectors for Her Majesties subsidie." Allowance ordered ZOs, — 
Signed, J. Fortescu. 

The Catholics of England to Jambs I. 

[1604, temp. James L] Petition of the Catholics of EngLind to James 
the First, praying the King to grant them *^ the free use of ' their * 
<< religion, if not in publick churches, at least in private howses, if not 
" with approbation, yet with toleration without molestation.'' A 
prolix composition without a date. 



From Jambs I. to Sm John Stanhope. 

1605, July 20th, Westminster. Letter under the signet and sign- 
manual of James the First, addressed to Sir John Stanhope, the king's 
Tice-Chamberlain ; Bequiring the same Vice-Chamberlain to pay within 
twelve days into the Beceipt of the Exchequer the sum of 200/., which 
sum the same Sir John acknowledged his ability to lend the kin£^ by 
way of benevolence in a list made and offered by the members of the 
Privy Counsell to his Majestie, ** in which list " runs the letter, 
*^ you have rated yourself at the somme of twoe hundred poundes, for 
** which wee can do no lesse then signifie unto you by this testimony of 
^* our hand in how thanckfulle parte wee take your readines therein to 
^ do us service," 



275 



Habgobuzibbs or Dbagons. 

[1606, temp. James I.] Warrant, directed by Sir George More of 
TiOBeleyHotiseco. Surrey to the High Constables of the Hundred of Farn- 
hnm; Commanding them ^^to charge all those "whose names are here liinder- 
^* written to provide and showe at Browninges Down on Wensday the 
** twelfth of Mardi next before the Deputy Lieuetenants suche horses 
** and soe furnished as is hereunder expressed." The underwritten 
directions, touching the equipment of horses and horsemen, afford the 
following particulars respecting the earlier dragoons of the sevenfteenth 
century, to wit : '^The armes of a hargobuzier or dragon, which hatlr 
^ succeeded in the place of light horsemen, and are indeed of singular 
^ use almost in all actions of Warre ; The armes are a godd hargbbus or 
** dragon fitted with an iron worke, to be carried in a hehe, a belte "with 
*^ a flaske, priming box, key and bullett bagg and open heade-peece 
** with a cheeke, a good buffo coate with deepe dkirtts, sword, girdle 
** and hangers, a saddle, bridle, bitt, petreU, crooper with strappes for 
** his sacke of necessaries, and a horse of lease force and lesse price then 
^* the cnirassier.** — ^The warrant is not dated, but the well-known record 
•of Sir George More of Loseley, who was Lieutenant of the Tower temp, 
James I., indicates the period of the writing. 



Wakning to Lord MotrnxEAGUE, 

1606, Contemporary copy of the well-known letter to 

Lord Mounteagle, advising him to keep away from Parliament and to 
withdraw into the country, where he may expect the event in safety. 
Differing in some minute particulars from the original epistle of Wfltrx^ 
ing;.and displaying at the foot of the paper a memorandum^ by another 
hand, of the parous of gunpowder,* fagots and billets laid under the 
House. 



Cbbtificates of Dkath. 

1605-1604. Certificates of deaths of individuals^ entitled during their 
lives to periodical payments from the Exchequer ; made by o£Scial 
persons, fi>r the information and guidance of ofiicers of the Exchequer. 
Writings of only the slightest value at the present date. 



HsNBY Bbady and William Davys of Norfolk. 

1607, April 20th. Letters of attorney, dated by Henry Brady of 
Denver co. Norfolk, gentleman : Appmnting William Davye of Xinges 
Lenn oo. Norfolk, gentleman, to be the writer's attorney " to receyve of 
the kinges most excellent Majestic the somme of twentye poundes,'^ 
in repayment of the 20/. lent unto his Majesty and paid into ,the hands 
of Sir Charles Comwallys knt. for the "Kin^s use by the same Henry 
Brady on November 7th, 1604. 



SiB Richard Beaumont and Eichard Saltonstall. 

1608, July 7th, [ ]. Appointment, under the hand and seal of 

Sir Eichard Beaumont of Whitley co. York, knt., of Eichard Saltonstall 
of the Middle Temple gentleman, to receive for the said Sir Bichard 

B 2 



276 

BeaumoQt to his use the sum of 20/. ^' heretofore lent by '* the same Sir 
Richard '^ unto the Lord King's Majestie as appeareth bj the endorse- 
'^ ment made upon one Frivie Seale by one Thomas Scudamore Esq. 
'* his Majesties receivor in the North Parts for the receipt of the said 
** summe." 

Robert Stanesby of the County of Southampton. 

1608, October 25th. Petition of Robert Stanesby, gentleman, 
collector of His Majesty's subsidies in the division of Basingstock and 
other hundreds of the county of Southampton, to the Rt. Hon. Sir 
Julius Caesar knt., Chancellor of the Exchequer, and one of his Majesty's 
Privie Councell ; Premising that the said Robert Stanesby intends to 
pay instantly into the Receipt of the E3Lchequer 249/. ISs. 4d.j ^^ being 
" of the last remayne of the whole charg of his sayd collection of 
'^ 409/. ISs, 4td.^^ and then Praying for an allovrance of two Pryyie 
Scales of 20/. a piece of two of the petitioner's poor neighbours, '^ the 
'' one of Thomas Jefferies of Weston in the said county yeoman, who 
^^ was utterly unhable at the first to have lent the same, and ever 
'^ sithence bee lent it hath paid deere interest for it," and '' the other of 
'^ James Arnewood in the said county, gentleman, one that hath verie 
" great neede thereof." At the foot of the petition an order, in Sir 
Julius Caesar's handwriting, for the allowance of the said two Piivy 
Seals, dated 2dth October 1608, and signed — Julius Caesar. 

Payment to Inigo Jonbs. 

1609, January 1st. Letter flrom Sir Thomas Chaloner knt. to the 
Erl of Sarisbury, Lord High Treasurer of England : Moving the Lord 
Treasurer to order an additional payment of 150/. to be made to Mr. Jones 
(Inigo Jones), who has this afternoon asked for the said sum, for which 
he ^^ hoopeth to discharge the residue of that wurke, which apperteineth 
to the Shewe." With an autograph note on the paper, addressed to Mr. 
Bingley (?) for the immediate payment of the said sum : — '^ Mr. Bing- 
ley (?), let this money, videlicet, one hundred and fifty /»• bee presently 
payed to Mr. Jones. Let an order bee forthwith made for the same, 
and brought or sent to me, and I will signe it and send it to my Lord 
Treasurer for his hand^ for this busines must endure no delay. I January 
1609.— Your loving friend, Jul. Cassar." Endorsed " 1 Januarii 1609, 
Inigo Jones for provision of barriers." 

PUNISHIIBNT of SCANDALOUS OFFENDERS. 

[1609 ?] Order for the punishment of John Andrewes and Edward 
Arthur, running thus, on a frayed and defaced paper. — '* And .... 

. dered by this Courte that John Edward Arthure, 

who are termed theii* Panders Ushers and Champions shalbe stript 
naked from the girdlested upward and leade either of them one of the 
eait-horses that shall drawe the carts, whereat the Bawde and Whoore 
shalbe whipt all alonge the streets and places aforenamed, and the said 
Andrewes and Arthure to be allsoe whipt all alonge as they leade the 
horses." 

Ordinaby Charges at Woolwich. 

1611-12, January, Woolwich. Certificate of the Ordinarye Chai-ges, 
sustained at Woolwich in the monthe of January, l^W ; amounting to 



277 

172/. Os, 9d.y paid away for the most part in wages to Watchmen, 
shipp-keepers, 8hipp-wrights,laboarers, scavellmen, and bouse-carpentersy 
the sum of 18/. 17. Od. I^ing disbursed in <^ wages unto Scavellmen for 
** washinge and slabinge the dock booth within and without the gates 
for the better shoring his Highnes shippes, aad dock gates and for 
placing marsh earth without the gates and uppon the apron, with other 
woorke by them donne there." Signed by Gylf Slyngisbie, Bichard 
Bingley, and two others. 



PiUNOE Hbnrt's Reybnue and Disbubsbments. 

1612, May 16th. Tabular statement of the yeai-lie Receipts and 
disbursements of Prince Henry's revenue, amounting in all to 
51,298/. 2s. 6d , the table of receipts bein(> headed *^ Paieable into my 
Treasorie," whilst the table of disbursements is headed "Paieable 
out of my Treasorie." When account is taken of the difference in the 
value of money temp, James I. and the value of money temp, Victoria^ 
this revenue of 51,298/. 28. Qd. seems an exorbitant provision 
for the heir-apparent to the throne. 



Bill of Sir Levtes Lewenob, ISLlsteb of Ceremonies. 

1612, October 21 . The Bill amounting in all to 125/. ids. Od. 

of Sir Lewes Lewknor knight, Master of the Geremonyes, of moneys 
" disbursed this somer in his Majesties service, to wit; (a) 32/. for two 
coaches with four horses a-piece for sixteen days, for Mens' de. 
Schomberg, Ambassador from the Court Palatin, who ^'came to 
London the 21st July and went away the the oth of August" the 
said coaches being in attendance on the said Ambassador during the 
same sixteen days " in all his voyages to the Kinge and Queene and and 
*^ every day after his retorne from the [ ] betweeue London and £eaw 
*^ at 26s. a coche by the daye" ; (b) 12/. for the byre of three caroches 
with four horses to each carocbe, for the service and use of the Prince 
Peretti during each of the four days (12th to 15th August) on which 
the said Prince " went to Wyndeor, Hampton Courte and other the 
Eing^s bowses,'' and 6/. for th^e caroches -and-four,*at the rate of 20«. 
each carocbe per day, for the use and convenience of the same Prince, 
when '' on Wensday 19, he went to Otelands to see Her Majesty, and 
** thence that night to Keaw to see my Lad^ Elizabeth's grace and 
" retomed the next day to London,** it being stated in the account that 
the Prince Peretti first came to London, on the seventh day of 
August; (c) 12/. for three coches for the use and convenience of 
Don Pedro de Cumba, the Spanish extraordinary Ambassador, when 
he took leave of His Majesty at Whyteball on 23rd of September, of 
Her Majesty on 26th of September, of the Lady Elizabeth's Grace on 
30th of September, and of the Prince on 1st Octobei'; (d) 18/. for 
three caroches-and-four, that attended the same Don Pedro de Cumba 
to Dover, that is, for six days' service in journeying to and fro 
between London and Dover; and (e) 2/. ''for two caroches to bring 
^ the Ambassador of Persya to the Courte on fryday 2 of Octobrey 
^* there to take his leave of His Majesty " : — ^the other items of the bills 
being for the travelling expenses of the said Master of the Ceremonies 
and his servants, (whilst in attendance upon the aforesaid Mens' de 
Schombergy Prince Peretti, and Don Pedro de Cumba. 



278 

Oeobge Heathcote of Loades.. 

; 1612, December 12th, Westminster. Letter nnder the Privy S*a! of 
Jalmeff L, addressed to Greorge Heathcote of Loades, requiring of the- 
said Gfeorge Heathcote a loan by way of benevolence of 10/., to be paid' 
within twelve days of his receipt of Ihe same Privy Seal to His Majesl^s: 
Collector Sir Peter Frechevile, knt., at Chesterfield co. Derbie ; it being 
promised that the same loan of 10/. shall be repaid within eighteen 
months next following the receipt thereof. 



Charges of Commusionebs into Lkel4lNI>. 

1613, August 8th to December 19th. Bill, sent to the Lords of the 
Council, of '^ the humble demaunds of Sir Humfrev Winche, knt., one • 
^' of the Justices of the Common Pleas, Sir Chaiies Comwallys, knt., 
,'< Sir Roger Wilbraham, knt., one of the Masters of the Bequests, an4 
'^ Ceoi^e Calvert, esq., one of the clerks of the Councell, sent commis- 
*' sioners into Lreland in speciall service of His Majesty,'* to wit, (a) 41 1/. 
for Sir Humfrey Winche, for his aUowanco of 3/. a day for 13? days, 
from 8th Augtist to 23rd December, and 40/. for cost of transportation, 
post-horses and land carriage for himself, his servants and necessaries 
going and returning; (6) for 233/. for Sir Charles Comwallys fbr 
his allowance of 8/. a day from 31st August to 19th December, 
and 65/. for the transportation of himself and servants, carriage of 
trunks cf apparell, post-horses, and other necessaries from London 
to Dublin, going and returning; (e) for 230/. for Sir Roger 
Wilbraham for '< Ms entertainment " of 3/. a day from 1st September to 
19th December, and 661. lOs. for transportation, land carriage, post- 
hordes, &c., going and returning, and for " the losse of one horse, pnoe 
" 12//"; and (d) 230/. for George Calvert, for his allowance of 3/. a 
day, from 1st September to 19th December, and 40/. for transportation, 
land carriage, post-horses, &c., going and returning. Signed by the 
petitioners and divert of the Lords of tiie Council. 



A Pbesent of Hawks, Dogs, Ac. to the Kwg op Spain. 

. 1614, November 16th. Warrant, signed by Thomas first Earl of 
Suffolk. — ^*' Mr. Bingley. Whereas there is a Privie Scale remayninge 
with yow for the payment of such sommes of monye unto Meredeth. 
Morgan for the preparacion of a present of hawkes dogges &c. to the 
King of Spayne, as shalbe certified under my hand. These are to require 
yow to make an order for the payment of one hundred poundes unto the 
sayde Meredeth Morgan, to be delivered unto Sir Thomas Mounson 
knight, his Majestes Master Falconer for the chaige of transportinge 
of biwkes to Kinge of Spayne." 



Ordinary Expenses at Pobtsmouth. 

1617, April, Fortesmouth. Certificate of his Majesties ordinary 
charges susteined att Fortesmouth within the moneth of April, 1617. 
An. account of two several suras, amounting together feo 1/. 19^. Ic/., 
the larger sum being 1/. 13c/. 4rf., for ** wages dew unto the Clearke of 
^ the Cheque for his daylie attendance there by the space of one whole 
*^ moneth .... after the rate of xxli per f annum ;" the smaller 
'^ sum of 5s. 9c/. being for the '^ waiges of masenes and brii^layers. 



279 

^ wi^ Btnfte for the repayring of the house wherin the dearke of 
** the cheque there dwelleth." Signed by Gylf Slingisbis, Richard 
Bingley, and Matt Breeks. 

William Wabd to Lobd Zouoh, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. 

1618, February 4th, Dover.--Writing from Dover, William Ward 
announces that he has stayed his Lordship's pinnace from setting forth 
on a contemplated voyage, until he shall be more fully informed of his 
Lordship's pleasure on the matter. At the dose of t^e rather obscure 
letter the writer says, <' It is said that Mr. Walter Upton ys desirous 
^ to goe as Captayne and Oeorge Upton his brother as Leiuetenant, and 
^* he the said George to be left in the countrey, there to governe the 
'^ rest, and that the toid George will procure about 80/». to adventure 
^* with Mr. Brames, instead of that part which Captayne Andrew should 
** have adventured. Mrs. Andrew still sayth she will have noe manner of 
^ dealing in the said Adventure." The letter is endorsed, '^ Mr. Ward's 
*^ letter that Mr. Upton is desirous to goe Captayne in the pinnace to 
« Virginia." 

His Majesty's Ships on the Nabbow Seas. 

1618, April 30th. [ ]._An Estymate of theicharge of His Majestiea 
afaippa at the Narrow Seas for a pay to be made to the companies there 
sirvmg and for other charges incident to the same by the space of iiii^ 
monthes a weeke and a day, begun the first day of January 1617 and 
ended the last of Aprill 1618 next following. An aocount of eight sets 
of diarges, signed by Notingham (Charles Howard, Earl of), Sir 
Gylford Slyngisbie, and Riehard Bingley; the first set of charges, 
amounted to 1,620/. ^ being ''for sea wages of o40 men serving his 
** Majestie on the Narrow Seas and coast of Ireland in his Highnes shipps 
^ the Dreadnought^ AdveniurCy Pheenixy Moone and Seaven Starrs 
** by the space of iiii<^ monthee a weeke and a daye begun and ended as 
^' abovesayde at the rate of 14$, each nmn per mensem, which cometh 
^* to SL per man and in all to the summe 1,620/." The Dreadnought 
oarried 200 men, the Adventure 120 men, the Phoenix lOO men, the 
Mwme 60 men, the Seaven Starrs 60 men. 



Obdinaby Chabgbs at Dsptfobd. 

1618, October, Deptford. A briefe certificate of his Majesties 
ordinai7e charges susteyned at Deptford in the moneth of October 
1618 : to wit, 63/. 13«. 6d, in all, paid in wages to storekeepers and 
clerks, laborers, watchmen, and warders, house-carpenters, shipkeepers, 
belonging to the Rainebow and Antelopy and in disbui-sements for Sca- 
velworke and Smithes work. Signed, Edw. Falkener, Gylf Slyngisbie 
and Richard Bingley. 



Negotiations for Spanish Mabbiaqbs. 

[162 .] A Beladon of oarryages of the Marryages that should have 
beoi made betweene the Vtinct of England and the Infanta Major and 
abo afterwardes with the younger Infanta. Bought draft, neither dated 
nor signed nor superscribed, of a long letter (covering six folio leaves 
dosely written on both sides, in addition to the heading and long intro- 



280 

dactonr paragraph), setting forth the oonree of the negotiations for the 
contemplated marriage of the Prince of Wales and an Infanta of Spain. 
In the part of the lengthy memorandum that relates to tiie religious 
difficulty of the project the writer esays, " Thus much I delivered to the 
*' K[ing] and Duke of Lerma, from whom after the delyberacion of two 
'^ moneths I receaved this replie, That the K. his Master, out of the desyre 
'^ he had to make Allyance with his Majestic, had consulted with the Pope 
** and other grave persons requysite for [so] weyghty a buslnesse, and,yf 
*^ that for accommodatinge of matter of relygion^the prince would become a 
" Roniayne Catholique, he would willingly imbraoe and esteeme [him] as 
^' his owne dere sonne, I tould him that in such treatyes and negociacions 
** betwixte Princes there was a^greate differeoce [between] what might bee 
^ wished and desyred and what was resolutely demanded, and that I 
'^ conceaved the K. rather expressed herein what hee would be g[l]ad 
*^ might bee then what hee expected should bee, But that my direccions 
'' weare to intreate this K[ing] that he would be pleased to delare not 
*^ what hee would wyah but what he would demaund. The Duke then ans- 
'* wered that without the Prynces beyn^ a Catholique yt was not possible 
'* that the provission of the King's daughter must needes be hazarded 
" which for the world he would ney ther bee the dyrect nor indyrecte cause 
'< of ; hereuppon I signifyed to the Duke that the King my Master had 
'^ give me direccions and instruccions how to behaTe[my8elf aocordingto the 
" answeare which I should receave, and therefore I entreated him for a 
*' day or two to give me leave to conferre this answere with my direccions 
'' and that he would give me access unto him and procure me andyence 
" with the K[ing] for the farther proceedinge in this business, as the 
<^ K[ing] my Master had oommaunded me. — Within two or three dayei 
'< after I was appointed to retorne agayne unto the Duke, to whom at first 
'< I made a repeticion of the answeare which the htft day I had reoeaved 
" from him the which hee likewise then confirmed. I then desyred him 
'* to consider some few groundes which I should lay unto him, tiiie which 
" being presupposed I conceave<l he could not but thiuke that the replie 
'^ which the King [my] Master had directed me to make was grounded 
^' uppon much equity and honour. The fyrst thing I desired this K[ing] 
^ should consider was that, when hia Majestic dealte with him and his 
<< mynisters, he presumed so much uppon the equitie of this E[ing]0 
<' judgment, and promised himself so much of his afieccions^and respecte 
'^ unto him, as hee should never heare from him any demaund unworthy 
<< of him, or which this K[ing] would not thinke fyttinge to bee propound- 
^ ed unto himself, were the King my Master's case his owne. — The second 
<< thinge I desyred that this K[ing] should knowe and beleeve was that 
" there was no prince whatsoever more confydent and certeyne in the 
^* trueth of his relygion, then the King my Master was in his, in which he 
<' was not only resolved to live and dye, but for the proteccion and defence 
« thereof had by several meanes declared himself as farr, and would ever 
^* be ready to adventure as much for the mayntaininge thereof^ as any 
«< prince Hvinge should doe. — Thirdly I desyred it might be remembred, 
'* that though y t be trewe that the K[ing] my Master caused the proposi- 
'* cion for the Prince with the infanta major to be made, yet he was fyrst 
'^ moved and invyted thereunto by the assurance which this K[ing]'a 
*' Ambassador gave unto him how welcome this motion would bee unto his 
<' Master, And for that which hath nowe passed in this of the second 
^ daughter that hath likewayes only stirred and moved from hence, by the 
^< offer of her made by this K[ing], And to this offer beyng thus aoeom- 
'' panyed with theise demaundes and condicions, I was out of theese 
'< groundes by the dyreccion of the K[ing] my Master to make this answer, 
<* That whereas yt is demaunded that to match with this K[ing]s seeond 



281 

** daughter the Prince i^ould become a Romajne Catholique, the 
^^ K[]iig] mj Master desyres to referr yt to this Kringjs owne judgment, 
^ what censure that K[ing] should deserve, both irom the hands of 
*' God and the World, that havjnge so many wajes expressed his 
** constancie and love to the Fajth and religyon, which hee professeth, 
<< should himselfe so full of impiety and dishonour, as to perswade his 
^* Sonne to make change of his soule for a wyfe^ or any earthly fortune 
** whatsoever, and if this K[ing] would not for a world (as he professed) 
^ be eyther the directe or indirecte cause of the hazard of his daughters 
*^ perversion, the K[ing] may be pleased to consider, that yf hee bee herein 
^ ezacte as befytting a Kinge in poynte of religion and honour, the 
" K[ing] our Master is likewyse so, in noe degree lesse, and therefore 
^ hath commaunded mee playnly to declare, tibat, though he could not 
** but make a kind and princely construcdon of the offer which this 
** K[ing] made of his daughter, as judging her most worthey of any 
** Prince whatsoever,yett for this demaund of the Prince his becomynge 
** a Romayne Catholique the K[ing] my Master holdeth yt unworthey 
** of him, and would absolutely refuse to bestowe the Prince his sonne 
** uppon theese condiccions, were the person offered the whole heyre 
" of the Monarchy of the World." — ^In handwriting of a later period 
of the seventeenth century, the draft is endorsed thus, ^ A Belacion of 
" the particulars concerning the proposed marriage between the Prince 
•* of England and the Infanta's of Spain. Written (I suppose) by the 
^ Earle of Bristol, then Ambassador legier in Spain.'* 

Charoes for ComrEYANCB of the Pbincs's Beds. 

16iJ, March 2nd, . Bill of Edmond Petley and William 

Vincent, two of the Ordinarie Yeoman of his Majesties Chamber, for 
an allowance of 17/. for themselves and their horses, in pay ment of their 
charges and service, in attending " upon the Prince his Highnes bedds," 
at the command of the Hon. Sir Robert Carey, Master Chamberlaine to 
his Highnes, ** from Richmond to Whitehall, fi-om thence to Theoballs, 
" from thence to Royston, from thence to Hinchingbrooke, from thence 
" to Royston, from thence to Theoballs, from thence to St. James, from 
** thence to Theoballs, from thence to Royston, from thence to New- 
« markett, from thence to Royston, from thence to Theoballs, from 
** thence to Whitehall," during fourscore and five days in the months of 
October, November, and December : With the receipt for the same 
account by the said Ordinary Yeomen of the Chamber. 

Expenses of the Pbince's Household. 

1620, July 1st. Acknowledgment, by Sir Henry Fane, knt. and 
Coffererof the Princes House, of his receipt of 1,738/. 18*. 4c?. of current 
English money delivered to him by Sir Adam Newton, knt.. Treasurer 
and Receiver Generall to the said Prince's House, the said 1,738/. 18«. 4f/, 
<< beinge a monthiie assignment appoynted for and towardes the expences 
" of the Prince his Highnes houshold mentayned by virtue of his said 
** Highnes letters of privie scale dormant bearing date the [ ] day of 
<< November anno Domini 1619." 

Boots and Shoes for Pbince Ghablbs. 

1621, May 16th to December 25th. The Bill of David Malough, 
bootmaker and shoemaker to his Highness Prince Charles, for b(x>ts 



282 

and Bhoes provided for the Prince and also for senrants of his High- 
nesses household, amonntine to 219/. 15^. Id, ; the items of the hill 
including hoots and shoes for Mr. Charles Treverse, Mr. Washington, 
Mr. Boye, Mr. John the Spaniard, ** the Singing Boyes/' the pages, and 
Amie Girers ; the charges for boote varpng trom ISs, to lOir. a pair, 
and for shoes from 5s. to 3s. a pair. 

Treasubb Tbote on the Coast of Cornwall. 

1621, June 6th. Aokno^ledgment by William Robinson, gentleman^ 
of the sum of 50/. of Sir Adam Newton, knt. and hart, the Treasurer 
and Receiver Greneral of his Highness the Prince, ^ in fuU payment 
and satisfaction according to the warrant above-mentioned," 4om the 
terms of which warrant Mr. Robinson seems to have been entitled to a 
much lai'ger sum for the service set forth in the same warrant, which 
runs thus, — <' Whereas upon the 23^ of June last it was thought fitt 
and ordered by the Table that Frauncis Goodolphin (nc)> and Nicholas 
Burton eequiers should imploie such persons as they should finde to be 
both honest and sufficient for the discoverie and takeing up of such 
Barres and Ingotts of silver as they should find and discover at or neire 
the place adjoyning to the sea shore within the countie of Cornewall 
where the former Sarres and Ingotts were found and taken upp by their 
direccion and commaund, And for the better carriadge and mainadging 
of the said busines and for the more assurance and certeintie on either 
parte. It was alsoe ordered that such persons as the said Mr. Grodolphin* 
and Mr. Burton should emploie therein, to have the tenth parte, or at 
the most the eight parte allowed unto them of all the mlver which 
should be found and tooken upp, and not to exceede an eighth parte, 
And whereas William Robinson gentleman and others being the last 
sommer imploied in that service by the said Mr. Godolphin whoe by 
there carefull indeavour and imploiement recovered 3 barres weighing 
about one hundred and fowerscore pound weight, and in liewe and 
consideration of their paines and lal>our taken and sustained therein 
Wee have thought fitt to allowe unto them the summe of fiftie poundes,. 
being but the fowerteenth parte of the value of the said silver, which 
wee desier you foorthwith to satisfie and pale unto the said Mr. Robin- 
son for the use of himselfe and such odiers as were imploied in that 
service, Takeing his acquittance for receipt thereof, and in soe doing 
this shalbe your sufficient warrant in that behalfe. From his highnes 
Counsell Chamber in Fleetestreete London, the 5th of June 1621/' 
Signed, Henry . . . . , James Ley, Ja. FuUerton, Tho. Trevor, 
Jo. Walter, and addressed to the aforesaid Sir Adam Newton, knt. and 
bart. Endorsed, '* William Robinsons bill and acquittance of 50/*. ^ 
allowed at the Table, June 1621." 

Repairs of His Highness's House at Shene. 

1621 and 1622. Six leaves of an imperfect book of the charges 
in doinge of sundry nedefull repareations about the Prince his Highnes 
Howse at Sheene in the monethes of December and January 1621 ; 
oontaining several accounts for work done by carpenter John Azstall, 
tiler John Tailer, plasterer Abraham Lee, labourer Thomas Gamble, 
Serjeant Plomber, Abraham Greene, blacksmith John Kele, and glasier 
John Wailand, and their assistants, with receipts of payments for th& 
same accounts made on divers days of July 1622, and the signatures, 
under the Sum Total of the Account, of Inigo Jones and Tho. Baldwin. 



283 

Hiat the pamphlefr-book is imperfect may be inferred from the fact that 
the Snmma Totalis; signed by Inigo Jones and his assistant Thomas 
Baldwin, exceeds the sum of the preserved acconnts by 4/. 13#. 

Payments for Carkiagb of Libttbbs. 

1622, June 8th to 1624, July 22nd. A single leaf (numbered 22) 
taken fitom an aoeount book of payments made for postal service^ oon- 
taining six several entries, the earliest of the entries being *^ To the Lord 
Stanhope Master in part to pay the arrerages of that Office untill the 
last of March, 1622, 1,780/.," followed by «'To John Francis Post of 
^* Chester for transporting letters into Ireland, to Helbree, and back to 
** Chester from the last of March 1623 untill the last of August fol- 
^ lowing — 60/.," and " More to him " to wit, the same John Francis, 
<< for the like transportacion from the first of September 1623 untill the 
'' last of December following 1623-40/." 



Advice goncebning Tbeaties with Spain. 

1623, March 5th. Ws Majestyes Answer to the Committees who 
presented to him the advise of boti^ the Houses conceminge the Treaties 
with the Spanyards. A contemporary copy. 



Charges for the Prince's Journey into Spain. 

1623, March 23rd. Mutilated Schedule of the Acquittances of divers 
tradesmen aad artificers, in respect to their charges and claims, amount- 
ing in all to 9,014/. lit., for providing '^ necessaries for his Highnes 
service and journey into Spaine," which charges and claims were paid 
•by virtue of a Privy Seal, dated 23rd March 1623.— The dates of the 
' payments and acquittances do not appear in what remains of the torn 
and defaced document. 



The King's Speech to the Houses of Pabliami^. 

. 1624, April 23rd* His Migestyes Speech to the Committees of the 
. two Houses of Parliament at Whitehall, 23 of Aprill 1624. A 
contemporary copy. 



The Ajusrat between Thomas Stoubion and Lord Hemby 
Paulbt. 

1625, February 16th. Two Papers relating to the affray between 
Thomas Stourton, esq. and the Right Hon. the Lord Henry Pawlett, to 
wit, (a) The Examinacion of T%omas Stourton, esq., taken before 
Boser Bates, D.D. and J.P., on Feb. 16th, 1625, and (&) The Belacion 
of tne Bt. Hon. Lord Henry Pawlett made on the same day before the 
same Justice of the Peace. Opening with a statement that he met 
Lord Henry at the Playehouse on Wednesday the Sth instant, when 
Lord Henry observing that the play-house was '' noe place to t^e in, 
** desired him to meete him the next morninge at Medley's betweene 7 and 
** 8 of the clocke," Mr. Stourton in his examination proceeded to say that 
he went to Medley's in accordance with the desire of Lord Henry^ and 
there in an upper room was charged by his Lordship with having ^don 



284 

him wronge," and was more precisely accused of having said ^' thai such 
a woeman was his whore," to which accusation the deponent answered by 
denying it ** upon his salvation," and desiring to " knowe the author of the 
false statement." Whereupon, instead of giving the authority, Lord 
Henry gave the deponent a box on the ear, and then drew his sword. The 
deponent went on to say that, in the ensuing affray, ** he gave his Lord- 
'* ship an unfortunate wound, whereuppon they both closed and in 
^ struglinge together and falling downe he lost his sworde, and his Lord- 
'< ship rose upp with both the swords and threw ' the deponent's * sworde 
** downe and said * I coulde have thy life, but I will not be so bloudie ' 
<' and presently fiftinted from the wound he had received." Whereupon, 
the deponent came to his Lordship *' and supported him till the surgeon 
came to him." In his brief relation. Lord Henry Pawllett certified 
^ that Mr. Thomas Stourton having don him wronge in private behinde 
" his backe (which neyther concerned Religion nor State}" he, the 
deponent, ^' accidentalie meetinge of him questioned him " and on being 
answered with a denial ^* in a passion struck him a boxe on the eare, 
" whereupon they both drewe their swordes, and he * the deponent ' 
** reoeivinge a wounde in ther (sic) arme closed with the said Mr. 
^^ Stourton and strucke uppe his heeles and disarmed [him]." At the 
foot of Lord Henry's written account of the affair appears a certificate 
by the Justice of the Peace, running in these words, " I had conference 
** with D'. Winston, my Lord Pawletts physition, and Mr. Preist his 
'^ chirurgion, together, both which did assure me uppon their knowledge 
** there could be no danger of death by the wound that Mr. Sturton have 
" given him. Ita est. Ro. Bates." 



MiSDBMSANOB of Thomas Worlkt, Tallor and Footman of the 
Viscountess of Purbeck. 

1625, April 28th. Court of King's Bench. Four papers touching 
the suspicious action and misdemeanour of Thomas Worley, a 
covenanted tailor and footman of the Viscountess of Purbecl^ in 
attempting to force his way into the presence of the said Viscountess, 
and in threatening to take the life of one Mr. Elwicke, the Lady Pur- 
beck^s solicitor, for preventing him from coming to the presence 
of his €aid mistress at Stepney, to wit : (a) Paper entitled " Articles 
** exhibited by the Right Honorable Frances Vioountess Purbecke 
*^ against Thomas Worley and Daniell Dickenson, supposed actors, to 
'< murder, kill or poysen the said Vicountess, her young sonne or others 
^ with her, attending and doins her service, or some of them." (b) Letter, 
written and directed by the said Thomas Worley to the Rt. Hon. Ladie 
Porbecke, in which the writer expresses in civil and dutiful terms his 
demre to cpme to her Ladyship's presence, in order to learn her pleasure 
respecting him, and tells how he was lately prevented from coming to 
her presence at Stepney by Mr. Elwick. (c) The examination of John 
Yomig, taken on April 28th, 1625, upon his oath, giving evidence that 
on som^ day of the previous week the said Thomas Worley left with the 
Examinate "a letter now delivered to the Lord Chief Justice and 
directed to the Lady Vicountesse Purbecke " ; and {d) The Examina- 
tion of Thomas Worley of the Strand, Middlesex, taken on the same 
28th April 1625, touching the same matter, in which the Examinant 
denied having threatened to kill Mr. Elwick. — ^In the first of these 
docnments, t